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Presidentas, Power and Pro-Women Change

dc.contributor.authorReyes-Housholder, Catherine
dc.contributor.chairRoberts, Kenneth M
dc.contributor.committeeMemberJones-Correa, Michael
dc.contributor.committeeMemberSchwindt-Bayer, Leslie
dc.contributor.committeeMemberEnns, Peter K
dc.date.accessioned2017-07-07T12:48:45Z
dc.date.available2017-07-07T12:48:45Z
dc.date.issued2017-05-30
dc.description.abstractUnder what conditions do women in office leverage their power on behalf of women? Despite Latin America’s deep gender inequalities, women have democratically won the presidency more times here than in any other region in the world. Presidentas could have a major impact on these inequalities because Latin American presidents enjoy vast formal powers. Though similarly situated, Presidents Michelle Bachelet in Chile and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil dramatically diverged in their use of these prerogatives to advance pro-women change. This dissertation solves the Bachelet-Rousseff puzzle with a novel, constituency-centered theory. I argue that female politicians are most likely to deploy their power to promote change favoring women when they have (1) successfully mobilized women on the basis of gender identity (core constituency); and (2) extensively networked with elite feminists and other female politicians (personal constituency). The theory explains why female politicians overall are more likely than their male counterparts to use their power to advance pro-women change, articulates the conditions under which female politicians will make a difference and predicts the kinds of pro-women policies they are most likely to pursue. It therefore provides fresh insights on the benefits and limitations of women’s presence in political office. To illustrate and test this constituency theory, I employ newspaper archives to trace the formation of constituencies of all viable candidates in Chile’s and Brazil’s presidential races from 1999-2010. I then measure the use of legislative and delegative power to advance pro-women change by the winners of these elections with three original databases. Challenging existing theories of representation, the results of the qualitative and statistical analyses support my argument that gendered and sex-related characteristics of presidents’ core and personal constituencies largely determine the extent to which and how they use of power to promote pro-women change.
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.7298/X41N7Z8Z
dc.identifier.otherReyesHousholder_cornellgrad_0058F_10213
dc.identifier.otherhttp://dissertations.umi.com/cornellgrad:10213
dc.identifier.otherbibid: 9948869
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/1813/51646
dc.language.isoen_US
dc.subjectPolitical science
dc.subjectLatin American studies
dc.subjectexecutive branch
dc.subjectfemale presidents
dc.subjectpower
dc.subjectpresidency
dc.subjectGender studies
dc.subjectLatin America
dc.subjectGender
dc.titlePresidentas, Power and Pro-Women Change
dc.typedissertation or thesis
dcterms.licensehttps://hdl.handle.net/1813/59810
thesis.degree.disciplineGovernment
thesis.degree.grantorCornell University
thesis.degree.levelDoctor of Philosophy
thesis.degree.namePh. D., Government

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