Chapter 1 examines the impact of marital dissolution on women's school investment. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 Cohort, I use a semiparametric model to estimate both short-term and long-term effects of marital dissolution on women's school enrollment and educational attainment . The results indicate that women's school enrollment increases by 28% three years after marital dissolution and that the impact of marital dissolution persists 8 yea rs after marital disruption. The impact of marital dissolution is largest for women with an education of a high school diploma or less. Furthermore, the share of income generated by the husband during marriage is positively associated with the magnitude of the marital dissolution effect. I also show that divorced women begin to experience an increase in completed years of education 6 years after marital dissolution, primarily because many of these women are part -time students. Chapter 2 uses variation in the effectiveness of child support enforcement to identify the effect of child support income on paid employment of single mothers. Employing data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation, I find that child support income has a positive effect on the paid employment of previously married single mothers; each $1,000 increase in child support income increases the likelihood of paid employment by 6.7 percentage points. The effect is localized to lower-educated single mothers, for whom a $1,000 increase in child support income increases the likelihood of paid employment by 18.2 percentage points. Chapter 3 uses data drawn from two cohorts of youth from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and 1997 (NLSY79 and NLSY97), we examine the r elationship between teen parenthood and various socioeconomic indicators, with careful attention to the role of family- and individual-level unmeasured heterogeneity. We find that teen mothers in the NLSY79 had a larger employment penalty than teen mothers in the NLSY97, but teen mothers in the NLSY97 had a larger poverty penalty than teen mothers in the NLSY79. The results for men suggest that much of the observed correlation between teen fatherhood and the socioeconomic outcomes studied dissipate when co ntrolling for unobserved family-level characteristics.