REMEMBERING THE ALAMO: WAYS TO INTREPRET WHAT REMAINS
OF THE ALAMO PLAZA COURTS IN A PRESENT-DAY CONTEXT
A THESIS
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School
of Cornell University
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Arts
By
Jessica Kay Stevenson
May 2019
© 2019 Jessica Kay Stevenson
ABSTRACT
This thesis explores the challenges that Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts face today. Often
considered the first motel chain in America, these courts were once one of the most iconic motel
prototypes around the country. Many have been demolished, yet a few still exist. This thesis
traces the history of events in Waco from whence the Alamo Plaza chain originated and, in the
changing hospitality industry in America, provides the context for which the courts developed
and grew as a national chain. It provides strategies for adaptive reuse so that these sites might
thrive once again.
The remaining sites have been treated in different ways and have drastically changed
over the years, yet they share similarities. All were located on frequently traveled commercial
strips that lead out of the city center. As the effects of suburbanization hollowed out American
cities, interstate highways changed travel patterns and the hospitality industry and its customers
moved in new directions. Many Alamo Plazas were forced to reinvent themselves. The sites
have gone through changes of use and partial demolition as the surrounding environment was
transformed.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Jessica Stevenson was born in Lock Haven, Pennsylvania on January 8, 1990. In 2008
Jessica graduated from Central Mountain High School and headed west to California to begin her
university education. While a student at Biola University, Jessica pursued a Bachelor of Arts
degree with a major in Communications, graduating in December 2012. Living in California,
she spent her free time exploring the unique architecture around her. Visits to the Mission Inn in
Riverside and Hotel Coronado in San Diego spurred her interest in hotel architecture.
Jessica began her coursework in the Historic Preservation Planning Program at Cornell
University in the Fall of 2016. After her first year, she spent the summer as an intern in
Pensacola, Florida at the University of West Florida Historic Trust. While in Pensacola, Jessica
visited St. Augustine examining the early 20th century resort hotels that Henry Flagler had built.
As the topic for historic hotels became her passion, she chose to further explore the topic for her
thesis. Jessica graduated on May 27, 2018.
For Tom and Jeanine Stevenson who encouraged and supported me
And for Erin Miller who has been a constant companion throughout many journeys in my life,
including this one.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thank you to Jeffrey Chusid and Michael Tomlan, my thesis advisor and committee
member, for your support during this process.
I would also like to thank the Department of City and Regional Planning at Cornell,
which awarded me a Graduate Student Conference Travel Grant and Graduate Student Travel
Grant. Through this generous support I was able to attend the “Are We There Yet? Roadside
Architecture Symposium in Tulsa” and visit several Alamo Plaza sites in Texas, Louisiana, and
Oklahoma.
Many of the current owners of the remaining locations were extremely helpful and
generously allowed me to tour the sites and to interview them. Thanks are due to Max Lopez Jr.,
who spoke with me in the Beaumont, Texas; to Mr. Patel in Tyler, Texas; and to Jaitendar Patel
at a Savannah location. He shared with me his hopes to return the courts to their former glory.
Thanks are due to Paul Bolster at the Santa Fe Villas, who updated me on the changes at his site
in regards to the Domesticity Competition. Thank you, Professor Nisha Botchwey, from the
Georgia Tech School of City and Regional Planning, who met with me at the Atlanta site and
also provided insight about the Domesticity Competition. Thank you, Kerry McGuire at the
McLennan County Archives, who generously spent one afternoon with me tracing every single
detail about the property at 929 Elm Avenue.
Thank you to Martha Walker in the Architecture, Art, and Planning Library at Cornell
University. Martha was extremely helpful during the early parts of my research process and
helped point me in the right direction. Last but not least, thank you to Sean Sutcliffe at the Waco
Public Library who continuously provided support and helped scavenge for information.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
DEDICATION
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
List of Figures
List of Illustrations
Introduction
Chapter 1: The History of American Hospitality
Chapter 2: The Impact of the Highway in Central Texas
Chapter 3: Waco, Texas
Chapter 4: East Waco
Chapter 5: The Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts
Chapter 6: Origins of the Alamo Plaza
Chapter 7: Current State of the Sites
Chapter 8: Palimpsest and Ruins on the American Landscape
Chapter 9: The Dallas Sign Controversy
Chapter 10: The Atlanta Domesticity Competition
Chapter 11: Motel Revitalization in Savannah
Conclusion
Bibliography
iv
LIST OF FIGURES
2.1. John Charles Nicholson, Meridian Highway International Map
2.2. Map of Texas, 1858.
2.3. The New Road, The Texas Road
2.4. Meridian Highway: The Main Street of North America
3.1. Diversified Farm Crops along the Cotton Belt Route
3.2. Official Highway Map of Texas, 1926
3.3. Map of the Meridian Road, 1915
3.4. Waco City Map, 1915
4.1. The Chisholm Trail
4.2. 1926 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map
4.3. Tornado path of 1953
4.4. Demolition of the Utopia Courts
4.5. July 1889 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map
4.6. 1877 Map of East Waco
5.1. Alamo Plaza Open House Advertisement
5.2. Building permit notice
5.3. Advertisement for the Alamo Plaza
6.1. Proposed development of Planada, CA
7.1. 1926 Waco Sanborn Fire Insurance Map
7.2. 1926-1950 Waco Sanborn Fire Insurance Map
7.3. Close up of the 1926 Waco Sanborn Fire Insurance Map
7.4. Site Plan, Memphis
v
7.5. Entrance Elevation, Memphis
7.6. Apartment Units, Memphis
11.1. Streets where hotels are permitted, Savannah
vi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1.1 The Green Tree Tavern
1.2 The Boston Exchange Coffee House
1.3 Hotel Green, Pasadena, California
1.4 Lake Public Auto Camp Party
3.1 Suspension Bridge over the Brazos
3.2 City Hall Square
3.3 Texas Cotton Palace
3.4 The Elite Café
3.5 Bill Wood’s Famous Food
4.1 View of East Waco
4.2 First cotton gin west of the Mississippi River
4.3 Ferry crossing at the Brazos River
4.4 Demolition of the Utopia Courts
4.5 John Baylis Earle’s Waco Cotton Mill
4.6 East Waco Library
4.7 The Kelly Napier Justice Center
5.1 Alamo Plaza Advertisement Card
5.2 The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments
5.3 The Alamo Plaza
6.1 The Grande Court Tourist Apartments
6.2 The Grande Courts on Elm Avenue
6.3 The Garden of the Bells at the Mission Inn
v ii
6.4 Southern Pacific Advertisement
6.5 Orange Fruit Company fruit label
6.6 Southern Pacific Sunset Route Advertisement
6.7 New Sunset Limited Route Advertisement
6.8 The California Building and Tower
6.9 Photograph of Toledo, Spain
6.10 Watercolor of Toledo, Spain
6.11 Watercolor of Balboa Park
7.1 929 Elm Street, Waco
7.2 Wall ruin at 929 Elm Street, Waco
7.3 Former Alamo Plaza site, Waco
7.4 Alamo Plaza Efficiency Apartments, Houston
7.5 Houston Alamo Plaza Office
7.6 Eugene Taylor at Houston Alamo Plaza
7.7 Houston Entrance
7.8 Exterior, Alamo Plaza Motel, Houston
7.9 Alamo Plaza Motel, Houston
7.10 Alamo Plaza Motel, Houston
7.11 Entrance, Houston
7.12 Efficiency apartment units, Houston
7.13 Row two, Houston
7.14 Apartment with garage, Houston
7.15 Entrance, Houston
v iii
7.16 Right wing, Houston
7.17 Alamo Plaza with sign, Houston
7.18 Alamo Plaza Motor Hotel sign, Houston
7.19 Cash in a Flash, Shreveport
7.20 First and third Alamo Plaza in Shreveport
7.21 Demolition, Shreveport
7.22 Postcard of the third Alamo Plaza in Shreveport
7.23 Front entrance, Shreveport
7.24 Travelodge pool, Shreveport.
7.25 Eastern building, Travelodge, Shreveport
7.26 Northern building, Travelodge, Shreveport
7.27 Southern building, Travelodge, Shreveport
8.1 The American Inn, Tyler
8.2 Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.3 Foundation, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.4 Sidewalk, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.5 Tile, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.6 Empty row, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.7 Remains, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.8 Former walkway, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.9 Two former bathrooms, Deluxe Inn & Suites, Beaumont
8.10 Former pool, The American Inn, Tyler
8.11 Wall, The American Inn, Tyler
ix
8.12 Room markings, The American Inn, Tyler
8.13 Wall, The American Inn, Tyler
8.14 Room markings, The American Inn, Tyler
8.15 Foundation, The American Inn, Tyler
8.16 Tile, The American Inn, Tyler
8.17 Linoleum, The American Inn, Tyler
8.18 Palimpsest, The American Inn, Tyler
8.19 Former rooms, The American Inn, Tyler
8.20 Remains, The American Inn, Tyler
9.1 The Desert Hills Motel, Tulsa
9.2 The Alamo Plaza sign, Dallas
9.3 Star from Alamo Plaza sign, Dallas
9.4 Arrow from Alamo Plaza sign, Dallas
9.5 Sylvan Thirty parking lot, Dallas
9.6 Sylvan Thirty parking lot, Dallas
9.7 The former Alamo Plaza sign, Dallas
9.8 Truck art installation, Dallas
9.9 Truck art installation and Sylvan Thirty Apartments, Dallas
10.1 Entrance, Santa Fe Villas, Atlanta
10.2 Santa Fe Villas, Atlanta
10.3 Units, Santa Fe Villas, Atlanta
10.4 Santa Fe Villas, Atlanta
10.5 41 ECO Living
x
10.6 41 ECO Living History/Context
10.7 Garden
10.8 SRO Housing, Garden
10.9 Leasing Office and Facilities, Garden
10.10 Business and Cultural Hub, Garden
11.1 Alamo Plaza Motel, Savannah
11.2 Canal District, Savannah
11.3 Canal District, Savannah
11.4 Pool at the Drifter
11.5 El Vado Motel, Albuquerque
11.6 Monterey Court in Tucson
11.7 The Thunderbird Inn, Savannah
11.8 Corridor at The Thunderbird Inn, Savannah
11.9 Rooms at The Thunderbird Inn, Savannah
11.10 The Thunderbird Inn, Savannah
xi
INTRODUCTION
A few summers ago my best friend, Erin, and I decided to take the Lincoln Highway on a
return trip from visiting her uncle in Gettysburg, PA. We documented the many exciting sites
along our route such as the Shoe House in Hallam, Mister Ed’s Giant Elephant in Orrtanna, the
old Coffee Pot lunch stand in Bedford, and the Lincoln Motor Court in Manns Choice. Our trip
was a fascinating voyage back in time and we enjoyed the journey more than the destination.
This trip instilled in both of us a fascination for this interesting era in American hospitality and
also a desire to learn more about this period in history. We began to notice relics from this era
that we had passed dozens of times, yet never before appreciated. To someone born in the
nineties, motels also seemed to carry a bit of a tainted reputation. After this trip, however, I
began to notice the different styles and types of overnight accommodations. In fact, there had
been a motor court less than five minutes away from my childhood home that I had never noticed
before. Even when traveling to my grandmother’s house along Route 6 in Northern
Pennsylvania, I now saw a variety of ruins of former tourist accommodations for the first time.
Today, many trips that Erin and I take originate in Arizona where she now resides. We
have traveled all throughout the Southwest together by car and have seen many sights along the
way. Last year, we drove the entire length of the Old Spanish Trail from California to Florida at
different parts throughout the year. The trips that Erin and I take are part of the reason that I
chose the American approach to hospitality as my thesis topic. Through these travels and others
that I have taken while living in California, I was able to see great hotels, motels, and motor
courts, and even had the opportunity to stay in a few.
When I stumbled upon La Posada in the ghost town of Winslow, Arizona, I was in awe of
the grounds, the hotel, the rooms, and the artwork. It all seemed like such a strange figment of a
1 2
long-forgotten time. Our room was decorated as if each piece of furniture and decoration had
been methodically procured throughout the years from the surrounding region. Each room had
an actual room key, something that I have never seen before in person, and also an extraordinary
tile sink and vanity in the room. La Posada was a Harvey Hotel, a masterpiece designed by Mary
Colter, that had opened to the public in 1930. It had closed in 1957 and a few years later been
transformed into offices for the Santa Fe Railway. It remained in use until 1994 when just prior
to its scheduled demolition, Alan Affeldt bought the property. With the help of his artist wife,
Tina Moen, the couple have lovingly restored the structure and reopened it to the public.
My travels led me to question if there were solutions for the forgotten motor courts and
motels of yesterday. So many of these structures have already been demolished and yet the few
that remain are not protected and preserved. Many of these structures are vacant and left to rot
along the same roads that once accommodated the traveling public more than half a century ago.
These structures are a crucial piece to the story of how Americans travel. Tina Moen and Alan
Affeldt had done such a wonderful job with the renovation of the La Posada, perhaps others
could do just as well.
Statement of Purpose
This thesis examines the current state of Alamo Plaza courts throughout the country and
seeks innovative solutions for the few structures that still remain. Sites in Dallas, Waco,
Beaumont, Shreveport, Tyler, Oklahoma City, Charlotte, Savannah, Atlanta, and Augusta were
visited for the purpose of understanding the current context for the site. This thesis details how
each site has adapted over time to the changes in the environment and the changing world around
them. While the Alamo Plaza Courts chain is the focus for this particular study, the greater
question is “Do motels and motor courts of this era need to be preserved? If so, and they cannot
1 3
remain as they are, what purpose can this structure serve?” Motels and cabin courts were built in
such a unique moment in American history and perfectly encapsulate American values stood for
at that point in time. To lose all of the structures due to lack of innovation and disdain for their
current state could be a great disservice for future generations trying to understand the history of
hospitality in America. These structures continue to serve a purpose, whether or not it has
remained the same or morphed over time. The fate of these structures within the next ten years
is unknown. Most likely, several more will be demolished. The time has come to determine
whether we value these structures, the history and the legacy. If so, solutions need to be
proposed so that the structure can remain viable. If not, these structures will continue to fade as
ruins on the American commercial landscape.
Methodology
Much of my research involved reading through the extension of the Tourist Court
Journal accessed through the Cornell University Library System and through the New York
Public Library System. Additional sources included newspaper articles from the different cities
that the Alamo Plaza was located in, found through Newspapers.com. The research used to
gather information for my thesis was pulled from historical advertisements, motoring periodicals,
hotel periodicals, academic and trade journals, motor court manuals, and literature related to the
covered topics. A number of sources used for the chapter on Waco were made available through
the Waco Public Library and the Texas Collection at Baylor University. Visits to locations in
Dallas, Waco, Beaumont, Houston, Shreveport, Tyler, Oklahoma City, Tulsa, Claremore,
Charlotte, Savannah, Augusta, and Atlanta allowed for empirical research in addition to
interviews conducted with various contacts in each location. The visit to Waco also allowed the
1 4
author to peruse the files of E.L. Torrance donated to the Waco Library and to access documents
held in the McLennan County archives.
Books made available through the Cornell Library System such as Americans on the
Road, The Motel in America, and Hotel: An American History provided additional secondary
research material. Current newspaper articles from throughout the country provided information
on the status of the remaining sites today and highlighted several motel/ motor courts that have
been repurposed in recent years.
Limitations
There were several limitations that affected this thesis. One major limitation is that there
are few surviving individuals connected to the Alamo Plaza chain who could have provided a
more thorough understanding of the subject. Another major limitation was the lack of a
centralized archive of data and artifacts concerning the Alamo Plaza. While the book, The Motel
in America by John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers provides a detailed history
of the chain, its decline over the past fifty years has left physical artifacts few and far between.
John A. Jakle donated a collection of items acquired through research and travel to the library in
downtown Waco. Prior to the donation, no place in Waco had any collection of this sort despite
the fact that it has numerous library depositories, including The Texas Collection at Baylor
University, and the Historic Waco Foundation. Perhaps the short amount of time that the
original Alamo Plaza operated in Waco and the demolition of its site in the 1970s led to less
familiarity within the community. It is as though the city of Waco had forgotten one of its
greatest contributions to the nation: a motel chain that revolutionized the way Americans
traveled.
1 5
Chapter Overview
This thesis contains eleven chapters. Chapter One begins with influential books that
pertain to the traces the history of hospitality in the United States that set the stage for an
innovative chain like the Alamo Plaza to revolutionize the hospitality industry. Next, the chapter
details the importance of the stagecoach for early settlers to be able travel throughout the nation.
Hotels were then introduced and proved to be a tremendous asset for growing cities. The
introduction of the railroad altered the course of travel with its rigid schedule and fixed
destination. The development of the West spurred by railroad expansion provided a new way for
wealthy Americans to travel. Resort hotels began to spring up in unchartered territories now
accessible by train such as Santa Fe, New Mexico and Pasadena, California. Autocamping
became a way for travelers to revolt against the fixed train route and leave behind the grim
realities of increasingly industrialized cities. Travelers were able explore nature on their own
terms. As automobiles became readily available for the middle class, the hospitality market
began to cater to the new customers. Compared to the ostentatious resorts frequented by wealthy
travelers, the common traveler was able to stay in mom and pop accommodations that harken
back to the day of the stagecoach inn. Lodging became more sophisticated to lure in travelers
who chose accommodations based on external appearance. As highways developed throughout
the nation and accommodations more plentiful, business owners experimented with ways to
market themselves and stand out among the competition.
Chapter Two explores the development of the impact of highways in central Texas from
their early beginnings as cattle trails. In particular, the Meridian Highway, part of a larger Pan-
American network, was vital to growth in Texas as it connected Fort Worth to Waco, Temple,
and then Taylor, cities that served as major commercial and transportation hubs for the rest of the
1 6
state. Chapter Three traces the history of Waco. This chapter documents its rise to becoming
one of the most important cotton growing regions in the South, where at one point it was larger
than Dallas, Fort Worth, and El Paso. Waco also became known for its reputation the only city to
legalize prostitution in the state of Texas and an important education hub for the region. The
chapter ends with the development of businesses along highways in Waco, which would lead to
the rise of the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments.
Chapter Four discusses the development of East Waco and its fraught relationship with
greater Waco. The role of the Brazos River plays a crucial role in various stages of development
for the community. Chapter Five and Chapter Six explain the factors that led to the development
of the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments in 1929. These chapters also follow the history of the
Waco location and its subsequent branches. Chapter Seven explores the state of the site as of
2018 when the building had been demolished nearly 40 years prior. It also surveys the status of
sites still in use today throughout Texas and the Southeast. Of the former Alamo Plaza sites left
standing, Chapter Eight explores what remains from its first use. Palimpsest becomes a common
theme that links many of the sites today. Forgotten pieces remain scattered throughout the
varying locations that provide a link from one location to the next. Many elements were shared,
such as the original tile in the footprint of demolished motel rooms. The palimpsest that remain
are archaeological remnants that tell the story of an earlier era of hospitality effectively and
unintentionally acting as a form of preservation in itself.
Chapters Nine, Ten, and Eleven provide case studies on what is happening at the Dallas,
Atlanta, and Savannah locations as of 2018. Each of the former Alamo Plaza sites has found
new life since its beginning, these three case studies prove to be especially interesting. Both the
Dallas and Atlanta site have garnered media attention nearly sixty years later as the sites shed
1 7
their old skin and take on new roles. The final chapter, Chapter Eleven, addresses the Savannah
location and its current manager’s desire to reintroduce the motel as a boutique motel in one of
the most popular tourist destinations in the country. With a successful motel revitalization
project haven proved to be a great success, the manager hopes to use Savannah’s stellar tourism
reputation, favorable preservation and hospitality policies, and the recent push for hospitality
development out of the protected historic district to reimagine the Alamo Plaza Motor Courts.
This chapter then explores the broader issues faced by the sites today and for the structures that
remain intact, is there a formula that would best preserve that can be universally applied? The
trend for motel revitalization is explored as one possible option for the Alamo Plaza Courts of
today.
1 8
CHAPTER ONE
THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN HOSPITALITY
Introduction
A comprehensive history of accommodations and travel in America can be found in
Warren James Belasco’s Americans on the Road: From Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945 (1979);
Lori Henderson’s America’s Roadside Lodging: The Rise and Fall of the Motel; Chester Liebs’
Main Street to Miracle Mile (1985); John Jakle, Keith Sculle, and Jefferson Roger’s The Motel in
America (1996). In these books the authors discuss travel accommodations at different eras
throughout the years, some more focused on earlier periods than others. The majority of the
texts discuss the switch from railroad accommodations along fixed routes to the rise of auto-
camping, and finally to the advent of the tourist court and motel with its ease and affordability
that made the American roadside a favorite pastime for the nation.
This chapter explores the history of the hospitality industry in the United States from its
early stagecoach inn accommodations of the Colonial era until the introduction of motel chain in
the middle of the twentieth century. The chapter also highlights how cyclical in nature trends
become in the hospitality industry. As innovative transportation methods were made readily
available to the general public, ways to accommodate travelers also reflected that change. The
end of the chapter leads into the rise of roadside accommodations made possible by highways
that connect towns and cities and sets the stage for the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments to arrive
on the scene.
1 9
Stagecoach Travel
In such a vast country, travel has always been at the forefront of the American lifestyle.
The ways in which we travel, however, have changed drastically throughout the years. The
earliest mode was by horse and stagecoach, with travelers staying overnight at stagecoach inns.
Each inn was strategically placed about a day’s length apart, which created a pattern that allowed
for travelers to be sure of overnight accommodations along their trip.
American “stage travel” was modeled on similar transportation in England. The term is
believed to have been derived from the way that journeys took place in stages. Service started in
North America in the early eighteenth century with a few routes that connected major population
centers. After the Revolutionary War, stagecoach travel began to spread more rapidly in the
East. The nineteenth century spurred further development of routes, with stage coach travel
reaching its golden era from 1820-1840. Mail had been delivered by stagecoach for decades,
especially after Congress established legislation allowing mail to be delivered along already
established stagecoach routes.1
Within a cultural context, these institutions served different purposes. Colonial
communities were deeply untrusting of outsiders who would venture into their town. While
certain professionals such as circuit-riding judges were welcomed, others, such as preachers,
itinerant peddlers, those without work, and fortune-tellers were thought to disrupt the social and
moral order of the community. Strict laws were enforced concerning outsiders. Those
1 Vineyard, Ron, “Stage Waggons and Coaches,” Colonial Williamsburg Foundation Library
Research Report Series-RR0380. (Williamsburg, Virginia: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Library, August 2000).
2 0
community members who provided lodging were tasked with particular duties to maintain social
order, serving as both guardian and sentry. The innkeepers were often required to report all
outsiders or face fines and penalties.2
Known as public houses, taverns, inns, and sometimes ordinaries, these institutions
accommodated travelers and were the designated community space where one could purchase
and consume alcohol, a privilege granted the innkeeper in exchange for the accommodation of
travelers. Because public drunkenness caused upheaval in pious colonial communities, taverns
needed to be licensed by state or local officials. These licenses were given only to upstanding
citizens of the community whom officials felt could keep order and prohibit drunkenness,
gambling, and other wayward vices.3
Illustration 1.1. The Green Tree Tavern in Germantown, Pennsylvania, built in 1748. A.D.
White Architectural Photographs, Cornell University Library.
http://cidc.library.cornell.edu/adw/albumen.html
2 Sandoval-Strausz, A. K, “Hotel: an American History,” (Yale University Press, 2009), 11.
3 Ibid, 16.
2 1
Public houses in America were typically not intended to be architecturally appealing. Many
were dwelling houses or structures that had been repurposed to provide refreshment and lodging.
No one significant identifiable feature of these exterior of these structures indicated their use.
Rather, these properties followed the forms and styles of other vernacular buildings of the region.
The only identifiable feature of a public house was its sign emblazoned with symbols and the
name of the business.4
The activities needed to fit into the existing layout of the structure. The interiors of the
inns were often crowded, since the few rooms needed to serve a variety of uses such as kitchen,
bedchambers, bar, public room, and/or quarters for the innkeeper’s family. With space at such a
premium it was not uncommon for guests to share rooms, or even beds, much to the disgust of
the more respectable wayfarers and single women traveling alone. Sharing beds was not the only
complaint of travelers, public houses ranged widely in terms of cleanliness and comfort. Guests
considered many public houses dirty and complained of filthy, uncomfortable, and insect ridden
beds. Other complaints focused on food quality and expense. The food the innkeepers provided
was obtained locally, as at that time, it was all that was available. Many guests complained
about lack of variety and cleanliness of the food and drink, often cider and beer. Liquor was
imported and often sold at a premium. Even for the worst accommodations, prices were quite
high for the quality of comfort and service provided.5
Not all public houses were subpar, however. Establishments such as the famous
Fraunces Tavern in New York City and the Raleigh Tavern in Williamsburg were converted
from family mansions to inns fit for the elite. Both inns offered more meeting rooms, private
4 Ibid, 16.
5 Ibid, 19.
2 2
quarters, fewer public rooms, and no more than fifteen guest chambers. Several purpose-built
inns began to appear around 1770 as wealthy merchants financed elaborate inns such as
Philadelphia’s City Tavern.6
Early Hotel Development
The tours that George Washington took of public houses throughout the country were
thought to have led to the creation of the American Hotel.7 The diaries written by George
Washington enlightened the nation on the standards of public houses by location, but also pushed
the public to demand better accommodations. With the seal of approval by the President, some
hotels began to soar to new heights. After the Revolutionary War, hotels became a symbol of
prosperity for the city. The first city hotel, the Union Public Hotel, was constructed in
Washington D.C. just as urbanization began in the city. The hotel was backed by Samuel
Blodget, Jr., a man who had used his wartime friendship with George Washington to secure the
position of the supervisor of buildings and improvements for the Capitol. Unable to secure funds
for the project from the national budget, Blodget financed the building through a national lottery.
The winner of the lottery would be given the keys to the hotel. A competition was held for the
design of the hotel. The winning plans were drafted by James Hoban, an Irish architect who had
designed the White House. The Georgian style structure was built of brick and stone with
elaborate ornamentation of classical columns and an impressive pediment. On the interior, the
hotel had large public meeting rooms on the first floor with an impressive number of
bedchambers on the upper floors.8
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid, 15.
8 Ibid, 22.
2 3
Unfortunately, the proceeds from the lottery were not enough to cover the construction of
hotel. The project was plagued with financial difficulties throughout the process. When the
lottery winner had stepped forward to claim his prize, he was dismayed to find the hotel
unfinished. City commissioners became concerned with what appeared to be land speculation by
Blodget in the Federal City. He was quickly removed from his position. Blodget had used his
personal assets and real estate holdings throughout the city as collateral for the construction of
the hotel but they were insufficient to secure an additional loan. Unhappy with an unfinished
hotel, the lottery winner sued Blodget for the funds to have the hotel finished. When the assets
were not enough to cover the costs, he was thrown into debtor’s prison.9
While Blodget never benefitted from the project, the hotel went on to become an
important building for the development of the city. It served as the first headquarters for the
Postal Service and Patent Office. During the war of 1812, the public meeting rooms of the hotel
were used by Congress for fourteen months in 1814-1815 after the Capitol had been set on fire.
Although the property never lived up to its intended purpose, it did inspire similar structures
throughout the nation.10
Hotel construction boomed during the 1820s along Atlantic Seaport cities, spreading
along eastern rivers, and finally advancing westward. Early hotels included Crawford’s Hotel in
Georgetown, the City Hotel in New York, The Benjamin Latrobe Hotel and theatre complex in
Richmond, VA, and the Crowell Hatch and Boston Exchange Coffee House and Hotel in Boston.
The City Hotel was seven stories tall with a five-story atrium protruding with balconies. With
more than 200 rooms, this hotel was said to give the “appearance of a small city”.11
9 Ibid, 23.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid, 26.
2 4
At the time lodging was very expensive, to stay in a hotel symbolized that one was wealthy and
thus became a status symbol for the city elites.12
Illustration 1.2. The Boston Exchange Coffee House. Caleb Snow, History of Boston, 2nd.
Edition.
As cities began to rapidly develop, hotels became local landmarks due to their large size
and distinct architecture. One could see a hotel from blocks around, which allowed hotels to be
easily identified by travelers looking for a place to spend the night. Taverns, however, blended
into the environment with small signs to inform the traveler of their location. The preference of
hotels to taverns also signified the transformation from a primarily agrarian society to an urban
society in the midst of industrialization. Hotels touted the benefits of a trading context which
created a more commercial path for the nation. At the time, hotels served three complementary
12 Ibid, 28.
2 5
purposes; they “facilitated trade by providing shelter and refreshment to an elite traveling
public”, they were “intended to increase the value of surrounding property”, and their “imposing
architecture symbolized commerce and valorized its pursuit in a republic that was still
overwhelmingly agrarian”.13 Hotels became economic hubs for the city as the public filled the
lobbies, parlors, shops, offices, restaurants, and libraries.
By the 1840s, hotels could be found in nearly every settlement with more than a few
thousand people, and the number of hotels in the country numbered in the hundreds. The
American railroad system had become the most extensive of its kind by 1844. As trains linked
goods and services to different communities throughout the nation, hotels were established near
train stops. Transportation and accommodation became inherently linked during this time as the
railroad rapidly spread urbanization throughout previously uninhabited areas of the nation.
Hotels were essential to accommodate railroad workers and those who traded goods and services
along the route. Trains began to carry passengers as well as freight, which pushed demand for
hotels even further.14
Hotels became more plentiful throughout the land as both transportation and lodging
commercialized the once-pristine American landscape. These pursuits were sponsored by the
same people, utilized the same financing strategies, and were justified in a similar rhetoric.
Urban cores and frontier boomtowns both utilized the expanse of railroads and hotels to better
secure themselves in the emerging urban hierarchy. Both were presented as a service to the
public that would spur further development and benefit the community. As hotels were
constructed in remote areas only accessible by train, their elitist connotation was lost as they
13 Ibid, 33.
14 Ibid, 48.
2 6
were increasingly seen as “palaces of the public”.15 Different types of hotels began to form:
commercial hotels, luxury hotels, middle-class hotels, marginal hotels, railroad hotels, resort
hotels, and settlement hotels.16
Commercial hotels were built specifically with business travelers in mind, whether they
were salesmen, agents, clerks, or buyers. The rooms were affordable compared to the high cost
of larger, more upscale urban hotels. One added incentive for the hotel of this type was the
sample rooms that were provided. Salesmen were able to display their merchandise to the
public. Commercial hotels were usually built at a much smaller scale and had less frills. While
luxury hotels had the potential to fill an entire city block, commercial hotels could fit nicely into
a single lot on a street with other commercial businesses.17 Middle-class hotels bore many
similarities with commercial hotels in price and layout. The largest difference between the two
was the intended audience. These structures provided hospitable accommodations for families
that included men, women, and children.18
Marginal hotels allowed for the working-class and poor lodging for the night. These
structures were often housed in converted tenements in the seedy part of a town or city. They
were very basic and lacked the public spaces of other hotel types. Rooms were usually very
small and minimally furnished. Some marginal hotels had crowded bunk beds squeezed into
rooms so they could accommodate as many people as possible. In some cases, there were no
beds at all, but rather patrons slept on wooden pallets and shelves with mattresses were where
patrons slept.19
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid, 81.
17 Ibid, 82.
18 Ibid, 85.
19 Ibid, 87.
2 7
Resort hotels began to emerge shortly after the rise of urban hotels. This type of hotel
catered to the urban, elite crowd that had hoped for a respite from busy city life. Husbands
worked at their job in the city and sent the rest of the family to spend the winter in warmer
locations such as Pasadena and St. Augustine by train or in closer locations like Saratoga Springs
during the summer months. As in earlier hotel history, resort hotels became a status marker.
Those with the means to do so would spend months at the resort, away from the cold climate in
their home cities in the Northeast. Many visitors fell in love with the areas and opted to stay.
The resort hotels in Southern California and Florida were partially responsible for the large
influx in population that helped turn small resort industries into fully formed towns with a steady
population year-round.
Illustration 1.3. Hotel Green, Pasadena, California. Library of Congress,
.
2 8
Fred Harvey worked with the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad to develop a
network of resort hotels along the train routes. At the time, he developed a successful chain of
restaurants. Harvey saw a need in the market to accommodate travelers on the trip westward and
provide them with decent meals, a unique local experience, and a place to spend the night. In an
effort to ‘domesticate the west’, Harvey was the first to hire exclusively young women from
across the plains. The women were required to sign at least six-month contracts and were
forbidden to get married while working for the chain. The Harvey Hotels allowed travelers to
experience the ‘wild west’ in a safe and controlled manner. Excursions were led to nearby native
American settlements and many of the hotels often had a space designated where Native
Americans could sell their wares to the traveling public.
The Rise of Auto-camping
In 1903, Henry Ford formed the Ford Motor Company, completely altering the way
Americans traveled. His adoption of standardization in the manufacturing process led to a
greater number of automobiles produced in a shortened period of time, thus allowing for the
creation of an affordable vehicle for the middle-class. Road construction boomed after Congress
passed the Federal Highway Act in 1916 leading to the creation of a national road system.
Within five years, more state and federal legislation was passed that allowed national highway
networks to link cities across America. Hotels spaced along train routes soon fell out of favor
with the public.20
No longer were trips confined to a set destination along a train route; the invention of the
automobile and the roads that subsequently developed allowed travelers to forge their own path.
A desire for more autonomy with travel led to the rise in auto-camping. The ‘horseless carriage’
20 Ibid, 134.
2 9
allowed for more freedom as Americans gained a new appreciation for the art of motor touring.21
During this era, the American middle class was on the rise. The increase in more leisure time
and disposable income led to the quest for Americans to “seek adventure, witness the natural
beauty of their country, strengthen family bonds, and commune with fellow travelers on the
road”.22 New changes in the environment caused by rapid industrialization and urbanization
further pushed Americans to seek out a way to be one with nature again.
Illustration 1.4. Lake Public Auto Camp Party, probably in or near Yellowstone Park. Dec. 14.
Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, .
Another benefit of auto-camping was that travelers were no longer held to the time
constraints made by train schedules. According to the American Motorist, the traveler “must go
with the crowd at the time the crowd wants to go and he must go with the crowd at the time the
21 Henderson, Lori, “America’s Roadside Lodging: The Rise and Fall of the Motel,” Historia,
(Eastern Illinois University, vol. 19), 2010.
22 Ibid.
3 0
crowd wants to go and by the route the crowd takes,”23 meaning that while travelers were able to
span much larger distances than any previous era, to gain this benefit the traveler needed to
conform to the strict schedule upheld by the transcontinental train network. By 1910, trains
ridership had risen to nearly one billion passengers per year. Passengers with stops in smaller
towns were sometimes made to disembark at all hours of the night.24 The increased availability
of the automobile allowed travelers to set their own schedules and routes.
With only the equipment in their cars, Americans set out on the open road and avoided
both set rail routes and crowded, stuffy hotels. Cars, at first, parked by the side of the road to set
up camp for the night. Many sites were chosen for their scenic views and proximity to streams
for drinking, bathing, and fishing.25 Travelers were anxious to spread information to other
travelers looking for a place to spend the night. A variety of pamphlets, travel diaries, manuals,
and magazine columns were used to disseminate the knowledge to others. Organizations
including highway associations, automobile clubs, camping goods manufacturers were eager to
sponsor published material.26
Motorists from modern industrial cities, fueled by nostalgia, traveled to idyllic villages
that harkened back to an earlier time. Unlike trains, cars could reach any small town within
driving distance. While trains traveled the outskirts of a town or village, cars were often led
through the heart of communities down charming main streets.27 Tourists did not travel to every
small village and town, however. A picturesque village with colonial and revolutionary era
23 Belasco, Warren James, “Americans on the Road: from Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945,”
(Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 22.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid, 7.
26 Ibid.
27 Ibid.
3 1
structures was favored over Victorian towns. Structures like old roadhouses, taverns, mansions,
and farmhouses were converted into lodging and tearooms with names such as The Tally-Ho and
Ye Ragged Robin.28 Other nostalgic gestures included gas stations constructed in a neo-Tudor or
Mission Revival style, and wrought-iron street signs with stagecoach silhouettes and wooden
placards like those used at historic inns.29 This new wave of development ultimately led in the
1920s to the rise of tourist cabins built in revivalist styles that reflected earlier eras.
Early motor travelers spent the days on the road and nights in a hotel. While the traveler
enjoyed the freedom that the automobile allowed by day, at night, many were anxious for a warm
meal, hot bath, and soft bed that a hotel provided. Not until the rise of cabin camps did stuffy
hotels fall out of favor. At the time, there were three major types of hotels to accommodate
travelers: summer resorts, large city hotels, and “drummer” hotels scattered in small towns
around the country.30 Ever the contrarians, autocampers took supplies that allowed them to create
a camp for the night, seeking the greater unity with nature that camping allowed.31 Over time,
supplies adapted to better serve the needs and wants of these travelers.
Autocampers viewed nature as a resource to utilize for their benefit while at the site.
Many of the sites were on private property, yet the travelers did not see them as such. Travelers
left trash behind, broke of fruit tree branches, picked flowers, fruits, vegetables and in some
cases, even milked cows. The once idyllic countryside setting was filled with debris left from
the travelers. Farmers and landowners became annoyed by the mess that autocampers would
leave behind and began to push for designated areas within towns to accommodate the growing
28 Ibid.
29 Ibid, 29.
30 Ibid, 41.
31 Ibid, 44.
3 2
number of visitors. Municipal autocamps developed to meet this need and at the outset charged
nothing for the travelers to stay. Towns made their camps as hospitable as possible in an attempt
to lure the ‘wealthy travelers’ to their commercial districts downtown. The autocamps had lots
set aside for camp sites and many contained amenities like running water and, sometimes,
electricity. Larger camps such as Denver’s Overland Park provided a grocery store, clubhouse,
showers, barber shop, lunch counter, and laundry room.32 As autocamping became more
comfortable, convenient, and affordable, its popularity exploded. By 1923 there were over 1,800
public autocamps operating throughout the country. The following year the number had risen to
over 2,000.33
The rise in the number of tourists at the camps led municipalities to question whether or
not they had made the right choice. As it turned out, the wealthy travelers who they had
envisioned in their campgrounds never appeared. To the contrary, many travelers took up
permanent residence and were considered undesirable vagrants. Others had eschewed domestic
life and instead traveled year-round. The competition between camps in neighboring towns grew
as travelers spread the word about towns with the best facilities. Communities felt the need to
provide better sewer systems, piped-in water, garbage pickups, regular maintenance, better
restroom facilities. It soon became too daunting a task for communities to spend so much money
on tourist accommodations when the tourists contributed nothing in return. By adding a fee,
registration requirements, and time limits, towns hoped to filter out the guests who would
establish residency. Camps often became overcrowded during the busy season. Smaller, private
32 Ibid, 72.
33 Henderson, Lori, “America’s Roadside Lodging: The Rise and Fall of the Motel,” Historia,
(Eastern Illinois University, vol. 19), 2010.
3 3
camps developed in response.34 Travelers who were tired of the rowdiness and noise at larger
camps were able to seek out camps with less travelers in a more idyllic setting.
In the early twentieth century private camps were unable to compete with the services
provided at free public camps. Private camps would only thrive in isolated areas where they
were the only court around or in areas where public camps were not supported. When public
camps began to charge a fee, private camps became more profitable. The centrally located
public camps were bypassed as tourists began to fill up the campsites scattered along the route.
Farmers who owned the land could also provide a gas station and restaurant to earn more money.
Gradually, cottages were built to accommodate the tourists who wanted to spend the night
indoors.35
Cabin Courts
At first, the cottages were very simple structures where travelers were required to bring
their own cots, chairs, and camp stoves. The original intent was to provide shelter for travelers
caught in a storm. Over time the cottages evolved so that travelers were required to bring less
items with them. Cabin owners began to charge higher fees for items like sheets, blankets, soap,
towels, hot showers, stoves, steam heat, and a radio. Most cabins began as shacks that the owner
would improve over time to increase revenue.36 The owner would then use the earnings from the
previous touring season to expand his operation.
Cabin courts became popular for their homelike atmosphere. Cabin courts were typically
run by a couple, in which the wife was often responsible for day-to-day business while husband
34 Belasco, Warren James, “Americans on the Road: from Autocamp to Motel, 1910-1945,”
(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 118.
35 Ibid, 129.
36 Ibid, 134.
3 4
built and repaired the cabins. Unlike many commercial hotels and high-end urban hotels that felt
stuffy and had awkward furniture, cabins had chintz curtains, doilies on the dresser, rocking
chairs, and flower boxes. Many families, especially the wives, enjoyed this touch of home while
on the road. Other benefits of the courts were that they had free parking, a great location, did not
require reservations, and provided much desired privacy.37
Conclusion
The continual development of the nation created many opportunities for Americans to
pay for lodging for the night without the need of a friend or family member to accommodate
them. With such newfound freedom, the public was able span broader distances, first with the
stagecoach, then the train, and finally the automobile. An increasingly mobile society meant
further expansion for a young nation with an ever-growing population. In turn, the more people
traveled further, the greater the need became to accommodate such travelers. While travel
tended to reflect one’s economic status, new developments in transportation allowed for more
Americans to travel than ever before. As the notion of travel began to grow as an American
lifestyle, new developments in accommodations began to increasingly improve to make
overnight stays more comfortable and homelike.
37 Ibid, 139.
3 5
CHAPTER TWO
THE IMPACT OF THE HIGHWAY IN CENTRAL TEXAS
Introduction
The following chapter outlines the importance of the transportation network in Texas
connecting it to the rest of the nation. Railroads and highways spurred adjacent development and
created pockets of economic growth throughout the state. One major highway was the Meridian
Highway that spanned from Canada to Mexico. This heavily traveled road network brought
traffic through communities in Texas such as Fort Worth, Waco, Temple, and Taylor. These
communities became transportation hubs where agricultural and other goods produced in Texas
were then shipped to bigger markets.
The Meridian Highway
The Meridian Highway has been the major north-south highway in Texas since the early
twentieth century. The Highway was originally conceived by the International Meridian Road
Association in 1911 with the intention of stretching from Canada to Mexico by way of the Great
Plains. When the Texas Highway Department was created in 1917, the Meridian Highway was
designated as SH 2, which deemed the road to be the second-most important thoroughfare, after
the Bankhead Highway. With the adoption of the AASHTO Interstate highway numbering
system, the Highway gained another designation, US 81. This became the most commonly used
name for the route. Today, it is part of IH 35/ IH 35 W, which is one of the nation’s busiest
highways and a vital trade route connecting Canada to Mexico. The route is also part of the Pan-
American Highway that connects Alaska to Argentina (Figure 2.1).38
38 The Development of Highways in Texas, Evolution of Named Highways: The Meridian
Highway. Austin, TX: The Texas Historical Commission. May 2016.
3 6
The road networks of Texas evolved rather slowly by comparison to railroad
construction. Railroads that began in Houston and Galveston connected rich agricultural lands
and would later serve cities on the Meridian Highway. One of the earliest railroad lines was the
Houston and Texas Central Railway. The route ended in Millican, Texas, a small town near
Bryan-College Station where Texas A&M University is located. Other early railroads that
served cities along the Meridian Highway included the Missouri, Kansas, and Texas Railroad
and the International-Great Northern Railroad.39
The original north-south trail linked some of the earliest settlements along the Meridian
Highway. Gainesville in North Texas developed as a stop on the stagecoach route in the 1830s.
The route extended south towards San Antonio and very much resembled the early path of the
Meridian Highway. A bit further south was the trail that linked settlements from San Antonio to
Laredo as early as 1841. A trail that closely followed the route of the Meridian Highway was
shown on the 1858 Colton’s New Map of the State of Texas. Noted settlements on the map
where the Meridian Highway would develop included Fort Worth, Hillsboro, Waco, Belton,
Georgetown, Austin, San Marcos, New Braunfels, San Antonio, and Laredo.40
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
3 7
Figure 2.1. International Route. Meridian Highway Association, 1928. John Charles Nicholson,
“Meridian Highway International,” Kansas Memory Collection, Kansas Historical Society
3 8
From 1880 until 1912 the route that would later become the Meridian Highway followed
the path of the Fort Worth and Denver City Railway that extended from Wichita Falls, through
Fort Worth, and then southeast through Waco, Temple, and Taylor. All three cities were major
rail and commercial centers for the region. The rich agricultural land in the surrounding region
produced cotton and corn. Cotton gins and mills quickly sprouted up along the Missouri,
Kansas, and Texas Line. Industrial development also occurred along the International-Great
Northern Railroad line further south where cotton gins, compresses, and cottonseed oil mills
dotted the landscape. Cities along the route, such as Taylor, Austin, New Braunfels, and San
Antonio, also had textile factories where local cotton, wool, and mohair were processed. The
population in nearby San Antonio boomed during this period when both European immigrants
and Anglo Americans from the South migrated to the area. Development slowed south of San
Antonio.41
41 Ibid.
3 9
Figure 2.3. The New Road, The Texas Road. Fort Worth Telegram Livestock, Railroad, and
Cotton Edition, 1903. http://hometownbyhandlebar.com/wpcontent/uploads/2012/04/trains-
IGNRR-1903-623x768.jpg
Land near the depots attracted not only agricultural processing facilities, but also other
kinds of commercial development. Hotels, retail stores, warehouses, and lumber yards soon
became important local hubs of economic activity. The Meridian was purposely placed along
these trade nodes to extend the reach of their many amenities and commercial opportunities.
Because of the significance of the railroad investment, it ultimately influenced land development
4 0
patterns and the physical evolution of both small and large cities. Tourism related development
increased along this route with many resort, recreational, and health-related services. San
Antonio was one example that not only boasted many popular tourist sites but also the Hot Wells
health resort. Clustered along the Main Plaza and Alamo Plaza were many hotels and boarding
houses that accommodated the tourists.42
In 1917, the Meridian Highway was designated as SH 2 with its route entering Texas at
Burkburnett, traveling to Wichita Falls, Fort Worth, Meridian, and Waco. The main route
headed south at Waco to Temple, Taylor, Austin, San Antonio, and then Laredo. A branch of the
route called the Gulf Division split off at Waco and then extended southeast to Marlin, Calvert,
Bryan, College Station, Navasota, Hempstead, Houston, and then on to Galveston. Another
branch of the road, the Mineral Wells Branch, left the main road at Henrietta and then passed
through Jacksboro, Perrin, and Mineral Wells. At Mineral Wells, the route connected with SH 1.
The 1920 version of the route was shorter than the one laid out in 1917. The main route at Fort
Worth traveled south and passed through Alvarado, Hillsboro, Waco, Temple, Salado, Bartlett,
Georgetown, and Manor before reaching Austin. Both the route that passed through Waco by
way of Meridian and the route that traveled Temple to Austin by way of Taylor became loops.43
The Commission designated certain parts of SH 2 as integral elements in the Major State
Highway System in 1921. The noted segments were Burkburnett to Burleson, Waco to Temple,
and north of Austin to Laredo. Other parts of the system included Segments 2-A from Burleson
to Waco and 2-C from Temple to north of Austin. In 1921, bonds were passed in Texas so that
road work could begin as the highway had become difficult to maintain. Road work included
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
4 1
eliminating turns so that distances between towns would be shorter and making bridges wider.
Tourist camps were constructed in the communities of Waco, Navasota, and Houston. Signs
were constructed along the main route by 1922 which served as guides for tourists. The first
signs to appear were near Waco and Marlin. In 1923, the Meridian Road Association added
markers every mile on rural highways and two or three per city block. The Association also
published a tourists’ directory that included write-ups of cities and local businesses. The
directory was distributed throughout the country in hopes to bring publicity to the wonders of
Texas.44
44 Ibid.
4 2
Figure 2.4. Meridian Highway: The Main Street of North America. Harvey County History
Museum. The Meridian Highway. The Texas Historical Commission
4 3
Conclusion
The tourism industry had already significantly developed between Fort Worth and San
Antonio by 1916. A guidebook from that year noted 50 modern hotels. Electrical lights were
planned for the road between Fort Worth and Taylor by 1916. The Official State Highway Map
of Texas from 1928 noted numerous tourist attractions that ran along the highway. Another
purpose of the map was to attract industry to the cities that lined the Meridian Highway. The
publication advertised the Stephen F. Austin Hotel, Driskill Hotel, Texan Hotel, the University
of Texas, Mount Bonnell, State Cemetery, Elisabet Ney Studio, and the Confederate Home in
Austin. The publication also highlighted Austin’s future water power based industrial growth,
“high-class unionized labor supply,” access to railroads, low taxes, a notation that highlighted
Austin as home to the largest chili canning plant in the world and also the South’s largest book
binding plant. The guide noted the Chamber of Commerce and Tourist Bureau on West 6th
Street, the Deep Eddy Camp, a tourist camp on Congress Avenue, and the Barton Springs Free
Tourist Camp. Waco also had a guide published by the Humble Oil Company in 1928. Included
were Waco’s parks, the Cotton Palace (Figure 3), City Hall, and the Tourist Camp.
It may well be said that Waco is the heart of Texas, being in the center of the State and
center of population. What Cameron Park is to Waco, the Cotton Palace at Waco is to
Texas. No wonder Waco is rich in people and wealth, for they live right in the Valley of
the Nile or the Brazos. Waco now has 43,000 inhabitants, with every indication of a
marvelous increase; but we cannot write here all the advantages of the capital of
McLellan [sic] County. It’s the city of big springs, big hotels, big parks, the tallest
building in the country; and the site of the great Baptist University, Baylor. There is so
much of interest in and around Waco, that the tourist will conclude he has seen it all
when he gets through Waco, and want to go no further. It is tarviated roads into Waco
and its [sic] tarviated roads out of Waco; and so the going is good.45
45 Ibid.; G.A. McNaughton, The Meridian Road in Texas. San Antonio, TX: International Road
Association, Texas Division, 1916.
4 4
CHAPTER THREE
WACO, TEXAS
Introduction
As one of the most important cities along the Meridian Highway, Waco is important for
being the site where the route separates into two branches. Even before the Meridian Highway
was imagined, Waco had been a major center for trade in the Backland Prairie, the rich, fertile
agricultural belt that sweeps through central Texas.46 This chapter traces the history of Waco
from its early days as a tribal village to its time as a haven for vice and center of cotton growing
region west of the Mississippi River until the mid-twentieth century, when tourist courts, gas
stations, and food joints lined its newly constructed highways. This chapter also provides an
introduction to the separation of the city of Waco and the area known as East Waco. As the
downtown core of Waco began to lose its business to more suburban development, routes that
led out of Waco, like Elm Avenue, where the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments were located,
attracted the businesses that fled the city. This wave of development is crucial to understand the
role of the Alamo Plaza as an innovator in the modern development of hotels and motels.
Waco Beginnings
Waco adopted its name from a local Indian tribe, the Hueco/Huaco Tribe, who developed
a village on the same land. The first group of white settlers arrived in the area in 1837, but
abandoned the site just a few months later. An outpost was established by several companies of
Texas Rangers at the abandoned settlement. At the time the area was known as Waco Spring.
46 The Development of Highways in Texas, Waco. The Texas Historical Commission. May 2016.
4 5
The site of the original village was part of a two-league land grant sold in 1848 to John S. Sydnor
who subdivided the leagues and sold each at one dollar per acre with the help of land agent Jacob
De Cordova. Another land agent, George Erath, attempted to persuade De Cordova to plan a
town on the site of the abandoned Hueco village as it was above swamp lands and many water
courses. In 1849, George Erath surveyed the first block of the newly formed town, which was
carved into lots sold for five dollars each. Lots for farming sold for two to three dollars each. At
this point the newly formed village was named Lamartine. It was planned so that a main street
ran from the spring westward to a spot designated for the town square. At this point, the town
was named Waco to honor the original inhabitants of the site. Settlers began to trickle into the
town, constructing houses of hewn logs and crudely-made brick.47
Milam, Navarro, and Limestone Counties each contributed land to form McClennan
County on January 22, 1850, and Waco became the county seat. Lots donated by De Cordova
and his partners were set aside for public use, including a space designated for the county
courthouse. De Cordova persuaded several key figures to help make the village a success
including Captain Shapley P. Ross, who would go on to found the first hotel in Waco. Another
key contribution that Captain Ross made was the development of a ferry route that ran across the
Brazos River. This ferry allowed for settlement in what is now known as East Waco.48
Four years later the small village of Waco was incorporated as a town; by 1859 it had over 700
residents. Settlers were drawn to the area as it quickly became an established trade center.
47 Pylant, James, and Sherri Knight. The Oldest Profession in Texas: Waco's Legal Red Light
District. Stephenville, TX: Jacobus Books, 2011, p. 6.
48 Ibid.
4 6
Farmers were drawn to the region as soon as it was discovered that cotton grew extremely well
in the rich and fertile soil.49
Like many other cities in the Antebellum South, slavery and cotton contributed much,
but it was dependent on slave labor. Prior to the Civil War, the slave population grew to be over
1,938. During the Civil War, the Waco economy stagnated because half of its population went
off to war. Over 2,200 men from McLennan County went to fight while their wives stayed
behind. The defeat of the South further devastated the economic conditions, and vice began to
flourish in Waco.50
Vice in Waco
Waco was not only known as Central City for its ideal central location, but also a “Six-
Shooter Junction” due to its wild reputation of crowded saloons and gambling halls. An increase
in sexual assaults and related offenses led to the acceptance of prostitution in the community.
Newcomers, wandering cowboys, and Yankees stationed nearby increased the demand for
prostitution. On April 26, 1871, the twelfth Legislature of Texas approved in the charter for the
incorporation for the city of Waco the right to:
. . . to license, tax, and regulate billiard tables, tippling houses and dram shops, and to
suppress gambling houses and other disorderly houses, or to suppress bawdy houses or
license the same.51
Although Texas had outlawed prostitution statewide, Waco was given the right to regulate or
suppress its bawdy houses. No other city in the state was given this power, although, many cities
tried to add the provision later to no avail. On July 7, 1871, the Waco City Council approved an
49 The Development of Highways in Texas, Waco. The Texas Historical Commission. May 2016.
50 Pylant, James, and Sherri Knight. The Oldest Profession in Texas: Waco's Legal Red Light
District. Stephenville, TX: Jacobus Books, 2011, p. 6.
51 Ibid.
4 7
ordinance that allowed for the regulation of prostitution. The city recorder was to issue licenses
as long as the $200 per annum license fee was paid to the city, along with the assurance that a
madam would run an “orderly disorderly house” in the form of a $500 bond.52
The population of Waco continued to grow; by 1880 the population had risen to nearly
8,000 residents. The steady population increase created even more demand for the vices.
Prostitution had become totally legal by 1889 and was sectioned off in a corner of the city known
as The Reservation. The first site in the Reservation was located two blocks north of Second
Street and followed the path of Barron’s Creek to the edge of the Brazos River. A small section
of East Washington Street fit within the boundaries as well as all of North First Street. New
boundaries for the Reservation were established in 1905 in several blocks of North Second
Street.53
Waco had also become a minor educational center, a trading hub and city of industries in
central Texas. In 1886, the consolidation of Waco University and Baylor University formed
Baylor University, which further boosted the economy.54 Waco also boasted two cottonseed oil
mills, two planing mills, a woolen mill, and a cotton factory that produced mainly socks and
yarn. By the end of the nineteenth century, the community served as the center of one of
Texas’ prime cotton-growing regions, helped by the fact that the railroad network expanded into
Waco and helped distribute its cotton products. Farmers from over one hundred miles away
brought their cotton to be ginned in Waco. Cotton buyers opened offices in downtown Waco,
52Ibid, 13.
53 Ibid, 72.
54 Ibid, 13.
4 8
and then shipped the cotton by rail to Galveston and on to New Orleans, where it was then
shipped to Europe, South America, and India.55
55 Wood, Leslie. “Waco's Cotton Palace - A Texas Family Tradition - Hadley Court”, Hadley
Court - Interior Design Blog, 16 Nov. 2016.
4 9
Illustration 3.1. 1870 Suspension bridge over the Brazos. The Texas Collection, Baylor
University.
Figure 3.1 Diversified Farm Crops along the Cotton Belt Route.
The large abundance of cotton in the region left the city with a problem. Cotton was
extremely bulky to ship after it was just picked, and would require more space during shipment.
Neighborhood cotton gins began to appear to meet this need. Nearly “every wide place in the
road,” had its own cotton gin which often were very lucrative. Payment for the ginning service
was either paid in cash or swapped for seed.
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Illustration 3.2 City Hall Square with cotton trading in the foreground. The Texas Collection,
Baylor University.
Even after being processed, the cotton was still too bulky. Businessmen soon brought to
the region the latest innovation, the cotton compress. Soon, other surrounding communities
brought their cotton to the city. With its growing population and well-traveled trade routes,
Waco grew to become one of the most important cotton growing regions in the South by the year
1890.56 That year, Waco became a larger city than either Dallas, Fort Worth, or El Paso. 57
56 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54-76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
57 Wood, Leslie. “Waco's Cotton Palace—A Texas Family Tradition—Hadley Court,” Hadley
Court, Interior Design Blog, 16 Nov. 2016.
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The Cotton Palace Exposition
The rising success of Waco inspired a group of community civic leaders in 1894 to begin plans
for an ambitious enterprise, The Texas Cotton Palace Exhibition. An exposition hall deemed the
“Cotton Palace” with seating for up to 5,000 people was built by Architect Roy E. Lane in 1894,
the same year the festival opened. The building was erected in Padgitt Park on Clay Avenue.58
November 8, 1894 was opening day for the Cotton Palace Exposition and included Governor
James Hogg as the guest of honor. Visitors from all over the state poured into Waco to
experience the festival. Only six weeks after the festival, the Cotton Palace burned to the
ground.
Illustration 3.3. The second version of Texas Cotton Palace in Waco. The Texas Collection,
Baylor University.
58 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54–76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
5 2
The Festival did not continue until 1910 when it was reestablished and the Cotton Palace
was rebuilt. The reopened exposition was situated on a twelve-acre lot shaped in a triangle that
connected Clay Avenue, Dutton Avenue, and South Sixteenth Street.59 The original main
structure was less elaborate in design compared to the new structure. The new design was built
in a Moorish architecture style with a turreted main building topped with an onion dome. The
exterior walls of the structure were covered with grains, grass, cotton, minerals, and timber that
were all products of Texas.60 The most notable feature of the site was the giant eagle with a
twenty-foot wingspan that was comprised entirely of red and yellow corn. Other attractions at
the site included a racetrack, football field, pageant, and carnival with a Ferris wheel and wooden
roller coaster.61 The new coliseum was capable of seating up to ten thousand people.62 The
Festival then began to occur annually, with each year becoming more elaborate, until 1930. The
Depression had severely impacted the number of visitors who could afford to go to the Fair and
the crowds decreased significantly.63
59 Jim Stingley, “The Texas Cotton Palace,” Waco History, accessed July 16,
2018, http://wacohistory.org/items/show/15.
60 Selcer, Richard. “People's Palaces.” American History, vol. 49, no. 1, Apr. 2014, pp. 58–65.
61 Ibid.
62 Jim Stingley, “The Texas Cotton Palace,” Waco History, accessed July 16,
2018, http://wacohistory.org/items/show/15.
63 Wood, Leslie. “Waco's Cotton Palace - A Texas Family Tradition - Hadley Court”, Hadley
Court - Interior Design Blog, 16 Nov. 2016.
5 3
Education played a prominent role in early Waco. Known as “The Athens of Texas,”
Waco had several universities including Waco Classical School which became Waco University,
then became Baylor University; Paul Quinn College founded in 1872; Waco Female College
founded in 1857; and Ad-Ran College, which moved to Waco and became Texas Christian
University in 1902. Not only did Waco have a plethora of universities, it had many great
schools. One of these was Sacred Heart Academy, reportedly the first Catholic school in Texas.
Sacred Heart Academy was founded by the Sisters of St. Mary of Namur who relocated to Waco
from Lockport, NY. Other esteemed schools in Waco were the Waco Academy, Waco Select
School, and Leland Seminary. In fact, it was probably due to the excellence of private,
ecumenical schools that the public-school system was not established until 1882.64 East Waco
The Waco Elementary School was the first public school built with tax dollars.65
World War I brought in a new era of development to Waco as it was chosen as the site
for the five thousand-acre military outpost, Camp MacArthur. Twenty-five thousand American
soldiers were stationed in Waco at the time.66 The United States government pressured Waco to
clean up its image. Hence, Waco began to push vice out of its city center. The presence of
Baylor, a large conservative Christian college, further sought to change the reputation of Waco.
Parents were hesitant to send their children to Baylor with houses of vice in the same area as
apartments for students. On August 4, 1917, the Reservation was officially shut down and the
vice network in Waco went underground.67
64 Conger, Roger Norman. A Pictorial History of Waco: with a Reprint of Highlights of Waco
History. 2nd ed., Texian Press, 1964, p. 13.
65 Ryan, Terri Jo. Brazos Past: Tracing East Waco’s Roots, Waco Tribune-Herald, Aug 7, 2010.
66 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54–76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
67 Pylant, James, and Sherri Knight. The Oldest Profession in Texas: Waco's Legal Red Light
District. Stephenville, TX: Jacobus Books, 2011, p. 72.
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Hospitality in Waco
Waco has a long history of hospitality with not only commercial travelers, but also
tourists who were drawn to several hot springs in the area. As the demand for temporary housing
grew in the city, new hotels and boarding houses were being built in rapid succession. One
candidate in the 1912 mayoral race even promised to build the “most modern hotel in Texas.” He
went bankrupt soon after the election and his prized hotel, The Raleigh, became another Albert
Pick Hotel.
Both the arrival of the railroad and addition of the Suspension Bridge made it more
possible than ever for travelers to visit the city. As the city began to evolve into an urban center,
a new hotel was built at the corner of Fourth Street and Austin Avenue. Renowned Waco
Architect, Milton W. Scott, who had designed the ALICO Building and the Waco Hippodrome,
also built the McClelland House Hotel in 1871 to accommodate the abundance of visitors. The
hotel was well known by both businessmen and tourists alike. In 1920, the hotel was put up for
sale and bought by Conrad Hilton. The purchase would make this hotel the third Hilton in the
state of Texas. Hilton was forced to sell this hotel during the Great Depression, along with three
others.
In 1934, the new owners purchased the property and changed its name to the Roosevelt
Hotel to honor Franklin D. Roosevelt. According to the Waco Tribune-Herald in 1936, the
Waco hotel was known as the “acme of hoteldom.” The hotel was owned and staffed strictly by
Waco natives. It soon became known for its friendly atmosphere and the attentiveness to guest’s
needs. The hotel survived not only the Great Depression, but also the 1953 tornado, which had
decimated Waco’s downtown. It was one of three buildings in the path of the storm to remain
standing. Part of the reason that it endured so well was the solid architecture and steel frame that
5 5
helped keep it in place. Even the rooftop sign remained intact. The hotel did finally succumb,
however, when downtown businesses began to move out to the suburbs. The dwindling number
of guests at the hotel paralleled the dwindling number of retailers and shoppers downtown. The
hotel closed for good in 1961 and became the Regis Retirement Home two years later.68
Other hotels were built after the Roosevelt. The first was the Hotel Metropole
constructed in 1881. It had the first elevator in a Waco hotel. The Hotel Wiggins, later renamed
the Raleigh, was built in 1913 and was recently rehabilitated.69
After highways began to cut through Waco and automobile ownership became more
prevalent, downtown hotels began to fall out of fashion in the same way that downtown stores
and downtown residences had. Meanwhile car courts began to mushroom around the periphery
of the city. Each court was unique in its style and taste in an attempt to catch the traveler’s
attention and persuade him to stay for the night. The Grande Hotel had an unusual façade made
of petrified wood. The Circle Courts contained small individual bungalows that guests could
rent. Lodging was not the only type of business that catered to travelers, as restaurants were
known to fight for the attention of customers as well. Popular restaurants in Waco included Bill
Woods’ Triple XXX, Elite Café, and the Chicken Shack.70
68 Amanda Sawyer, “Roosevelt Hotel,” Waco History.
69 Claire Masters. “Portals to The Past: Fond Memories of Sharing Waco’s Stories.” Waco Today
Magazine, 30 July 2015.
70 Ibid.
5 6
Illustration 3.4 The Elite Café. The
Tichnor Brothers Collection, Boston
Public Library.
Illustration 3.5 Bill Wood’s Famous
Food. The Tichnor Brothers Collection,
Boston Public Library.
As the number of automobiles increased, Waco became more integral to commerce and
trade throughout Texas. Several in- and out-of-state highways traveled through the city. Besides
the Meridian Highway, other highways included Gulf-to-Colorado Highway, the King of Trails,
5 7
and the Central Texas Highway.
Figure 3.2. Official Highway Map of Texas, 1926. State Highway Commission. Texas State
Library and Archives Commission. Waco Case Study Final, Texas Historical Commission.
Another bridge was added in 1904 to augment the 1870 bridge, the new one linking Elm
Street in East Waco, the street where the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments were located, to
Washington Street in the downtown core of Waco. The Washington-Elm bridge, like the
suspension bridge, was also an engineering feat with reportedly the longest single-span metal
bridge in the nation. The Washington-Elm Bridge became particularly important to the Meridian
5 8
Highway as it enabled the Gulf Division to cross back over to the east side of the Brazos River
and extend southeast as it paralleled the waterway and H&TC Railway.71
Figure 3.3. Map of the Meridian Road, 1915. American Geographical Society Library Digital
Map Collection, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee.
71 The Development of Highways in Texas, Waco. The Texas Historical Commission. May 2016.
5 9
Early maps of Waco show the earliest highway networks evolved in the mid-1910s. The
A B.F. Goodrich Tire Company travel guide showed the many highways that would pass through
Waco. The map shows a highly complicated road system, particularly downtown, with multiple
at-grade railroad track crossings and routes that extend outward to various locations.
The Meridian Highway went through the heart of downtown (Figure 3.3).
Figure 3.4. Waco City Map. B.F. Goodrich Tire Company, 1915. Waco Case Study Final,
Texas Historical Commission.
It extended on Herring Avenue and then continued onto 5th Street. At Washington and Fifth, and
also McLennan County Courthouse, the road split. Travelers who wanted to continue towards
6 0
the Gulf Division Route turned onto Elm Street and then continued on Peach, and then Cherry.
Travelers driving toward San Antonio and Laredo continued on 5th Street and then turned south
along Speight Street. Located along Elm Street were a number gas stations, tourist courts, and
other travel-related businesses. The Grande Courts Tourist Apartments were one such business
located along Elm Avenue (Figure 5.1). A year after the construction of the Grande Courts
Tourist Apartments, Lee Torrance had built his very similar version across the street, The Alamo
Plaza Tourist Courts.
The Meridian Highway provided entrepreneurs with the opportunity to develop
businesses that catered to the growing number of motorists traveling along its route. Gas
stations, restaurants, tourist camps, and tourist courts began to line the roadside of the Meridian
Highway as it ebbed through the urban clusters. Although many businesses suffered greatly
during the Great Depression, business on the Meridian Highway boomed. Federal aid money
intended to stimulate the economy and provide jobs for unemployed workers was used for road
construction and improvements72.
The amount of traffic along the Meridian Highway led to greater “decentralized and
linear” patterns of commercial development. Land located long the outskirts of cities were
attractive to owners and operators of tourist courts, gas stations, and restaurants greeted passing
motorists as they entered urban areas through the Meridian and other similar highways. Unlike
commercial development in city centers, auto-oriented development was more dispersed and
catered to accommodating the automobile73.
Conclusion
72 The Development of Highways in Texas, Evolution of Named Highways: The Meridian
Highway. The Texas Historical Commission. May 2016.
73 Ibid.
6 1
With the completion of I-35 in 1972, Elm Street was no longer a main thoroughfare. The
interstate cut through East Waco without regard to the existing street grid. Highway 84 went
through Elm Street, which allowed for businesses such as motor courts and motels to thrive, such
as the Alamo Plaza and the Grande Courts. Highway I-35 bypassed Elm Street, cutting off these
businesses from their potential customers. The once important intersection where the New
Dallas Highway and Elm Street would meet had I-35 built directly on top of it. The simple
intersection turned into a massive 6-way interchange. During this construction, Elm Street was
closed. Customers were not able to use this once reliable route of transit.74 No longer was Elm
Street a vibrant business district that accommodated the needs of the traveler. Elm Street
essentially functioned as the heart of East Waco. With a sudden downturn in business, the
neighborhood declined rapidly. Many businesses that were once vital institutions in the
community failed or relocated elsewhere, as was the case for Paul Quinn College. This
disinvestment in East Waco is a problem that continues today with the stark contrast in
appearance between both banks of the River.
74 Sanderson, Dale. “Highway History of Waco Texas.” usends.com, 8 Mar. 2017,
www.usends.com/blog/highway-history-of-waco-texas.
6 2
CHAPTER FOUR
EAST WACO
Introduction
Although Waco and East Waco have been linked since the time the first settlers arrived,
the Brazos River has kept the two communities separate. As Waco Village began to rise to
prominence, East Waco formed as an industrial core across the River. Brick kilns, cotton mills,
planing mills, and cotton seed mills characterized the development. This chapter details the rise
of East Waco, the community where the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments were located. It has
long been known as of a center for transportation and industry, with many of the important local
“gritty” businesses.75 The first cotton gin west of the Mississippi River was the East Waco
Cotton Mill, located on the same plot of land where the Alamo Plaza Apartments would
eventually be located. Transportation changes, the rise of artificial fiber in clothing, natural
disasters, and suburbanization after World War II all played a major role in the decline of East
Waco.
Early East Waco
In 1844, George Barnard opened a trading post on the east bank of the Brazos River.
Two years later, Jesse Sutton established a blacksmith shop nearby. Families flocked to East
Waco between 1847 and 1848 so that a small village appeared.76 The village land was once part
of the Tomas De La Vega land grant.
75 Ryan, Terri Jo. “Brazos Past: Tracing East Waco’s Roots,” Waco Tribune-Herald, Aug 7,
2010.
76 Conger, Roger Norman. A Pictorial History of Waco: with a Reprint of Highlights of Waco
History. 2nd ed., Texian Press, 1964, p. 6.
6 3
Illustration 4.1. View of East Waco with the John Baylis Earle cotton mill displayed on the far
right. Beck, Hester M. B. Willis Photograph Collection, The Portal to Texas History, UNT
Libraries.
The East Waco Cotton Mill was started by John Baylis Earle in the late 1860s. Earle had
acquired the elements of a cotton mill in England during the Civil War. He had purchased the
equipment, disassembled it, and smuggled the dismantled through Mexico and over the border to
Waco.77
77 Amanda Sawyer, “Cotton,” Waco History, accessed July 12, 2018,
http://wacohistory.org/items/show/119?tour=5&index=3.
6 4
Illustration 4.2. The First cotton gin built west of the Mississippi River was located in Waco.
The Texas Collection, Baylor University.
Captain Shapley Ross opened a primitive ferry in 1849 that connected East Waco to
Waco Village, but the ferry was not always reliable as the River was subject to sudden rises
which would shut down the service for days, weeks, even months at a time. The addition of the
Waco Suspension Bridge allowed for easier passage crossing the Brazos River. With the new
bridge, businesses sprang up near the banks to better accommodate the needs of the travelers.
Waco also sat at the heart of one of the principle famed cattle trail routes, The Chisholm Trail.
The Brazos River was known for its quicksand and jump-offs. With the addition of the bridge,
6 5
animals on the trail were able to safely pass for a small fee. In 1889, McClennan County
purchased the bridge and made it toll-free.78
Illustration 4.3. Photograph of a ferry crossing the mighty Brazos River. The Texas Collection,
Baylor University.
78 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54–76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
6 6
Figure 4.1. The Chisholm Trail was one of the famed cattle trails that went through Waco. Texas
Historical Commission.
By the 1870s, East Waco already had a bustling main street, Elm Street, and a railroad
line to transport goods. The first railroad in Waco originated in Bremond and connected to the
Houston & Texas Central Railway. Its spur was the Waco & Northwestern, also known as the
“Waco Tap.” The passenger and freight station were built across the River in East Waco. This
spurred commercial and residential development, and eventually the formal annexation of the
6 7
east side in 1871. Two more rail lines reached Waco shortly after: the Cotton Belt in 1881 and
The Katy in 1882.79
Figure 3.5. 1926 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Waco with the three railroads (SP, Katy, and
Cotton Belt). Texas Railroad History. The circles represent the stations along the route. Station
21 is at the heart of East Waco.
East Waco also faced many challenges over the years. Floods were a common threat to
businesses and industries along the east bank of the Brazos. The western bank sat at a higher
elevation which protected the downtown core of Waco. Major floods occurred 1885, 1898,
1913, and 1936. In 1929, Lake Waco was constructed as a reservoir. The dam was built to
control the constant floods and allowed the city to have a reliable source of water.80 The dam
was no match for the flood of 1913 when a torrential downpour brought record water levels to
79 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54–76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
80 Amanda Sawyer, “Lake Waco,” Waco History, accessed July 26,
2018, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/44.
6 8
Waco. Although the dam had a crest of over 41 feet, it was no match for the rushing water. The
dam burst which sent a cascade of water into the heart of the city. The damage in East Waco far
exceeded anywhere in the area. The flood caused over $1.5 million dollars’ worth of damage in
East Waco and also left more than two thousand residents homeless.81 The new dam constructed
in 1961 replaced the earlier structure to prevent another catastrophic flood.
Despite the devastation caused by the flooding, the early twentieth century was a time of
economic development for the community. With Elm Avenue as a major thoroughfare,
businesses prospered. Development continued to grow with businesses like Kestner’s Family
Department Store, which started as a bank and grocery store in 1914, and later transitioned to dry
goods by the early twenties.82 Businesses shifted focus to better accommodate the traveler
including the Grande Courts and Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments. A number of African-
American owned businesses grew because East Waco had a sizable African American
population.
The College View Court-Hotel was an African-American hotel in East Waco during the
early twentieth century. The hotel offered comfortable and modern rooms at a reasonable rate.
The African-American middle class was on the rise and travel became an attractive pastime.
While many white owned businesses refused to serve non-white patrons, African-American
owned businesses were a welcomed respite for weary non-white travelers. The College View
Court-Hotel first appeared in the Green Book in 1951 and continued to be advertised throughout
81 Amanda Sawyer, “1936 Flood,” Waco History, accessed July 26,
2018, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/63.
82 Amanda Sawyer, “Kestner’s Family Department Store,” Waco History, accessed January 16,
2019, https://wacohistory.org/items/show/83.
6 9
the 1960s. The owner was Dr. J. W. Yancy II, who had served as president of the neighboring
Paul Quinn College from 1939 to 1942.83
Paul Quinn College has the reputation of being the “oldest historically black college in
Texas.”84 Known as the “Athens of Texas,” Waco had been a proven power-house for higher
education. Originally based in Austin, the school opened in Waco in 1877. At the time, African-
American students were excluded from other colleges but Paul Quinn College offered courses to
all, teaching English, Latin, Theology, math, and music.85
On Monday, May 11, 1953, a disastrous tornado hit downtown Waco. The funnel
traveled from the southwestern corner of the city in a northeasterly direction right into the heart
of the city. The death toll was 114, with 145 others listed as having major injuries and 952
having minor injuries. At least 150 homes were destroyed in the disaster and 196 business
buildings in the downtown were classified as demolished and beyond repair. Over 370 others
were deemed “unsafe.” The total damage was thought to be approximately $51 million.
Spectators stated that the scene was unimaginable with buildings collapsing in on themselves,
brick walls crumbling, and plate glass flying through the air.
83 Amanda Sawyer, “College View Court-Hotel,” Waco History, accessed January 16,
2019, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/147.
84 Brandice Nelson, “College View Court-Hotel,” Waco History, accessed January 16,
2019, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/79.
85 Ibid.
7 0
Figure 4.3. Tornado path in 1953, Tornadoes over Texas.
Not only was the downtown core in rough shape, but East Waco was hit first by the full force of
funnel. Several structures near the site of the Alamo Plaza site were heavily damaged. A block
north of Elm Avenue was demolished. Heavily damaged structures were interspersed with
slightly damaged structures and even undamaged structures. Elm Avenue appeared to have been
just a block or so away from the path of the tornado.
W.C. Connor of the New Orleans Weather Bureau visited the Waco after storm and
studied the wreckage. Upon close inspection, he realized the funnel from the storm was elevated
fifteen to twenty feet above where it attacked the second and third stories of buildings while
leaving the one-story structures less damaged. The tornado traveled for five miles through Waco
before its return to the sky.86
86 Hankamer School of Business. Baylor Business Studies: Retail Trade Survey of Waco March
1953. Waco, Tex.: Hankamer School of Business, Baylor University, pp. 5-6.
7 1
Despite the tornado, East Waco rebuilt and continued to thrive. By the mid-1950s and
1960s, it hit its prime. Streets were busy with shoppers and patrons as they scurried among
shops and restaurants. The community then faced a sudden downtown in business with the
arrival of I-35. After that Elm Street was no longer a vibrant commercial strip. Businesses
moved out to the suburbs to join the residents who moved earlier. A new wave of immigration
occurred in East Waco.87 Poor Hispanic and African American families who had left the stagnant
farming communities throughout Texas moved into the vacated structures left behind due to
suburbanization.88 The disinvested Elm Avenue became a hub for illicit activity, including
prostitution and drug trafficking. The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments that had once provided
quality accommodations for travelers looking for a place to spend the night became the Utopia
Motel, a center of the prostitution network in East Waco.89 Several motels were condemned by
the Sub-Standard Housing Officials of Waco in March of 1976. The Utopia Motel had been
open for fifteen years at the time of its demolition, the same year.
Site of the Alamo Plaza Courts
The Utopia Motel, located at 929 Elm Avenue, was owned by Albert Marlow at the time
of it was demolished. Albert had purchased the courts in 1958 from D.W. Bartlett and Hugh
Schrader, the latter having bought his share from E.L. Torrance in 1940 after he had moved on.
Marlow had also purchased the Grande Courts property next door at around the same time,
which he subsequently renamed the Mona Plaza Motel. The café on the Mona Plaza site,
formerly the Texas Café Restaurant, was turned into a beauty shop.
87 Arnold, Watson. (Fall, 2012) “Don't Forget East Waco. It Has a History, Too.” Waco
Heritage & History. Fall 2012: 1. Print.
88 Castro, Tony. The Prince of South Waco: American Dreams and Great Expectations.
Bloomington, IN: IUniverse, Inc., 2013, 79.
89 “Fire Damages Utopia Courts,” Waco Tribune-Herald, May 30, 1976.
7 2
Illustration 4.4. Demolition of the Utopia Courts. The Waco Tribune-Herald.
In 1941 the Waco tax records list the 900 and 1000 block of Elm Avenue as occupied by
the Grande Hotel at 915 Elm, the Alamo Plaza Courts at 929 Elm, and the Grande Courts Tourist
Camp and Texas Café Restaurant at 1000 Elm.90 The site of the Alamo Plaza Courts could be
traced back to 1890 when it was owned by Cameron, Seley, and Sanger.
90 McLennan County Archives, Tax Records, 1890-present. McLennan County Records
Management, Waco, Texas.
7 3
Figure 4.4. Waco, Texas, 1892. D. W. Ensign & Co. Amon Carter Museum, Fort Worth.
Conclusion
The present-day lot of 929 Elm Street is an integral part of local history. It was the site
for the Waco Cotton Mill during that time as seen in the McLennan County Tax Records and in
the 1889 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map for the City of Waco (Figure 4.4 and 4.5). Across the
street from the lot was Paul Quinn College, the first African American college west of the
Mississippi River.91 While the factory itself was not on Elm Street, other structures associated
were such as the warehouse and engineer’s cottage.
91 Brandice Nelson, “Paul Quinn College,” Waco History, accessed July 31, 2018,
http://wacohistory.org/items/show/79.
7 4
Figure 4.5. July 1889 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Waco, Texas.
7 5
Illustration 4.5. John Baylis Earle’s Waco Cotton Mill. Photo by Fred Gildersleeve, A Pictorial
History of Waco.
7 6
Figure 4.6. 1877 Map of East Waco recorded in the Deed Record of McLennan County, Book
35, page 223.
7 7
Today, the block consists of the East Waco Library at 901 Elm Avenue, the Kelly Napier
Justice Center at 929 Elm, and residences in the 1000 block. Few remnants are left that reveal
the story of this area as a bustling commercial hub spurred by automobile-centric development.
There are several remaining structures nearby that hold importance, such as an old gas station
and the disinvested commercial blocks that once formed the backbone of the East Waco
community. The East Waco Library was originally part of an HEB grocery store constructed in
1949 and had been repurposed as a library in 1976 with help from the Cooper Foundation.92
Illustration 4.6. East Waco Library in the 900 Block Elm Street in East Waco. Photo by Author.
92 Smith, J.B. East Waco Library to get makeover, Waco Tribune-Herald, May 7, 2013.
7 8
Illustration 4.7. The Kelly Napier Justice Center in East Waco. Photo by Author.
Illustration 4.8. Elm Avenue in East Waco. Photo by Author.
Illustration 4.9. Historic gas station in East Waco. Photo by Author.
7 9
CHAPTER FIVE
THE ALAMO PLAZA TOURIST COURTS
Introduction
The previous chapters pave the road for understanding what would become the Alamo
Plaza Tourist Apartments. This chapter provides a brief biography of the founder and describes
the events that led the Alamo Plaza to become one of the most innovative pieces of the
hospitality industry in America. The narrative begins with the early roots of life for E. L.
Torrance in McLennan County. He eventually moved to Waco and operated a number of
businesses throughout his early career. As a car-salesmen, Torrance saw a great opportunity to
serve patrons who wanted temporary but high-quality accommodations. The Tourist Apartments
proved successful and Torrance decided to bring his innovative idea to different cities throughout
Texas. Eventually, the Alamo Plaza name would be seen throughout the Southeastern portion of
the United States with nearly identical sister chains like the Park Plaza Courts sprouting in
locations like West Tulsa and Flagstaff.
Edgar Lee Torrance
Edgar Lee Torrance was born in Elk, Texas, in rural McLennan County on September 13,
1893 to Robert Blake and Jeannette E.S. (Dixon) Torrance. He attended Douglas Select School
and later Toby’s Business College, where he became its bookkeeper. Around 1913, Torrance
began purchasing and selling used cars. By 1918, he turned his side business into a full-time
8 0
occupation.93 He married the former Miss Ruth McGrady in 1913, two years after she first
arrived in Waco. They had one daughter, Helon T. Lee.94 The couple was very active in civic
affairs and sat on a few different civic boards. The Torrance family were heavily involved in
equestrian pursuits. He owned and operated Lee Torrance Stables where prize-winning
Tennessee walking horses were raised and also served as a horse-show judge.95
With automobile sales on the rise, Torrance saw an opportunity with the new traveling
market. He had noticed the rise of auto-centric development along the Meridian Highway across
the Brazos River in East Waco. Waco had tourist courts, but Torrance wanted to provide a
respectable place for visitors to rest their head at night. He did not want to add just another
tourist court, but a place where for a good deal one might have access to a comfortable and clean
place to sleep.
93 Harold T. Purvis, “Torrance, Edgar Lee,” Handbook of Texas Online (Texas State Historical
Association 2010).
94 “Mrs. Torrance Dies; Funeral Rites Today.” The Waco News Tribune, 8 Feb. 1971.
95 Harold T. Purvis, “Torrance, Edgar Lee,” Handbook of Texas Online (Texas State Historical
Association 2010).
8 1
Illustration 5.1. Alamo Plaza Advertisement Card. Waco Public Library, courtesy of Keith
Sculle.
8 2
The Alamo Plaza was not just any tourist court or tourist cabin. It had all the respectable
traits of a clean home. The first Alamo Plaza would be called the Alamo Plaza Tourist
Apartments. Torrance partnered with local judge and friend, D.W. Bartlett to create the new
“beautiful and modern” tourist apartments to be located on Elm Street. Originally the duo had
hoped to build an apartment complex for bachelors.96 Instead, they chose to construct a “luxury
motel in the bustling city.”97
Bartlett was born in Wise County but had spent most of his life in Plainview and
Wellington. At the beginning of World War I he joined the 36th Division and fought overseas for
more than a year. When he returned in 1919, he enrolled at Baylor University and became the
first graduate of the school’s renewed law program in 1923. He opened a private law practice in
Waco in 1924 and was then elected to the 39th Legislature where he served a term. Bartlett was
elected in 1925 as city judge where he served two terms. He was then elected as judge of the
34th District Court where he had served more than three decades. Judge Barlett was best known
as the first judge in the country to allow his trial to be televised with the Washburn Trial in
1952.98
96 “A Veteran Motel Operator Speaks,” American Motel Magazine, November 1953, 34.
97 Amanda Sawyer, “Alamo Plaza Hotel Courts,” Waco History, accessed December 16,
2017, http://wacohistory.org/items/show/134.
98 “Bartlett Steps Out as Judge.” The Waco News Tribune, 15 Sept. 1961.
8 3
Figure 5.1. Advertisement for the Alamo Plaza Open House in Waco. Waco Tribune-Herald in
Waco, Texas, Sunday May 12, 1929, p. 15.
8 4
Figure 5.2. Building permit issued for the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments in Waco. Waco
News-Tribune in Waco, Texas, Wednesday, Feb. 20, 1929, p. 14.
The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments
Torrance and D.W. Bartlett held the open house for the original Alamo Plaza Tourist
Apartments on Sunday, May 12, 1929. In the newspapers the motel was touted as “Waco’s
Finest Tourist Apartments” and boasted outside rooms, hot and cold water, private shower baths,
gas stoves for cooking, and a Sealy on every bed.99 At the open house were the American
Legion Drum and Bugle Corps to help liven up the festivities. Torrance believed in the power of
having a good open house, one that the community would remember and in turn suggest this
particular establishment when others would ask where to stay. Since residents were not staying
in motels in their hometown, this was a great way to let the community know exactly what the
Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts had to offer.
99 “Beautiful Alamo Plaza Holds Open House Today.” Waco Tribune-Herald, 12 May. 1929.
8 5
Figure 5.3. Advertisement for the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments in Waco. Waco Tribune-
Herald in Waco, Texas, Thursday, April 11, 1929, p. 3.
The new structure was located in the 900 block of Elm Street and had a frontage that spanned
over 350 feet. The structure had five wings connected by a front that that held true to its
namesake and served as a replica “of the old fortress about which clusters such tragic memories
of sacrifices for Texas independence.”100 “Of course, we have slightly streamlined the original
Alamo” Torrance stated.
100 Ibid.
8 6
Illustration 5.2. The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments. Flickr, Don O’Brien.
https://www.flickr.com/photos/dok1/2716321527/in/album-72157605669174491/.
The structure was built on a gradually sloping terrace and presented a palatial appearance
from the street. The central section of the structure was two stories with a broad and beautifully
arched driveway “beckoning a hospitable welcome to the wayfarer.”101 The common and very
practical U-shaped or horse-shoe shaped design for motels was not a good fit for the Alamo
Plaza chain. In an article published in the American Motel Magazine, Torrance stated, “it looks
like a dairy barn! It’s not an inviting motel!” The front room of the section was outfitted in the
modern hotel office style and even included long distance telephone booths for patrons. There
was a gravel court of about 30 feet wide between each of the five rows. The arrangement
provided each of the 25 apartments with outside exposure on two sides and with enough distance
101 Ibid.
8 7
between the rows to allow the “untrammeled circulation of a breeze.” The majority of the
apartments contained two rooms. The front and rear apartments of the two outside wings
contained apartments with three-rooms. Four-room apartments were located in the front of the
two inside wings. At full capacity, the Tourist Apartments held 60 adults. The interior
arrangement of the kitchenette, breakfast room, bedroom, and bathroom included high quality
furnishings. The beds set on steel bedsprings and each bed contained a Sealy mattress. The
floors were highly polished hardwood. The contractor for the project was W.N. McGrady, the
brother-in-law of Mr. Torrance.102
Illustration 5.3. Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments on June 5, 1939. Flickr, Don O’ Brien.
https://www.flickr.com/photos/dok1/2715774441/
Torrance was able to reduce his cost tremendously just by hiring his brother-in-law as
contractor, thus eliminating a large contract fee. McGrady hired local men to work on the site
102 John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
8 8
and only contracted out for electrical and plumbing. “To get us a contractor would cost us about
25-30% more money. First of all, he would sublet part of the job such as electrical and
plumbing. Then he would figure in his overhead, and his profit and then some more to be safe
and the costs would soar”, Torrance once stated during an interview.103
McGrady used reinforced concrete for the structure. An apartment that adjoined the
Office was set aside as a residence for the Manager.104 According to speculation, James Monroe
Bush was thought to be the architect for the project. Bush also was responsible for Waco’s first
apartment building, the Palm Court, in the 1900 block of Austin Avenue.105
Second Location: Tyler, Texas
After the success of the first court, Torrance decided to bring his model to a new setting,
Tyler, Texas, in 1931, approximately 110 miles east of Waco. At the time, Tyler was in the
midst of an oil boom and there was a prime market for accommodations. Steady industries, such
as fruit growing and cotton harvesting, with Tyler’s good railroad connections had previously
been a major economic driver for the city. Just as cotton’s productivity declined, a succession of
oil wells within a thirty-five-mile radius of Tyler had developed. The city rapidly turned into a
boomtown. A vast network of roads within Smith County with Tyler at its core quickly
developed to accommodate the new influx in population. A number of new types of people
crowded into Tyler. The oilmen, gamblers, lawyers, and other followers all needed to be housed.
Up to that point, Tyler had never needed to accommodate such a large population. Offices were
constructed, work shanties popped up, and existing structures were hurriedly converted to better
fit the needs of the populace. The city represented the oil-boom landscape seeming
103 “A Veteran Motel Operator Speaks,” American Motel Magazine, November 1953, 34.
104 “Beautiful Alamo Plaza Holds Open House Today.” Waco Tribune-Herald, 12 May. 1929.
105 Waco Tribune-Herald, 30 July. 2008.
8 9
impermanent, haphazard, and unkempt. The Blackstone Hotel, one of the nicest hotels and the
largest hotel in Tyler built during the prosperity of the 1920s, had slumped by the Great
Depression. The Blackstone hotel desk clerk had ordered lodgers to sleep in the lobby on cots or
move elsewhere. Many people slept in their automobiles in Tyler during this time.106
Lee Torrance opened his second Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments location on Erwin
Street on July 5, 1931, located on the west side of town. By 1932, four other competitors were
clustered in the same location and created the first motel strip in Tyler. Torrance had placed a
full-page ad in the local Sunday paper that proclaimed the motel as dignified roadside lodging.
Every “tourist apartment” included indoor plumbing, major-brand mattresses, and “hardwood”
floors. Individual need determined the number of rooms in an apartment, anywhere from one
room to four rooms were available.107
The Tyler Alamo Plaza location, however, did not resemble the Waco location. Tyler
and later Chattanooga, would be the only two motels in the chain that were not identical to the
original model. Torrance wanted to create an oasis in the harsh industrial oil boom landscape.
He designed this location with “snow white court apartments” that significantly contrasted
against the harsh landscape. With such a distinction, Torrance bragged that these were
“America’s Finest Tourist Apartments.” With two successful locations up and running, he
announced his plans to extend the chain.108
106 John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
107 Ibid, 92.
108 Ibid.
9 0
Third Location: Shreveport, Louisiana
The third location was not completed until August 1, 1935, located in Shreveport,
Louisiana. The city had long been associated with East Texas, harking back to the days when
the wagon road that extended west out of town was deemed the “Texas Trail.” “G.T.T.” (Gone
to Texas), was a familiar phrase used by those traveling westward to seek better opportunities.
Shreveport claimed to be the “Heart of “Ark-La-Tex” just as Waco was considered “The
Heart of Texas.” “Ark-La-Tex” is the surrounding 100-mile radius that included parts of
Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana. Shreveport was first a river port and then became a successful
rail center for a healthy and robust local economy with natural gas and oil adding to the already
booming economy. As cotton production declined in Texas and oil production increased,
wealthy East Texas oilmen began to invest in Louisiana, and more specifically Shreveport. In
1930, a big gas field opened in nearby Rodessa. Yet, the Barksdale Air Field, established in
1932, proved to be the biggest resource to the city. A sharp demand for temporary housing
struck when the more than nine hundred laborers worked in shifts to construct the base.109
Torrance put his third location at the west end of Shreveport where the Greenwood Road,
the old trail west, and a major Gulf Route, the Mansfield Road, intersected. Both roads were
some of the earliest paved that spread out from Shreveport. By this time, Torrance changed the
name from Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments to Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts as “courts” was
becoming a “hot word” in the industry. Torrance targeted businessmen who traveled with their
wives and married couples who were in need of temporary housing before purchasing a house in
Shreveport.
109 Ibid.
9 1
Unlike many motels of the times that boasted no tipping policies, many of the Alamo
Plaza workers relied on tips as the largest portion of their income. Just as he had done in the
previous locations, Torrance took out advertisements in local newspapers that invited the
community to the grand opening celebration and smaller ads that highlighted the various local
contractors who created high-quality work in such a short amount of time.
Torrance was right again with his financial instincts. Shreveport had no run during the
Great Depression on its bank accounts and the Barksdale Air Force Base continued to boost the
local economy prior to World War II at the end of the 1930s. Torrance had chosen his nephew,
W.G. McGrady, to manage the new location and keep a close eye on its operation. W.G.
McGrady would later train another branch founder at this location.110
Torrance had profited greatly at his shrewd business decisions with the three sites he
selected. He had far surpassed any competitor, most of which were small, often rude, courts that
mushroomed along highways but also hotels located in the heart of the downtown core.111
Conclusion
The Alamo chain was begun with an idea of providing quality accommodations and
continued to use the same formula in later locations. The Alamo façade that had proved
successful in both the Waco and Shreveport location, the grand opening day celebration with
full-page ads in the local paper, the high standards of cleanliness for the guests, comfortable beds
for every guest marked these resting places as the best available in their class. Torrance
expected all of the staff to provide the best customer service possible and go above and beyond
to satisfy each guest. With this model set in place, it is no wonder that the Alamo Plaza chain
110 Ibid.
111 Ibid.
9 2
proved to be so successful when other courts were continually struggling. Torrance had enough
experience as a salesman to know to keep overhead low but sell a quality product. He was
steadfast in his approach to cut costs when possible but not to compromise the experience for the
guests. As the first motel chain in America, the Alamo Plaza Courts set an incredible standard
that few motels were able to live up to.
9 3
CHAPTER FOUR
EAST WACO
Introduction
Although Waco and East Waco have been linked since the time the first settlers arrived,
the Brazos River has kept the two communities separate. As Waco Village began to rise to
prominence, East Waco formed as an industrial core across the River. Brick kilns, cotton mills,
planing mills, and cotton seed mills characterized the development. This chapter details the rise
of East Waco, the community where the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments were located. It has
long been known as of a center for transportation and industry, with many of the important local
“gritty” businesses.112 The first cotton gin west of the Mississippi River was the East Waco
Cotton Mill, located on the same plot of land where the Alamo Plaza Apartments would
eventually be located. Transportation changes, the rise of artificial fiber in clothing, natural
disasters, and suburbanization after World War II all played a major role in the decline of East
Waco.
Early East Waco
In 1844, George Barnard opened a trading post on the east bank of the Brazos River.
Two years later, Jesse Sutton established a blacksmith shop nearby. Families flocked to East
Waco between 1847 and 1848 so that a small village appeared.113 The village land was once part
of the Tomas De La Vega land grant.
112 Ryan, Terri Jo. “Brazos Past: Tracing East Waco’s Roots,” Waco Tribune-Herald, Aug 7,
2010.
113 Conger, Roger Norman. A Pictorial History of Waco: with a Reprint of Highlights of Waco
History. 2nd ed., Texian Press, 1964, p. 6.
9 4
Illustration 4.1. View of East Waco with the John Baylis Earle cotton mill displayed on the far
right. Beck, Hester M. B. Willis Photograph Collection, The Portal to Texas History, UNT
Libraries.
The East Waco Cotton Mill was started by John Baylis Earle in the late 1860s. Earle had
acquired the elements of a cotton mill in England during the Civil War. He had purchased the
equipment, disassembled it, and smuggled the dismantled through Mexico and over the border to
Waco.114
114 Amanda Sawyer, “Cotton,” Waco History, accessed July 12, 2018,
http://wacohistory.org/items/show/119?tour=5&index=3.
9 5
Illustration 4.2. The First cotton gin built west of the Mississippi River was located in Waco.
The Texas Collection, Baylor University.
Captain Shapley Ross opened a primitive ferry in 1849 that connected East Waco to
Waco Village, but the ferry was not always reliable as the River was subject to sudden rises
which would shut down the service for days, weeks, even months at a time. The addition of the
Waco Suspension Bridge allowed for easier passage crossing the Brazos River. With the new
bridge, businesses sprang up near the banks to better accommodate the needs of the travelers.
Waco also sat at the heart of one of the principle famed cattle trail routes, The Chisholm Trail.
The Brazos River was known for its quicksand and jump-offs. With the addition of the bridge,
9 6
animals on the trail were able to safely pass for a small fee. In 1889, McClennan County
purchased the bridge and made it toll-free.115
Illustration 4.3. Photograph of a ferry crossing the mighty Brazos River. The Texas Collection,
Baylor University.
115 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54–76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
9 7
Figure 4.1. The Chisholm Trail was one of the famed cattle trails that went through Waco. Texas
Historical Commission.
By the 1870s, East Waco already had a bustling main street, Elm Street, and a railroad
line to transport goods. The first railroad in Waco originated in Bremond and connected to the
Houston & Texas Central Railway. Its spur was the Waco & Northwestern, also known as the
“Waco Tap.” The passenger and freight station were built across the River in East Waco. This
spurred commercial and residential development, and eventually the formal annexation of the
9 8
east side in 1871. Two more rail lines reached Waco shortly after: the Cotton Belt in 1881 and
The Katy in 1882.116
Figure 3.5. 1926 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Waco with the three railroads (SP, Katy, and
Cotton Belt). Texas Railroad History. The circles represent the stations along the route. Station
21 is at the heart of East Waco.
East Waco also faced many challenges over the years. Floods were a common threat to
businesses and industries along the east bank of the Brazos. The western bank sat at a higher
elevation which protected the downtown core of Waco. Major floods occurred 1885, 1898,
1913, and 1936. In 1929, Lake Waco was constructed as a reservoir. The dam was built to
control the constant floods and allowed the city to have a reliable source of water.117 The dam
was no match for the flood of 1913 when a torrential downpour brought record water levels to
116 Conger, Roger N. “Waco: Cotton and Culture on the Brazos.” The Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, vol. 75, no. 1, 1971, pp. 54–76. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30236685.
117 Amanda Sawyer, “Lake Waco,” Waco History, accessed July 26,
2018, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/44.
9 9
Waco. Although the dam had a crest of over 41 feet, it was no match for the rushing water. The
dam burst which sent a cascade of water into the heart of the city. The damage in East Waco far
exceeded anywhere in the area. The flood caused over $1.5 million dollars’ worth of damage in
East Waco and also left more than two thousand residents homeless.118 The new dam
constructed in 1961 replaced the earlier structure to prevent another catastrophic flood.
Despite the devastation caused by the flooding, the early twentieth century was a time of
economic development for the community. With Elm Avenue as a major thoroughfare,
businesses prospered. Development continued to grow with businesses like Kestner’s Family
Department Store, which started as a bank and grocery store in 1914, and later transitioned to dry
goods by the early twenties.119 Businesses shifted focus to better accommodate the traveler
including the Grande Courts and Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments. A number of African-
American owned businesses grew because East Waco had a sizable African American
population.
The College View Court-Hotel was an African-American hotel in East Waco during the
early twentieth century. The hotel offered comfortable and modern rooms at a reasonable rate.
The African-American middle class was on the rise and travel became an attractive pastime.
While many white owned businesses refused to serve non-white patrons, African-American
owned businesses were a welcomed respite for weary non-white travelers. The College View
Court-Hotel first appeared in the Green Book in 1951 and continued to be advertised throughout
118 Amanda Sawyer, “1936 Flood,” Waco History, accessed July 26,
2018, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/63.
119 Amanda Sawyer, “Kestner’s Family Department Store,” Waco History, accessed January 16,
2019, https://wacohistory.org/items/show/83.
1 00
the 1960s. The owner was Dr. J. W. Yancy II, who had served as president of the neighboring
Paul Quinn College from 1939 to 1942.120
Paul Quinn College has the reputation of being the “oldest historically black college in
Texas.”121 Known as the “Athens of Texas,” Waco had been a proven power-house for higher
education. Originally based in Austin, the school opened in Waco in 1877. At the time, African-
American students were excluded from other colleges but Paul Quinn College offered courses to
all, teaching English, Latin, Theology, math, and music.122
On Monday, May 11, 1953, a disastrous tornado hit downtown Waco. The funnel
traveled from the southwestern corner of the city in a northeasterly direction right into the heart
of the city. The death toll was 114, with 145 others listed as having major injuries and 952
having minor injuries. At least 150 homes were destroyed in the disaster and 196 business
buildings in the downtown were classified as demolished and beyond repair. Over 370 others
were deemed “unsafe.” The total damage was thought to be approximately $51 million.
Spectators stated that the scene was unimaginable with buildings collapsing in on themselves,
brick walls crumbling, and plate glass flying through the air.
120 Amanda Sawyer, “College View Court-Hotel,” Waco History, accessed January 16,
2019, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/147.
121 Brandice Nelson, “College View Court-Hotel,” Waco History, accessed January 16,
2019, http://www.wacohistory.org/items/show/79.
122 Ibid.
1 01
Figure 4.3. Tornado path in 1953, Tornadoes over Texas.
Not only was the downtown core in rough shape, but East Waco was hit first by the full force of
funnel. Several structures near the site of the Alamo Plaza site were heavily damaged. A block
north of Elm Avenue was demolished. Heavily damaged structures were interspersed with
slightly damaged structures and even undamaged structures. Elm Avenue appeared to have been
just a block or so away from the path of the tornado.
W.C. Connor of the New Orleans Weather Bureau visited the Waco after storm and
studied the wreckage. Upon close inspection, he realized the funnel from the storm was elevated
fifteen to twenty feet above where it attacked the second and third stories of buildings while
leaving the one-story structures less damaged. The tornado traveled for five miles through Waco
before its return to the sky.123
123 Hankamer School of Business. Baylor Business Studies: Retail Trade Survey of Waco March
1953. Waco, Tex.: Hankamer School of Business, Baylor University, pp. 5-6.
1 02
Despite the tornado, East Waco rebuilt and continued to thrive. By the mid-1950s and
1960s, it hit its prime. Streets were busy with shoppers and patrons as they scurried among
shops and restaurants. The community then faced a sudden downtown in business with the
arrival of I-35. After that Elm Street was no longer a vibrant commercial strip. Businesses
moved out to the suburbs to join the residents who moved earlier. A new wave of immigration
occurred in East Waco.124 Poor Hispanic and African American families who had left the
stagnant farming communities throughout Texas moved into the vacated structures left behind
due to suburbanization.125 The disinvested Elm Avenue became a hub for illicit activity,
including prostitution and drug trafficking. The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments that had once
provided quality accommodations for travelers looking for a place to spend the night became the
Utopia Motel, a center of the prostitution network in East Waco.126 Several motels were
condemned by the Sub-Standard Housing Officials of Waco in March of 1976. The Utopia
Motel had been open for fifteen years at the time of its demolition, the same year.
Site of the Alamo Plaza Courts
The Utopia Motel, located at 929 Elm Avenue, was owned by Albert Marlow at the time
of it was demolished. Albert had purchased the courts in 1958 from D.W. Bartlett and Hugh
Schrader, the latter having bought his share from E.L. Torrance in 1940 after he had moved on.
Marlow had also purchased the Grande Courts property next door at around the same time,
which he subsequently renamed the Mona Plaza Motel. The café on the Mona Plaza site,
formerly the Texas Café Restaurant, was turned into a beauty shop.
124 Arnold, Watson. (Fall, 2012) “Don't Forget East Waco. It Has a History, Too.” Waco
Heritage & History. Fall 2012: 1. Print.
125 Castro, Tony. The Prince of South Waco: American Dreams and Great Expectations.
Bloomington, IN: IUniverse, Inc., 2013, 79.
126 “Fire Damages Utopia Courts,” Waco Tribune-Herald, May 30, 1976.
1 03
Illustration 4.4. Demolition of the Utopia Courts. The Waco Tribune-Herald.
In 1941 the Waco tax records list the 900 and 1000 block of Elm Avenue as occupied by
the Grande Hotel at 915 Elm, the Alamo Plaza Courts at 929 Elm, and the Grande Courts Tourist
Camp and Texas Café Restaurant at 1000 Elm.127 The site of the Alamo Plaza Courts could be
traced back to 1890 when it was owned by Cameron, Seley, and Sanger.
127 McLennan County Archives, Tax Records, 1890-present. McLennan County Records
Management, Waco, Texas.
1 04
Figure 4.4. Waco, Texas, 1892. D. W. Ensign & Co. Amon Carter Museum, Fort Worth.
Conclusion
The present-day lot of 929 Elm Street is an integral part of local history. It was the site
for the Waco Cotton Mill during that time as seen in the McLennan County Tax Records and in
the 1889 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map for the City of Waco (Figure 4.4 and 4.5). Across the
street from the lot was Paul Quinn College, the first African American college west of the
Mississippi River.128 While the factory itself was not on Elm Street, other structures associated
were such as the warehouse and engineer’s cottage.
128 Brandice Nelson, “Paul Quinn College,” Waco History, accessed July 31, 2018,
http://wacohistory.org/items/show/79.
1 05
Figure 4.5. July 1889 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Waco, Texas.
1 06
Illustration 4.5. John Baylis Earle’s Waco Cotton Mill. Photo by Fred Gildersleeve, A Pictorial
History of Waco.
1 07
Figure 4.6. 1877 Map of East Waco recorded in the Deed Record of McLennan County, Book
35, page 223.
1 08
Today, the block consists of the East Waco Library at 901 Elm Avenue, the Kelly Napier
Justice Center at 929 Elm, and residences in the 1000 block. Few remnants are left that reveal
the story of this area as a bustling commercial hub spurred by automobile-centric development.
There are several remaining structures nearby that hold importance, such as an old gas station
and the disinvested commercial blocks that once formed the backbone of the East Waco
community. The East Waco Library was originally part of an HEB grocery store constructed in
1949 and had been repurposed as a library in 1976 with help from the Cooper Foundation.129
Illustration 4.6. East Waco Library in the 900 Block Elm Street in East Waco. Photo by Author.
129 Smith, J.B. East Waco Library to get makeover, Waco Tribune-Herald, May 7, 2013.
1 09
Illustration 4.7. The Kelly Napier Justice Center in East Waco. Photo by Author.
Illustration 4.8. Elm Avenue in East Waco. Photo by Author.
Illustration 4.9. Historic gas station in East Waco. Photo by Author.
1 10
CHAPTER FIVE
THE ALAMO PLAZA TOURIST COURTS
Introduction
The previous chapters pave the road for understanding what would become the Alamo
Plaza Tourist Apartments. This chapter provides a brief biography of the founder and describes
the events that led the Alamo Plaza to become one of the most innovative pieces of the
hospitality industry in America. The narrative begins with the early roots of life for E. L.
Torrance in McLennan County. He eventually moved to Waco and operated a number of
businesses throughout his early career. As a car-salesmen, Torrance saw a great opportunity to
serve patrons who wanted temporary but high-quality accommodations. The Tourist Apartments
proved successful and Torrance decided to bring his innovative idea to different cities throughout
Texas. Eventually, the Alamo Plaza name would be seen throughout the Southeastern portion of
the United States with nearly identical sister chains like the Park Plaza Courts sprouting in
locations like West Tulsa and Flagstaff.
Edgar Lee Torrance
Edgar Lee Torrance was born in Elk, Texas, in rural McLennan County on September 13,
1893 to Robert Blake and Jeannette E.S. (Dixon) Torrance. He attended Douglas Select School
and later Toby’s Business College, where he became its bookkeeper. Around 1913, Torrance
began purchasing and selling used cars. By 1918, he turned his side business into a full-time
1 11
occupation.130 He married the former Miss Ruth McGrady in 1913, two years after she first
arrived in Waco. They had one daughter, Helon T. Lee.131 The couple was very active in civic
affairs and sat on a few different civic boards. The Torrance family were heavily involved in
equestrian pursuits. He owned and operated Lee Torrance Stables where prize-winning
Tennessee walking horses were raised and also served as a horse-show judge.132
With automobile sales on the rise, Torrance saw an opportunity with the new traveling
market. He had noticed the rise of auto-centric development along the Meridian Highway across
the Brazos River in East Waco. Waco had tourist courts, but Torrance wanted to provide a
respectable place for visitors to rest their head at night. He did not want to add just another
tourist court, but a place where for a good deal one might have access to a comfortable and clean
place to sleep.
130 Harold T. Purvis, “Torrance, Edgar Lee,” Handbook of Texas Online (Texas State Historical
Association 2010).
131 “Mrs. Torrance Dies; Funeral Rites Today.” The Waco News Tribune, 8 Feb. 1971.
132 Harold T. Purvis, “Torrance, Edgar Lee,” Handbook of Texas Online (Texas State Historical
Association 2010).
1 12
Illustration 5.1. Alamo Plaza Advertisement Card. Waco Public Library, courtesy of Keith
Sculle.
1 13
The Alamo Plaza was not just any tourist court or tourist cabin. It had all the respectable
traits of a clean home. The first Alamo Plaza would be called the Alamo Plaza Tourist
Apartments. Torrance partnered with local judge and friend, D.W. Bartlett to create the new
“beautiful and modern” tourist apartments to be located on Elm Street. Originally the duo had
hoped to build an apartment complex for bachelors.133 Instead, they chose to construct a “luxury
motel in the bustling city.”134
Bartlett was born in Wise County but had spent most of his life in Plainview and
Wellington. At the beginning of World War I he joined the 36th Division and fought overseas for
more than a year. When he returned in 1919, he enrolled at Baylor University and became the
first graduate of the school’s renewed law program in 1923. He opened a private law practice in
Waco in 1924 and was then elected to the 39th Legislature where he served a term. Bartlett was
elected in 1925 as city judge where he served two terms. He was then elected as judge of the
34th District Court where he had served more than three decades. Judge Barlett was best known
as the first judge in the country to allow his trial to be televised with the Washburn Trial in
1952.135
133 “A Veteran Motel Operator Speaks,” American Motel Magazine, November 1953, 34.
134 Amanda Sawyer, “Alamo Plaza Hotel Courts,” Waco History, accessed December 16,
2017, http://wacohistory.org/items/show/134.
135 “Bartlett Steps Out as Judge.” The Waco News Tribune, 15 Sept. 1961.
1 14
Figure 5.1. Advertisement for the Alamo Plaza Open House in Waco. Waco Tribune-Herald in
Waco, Texas, Sunday May 12, 1929, p. 15.
1 15
Figure 5.2. Building permit issued for the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments in Waco. Waco
News-Tribune in Waco, Texas, Wednesday, Feb. 20, 1929, p. 14.
The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments
Torrance and D.W. Bartlett held the open house for the original Alamo Plaza Tourist
Apartments on Sunday, May 12, 1929. In the newspapers the motel was touted as “Waco’s
Finest Tourist Apartments” and boasted outside rooms, hot and cold water, private shower baths,
gas stoves for cooking, and a Sealy on every bed.136 At the open house were the American
Legion Drum and Bugle Corps to help liven up the festivities. Torrance believed in the power of
having a good open house, one that the community would remember and in turn suggest this
particular establishment when others would ask where to stay. Since residents were not staying
in motels in their hometown, this was a great way to let the community know exactly what the
Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts had to offer.
136 “Beautiful Alamo Plaza Holds Open House Today.” Waco Tribune-Herald, 12 May. 1929.
1 16
Figure 5.3. Advertisement for the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments in Waco. Waco Tribune-
Herald in Waco, Texas, Thursday, April 11, 1929, p. 3.
The new structure was located in the 900 block of Elm Street and had a frontage that spanned
over 350 feet. The structure had five wings connected by a front that that held true to its
namesake and served as a replica “of the old fortress about which clusters such tragic memories
of sacrifices for Texas independence.”137 “Of course, we have slightly streamlined the original
Alamo” Torrance stated.
137 Ibid.
1 17
Illustration 5.2. The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments. Flickr, Don O’Brien.
https://www.flickr.com/photos/dok1/2716321527/in/album-72157605669174491/.
The structure was built on a gradually sloping terrace and presented a palatial appearance
from the street. The central section of the structure was two stories with a broad and beautifully
arched driveway “beckoning a hospitable welcome to the wayfarer.”138 The common and very
practical U-shaped or horse-shoe shaped design for motels was not a good fit for the Alamo
Plaza chain. In an article published in the American Motel Magazine, Torrance stated, “it looks
like a dairy barn! It’s not an inviting motel!” The front room of the section was outfitted in the
modern hotel office style and even included long distance telephone booths for patrons. There
was a gravel court of about 30 feet wide between each of the five rows. The arrangement
provided each of the 25 apartments with outside exposure on two sides and with enough distance
138 Ibid.
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between the rows to allow the “untrammeled circulation of a breeze.” The majority of the
apartments contained two rooms. The front and rear apartments of the two outside wings
contained apartments with three-rooms. Four-room apartments were located in the front of the
two inside wings. At full capacity, the Tourist Apartments held 60 adults. The interior
arrangement of the kitchenette, breakfast room, bedroom, and bathroom included high quality
furnishings. The beds set on steel bedsprings and each bed contained a Sealy mattress. The
floors were highly polished hardwood. The contractor for the project was W.N. McGrady, the
brother-in-law of Mr. Torrance.139
Illustration 5.3. Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments on June 5, 1939. Flickr, Don O’ Brien.
https://www.flickr.com/photos/dok1/2715774441/
Torrance was able to reduce his cost tremendously just by hiring his brother-in-law as
contractor, thus eliminating a large contract fee. McGrady hired local men to work on the site
139 John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
1 19
and only contracted out for electrical and plumbing. “To get us a contractor would cost us about
25-30% more money. First of all, he would sublet part of the job such as electrical and
plumbing. Then he would figure in his overhead, and his profit and then some more to be safe
and the costs would soar”, Torrance once stated during an interview.140
McGrady used reinforced concrete for the structure. An apartment that adjoined the
Office was set aside as a residence for the Manager.141 According to speculation, James Monroe
Bush was thought to be the architect for the project. Bush also was responsible for Waco’s first
apartment building, the Palm Court, in the 1900 block of Austin Avenue.142
Second Location: Tyler, Texas
After the success of the first court, Torrance decided to bring his model to a new setting,
Tyler, Texas, in 1931, approximately 110 miles east of Waco. At the time, Tyler was in the
midst of an oil boom and there was a prime market for accommodations. Steady industries, such
as fruit growing and cotton harvesting, with Tyler’s good railroad connections had previously
been a major economic driver for the city. Just as cotton’s productivity declined, a succession of
oil wells within a thirty-five-mile radius of Tyler had developed. The city rapidly turned into a
boomtown. A vast network of roads within Smith County with Tyler at its core quickly
developed to accommodate the new influx in population. A number of new types of people
crowded into Tyler. The oilmen, gamblers, lawyers, and other followers all needed to be housed.
Up to that point, Tyler had never needed to accommodate such a large population. Offices were
constructed, work shanties popped up, and existing structures were hurriedly converted to better
fit the needs of the populace. The city represented the oil-boom landscape seeming
140 “A Veteran Motel Operator Speaks,” American Motel Magazine, November 1953, 34.
141 “Beautiful Alamo Plaza Holds Open House Today.” Waco Tribune-Herald, 12 May. 1929.
142 Waco Tribune-Herald, 30 July. 2008.
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impermanent, haphazard, and unkempt. The Blackstone Hotel, one of the nicest hotels and the
largest hotel in Tyler built during the prosperity of the 1920s, had slumped by the Great
Depression. The Blackstone hotel desk clerk had ordered lodgers to sleep in the lobby on cots or
move elsewhere. Many people slept in their automobiles in Tyler during this time.143
Lee Torrance opened his second Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments location on Erwin
Street on July 5, 1931, located on the west side of town. By 1932, four other competitors were
clustered in the same location and created the first motel strip in Tyler. Torrance had placed a
full-page ad in the local Sunday paper that proclaimed the motel as dignified roadside lodging.
Every “tourist apartment” included indoor plumbing, major-brand mattresses, and “hardwood”
floors. Individual need determined the number of rooms in an apartment, anywhere from one
room to four rooms were available.144
The Tyler Alamo Plaza location, however, did not resemble the Waco location. Tyler
and later Chattanooga, would be the only two motels in the chain that were not identical to the
original model. Torrance wanted to create an oasis in the harsh industrial oil boom landscape.
He designed this location with “snow white court apartments” that significantly contrasted
against the harsh landscape. With such a distinction, Torrance bragged that these were
“America’s Finest Tourist Apartments.” With two successful locations up and running, he
announced his plans to extend the chain.145
143 John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
144 Ibid, 92.
145 Ibid.
1 21
Third Location: Shreveport, Louisiana
The third location was not completed until August 1, 1935, located in Shreveport,
Louisiana. The city had long been associated with East Texas, harking back to the days when
the wagon road that extended west out of town was deemed the “Texas Trail.” “G.T.T.” (Gone
to Texas), was a familiar phrase used by those traveling westward to seek better opportunities.
Shreveport claimed to be the “Heart of “Ark-La-Tex” just as Waco was considered “The
Heart of Texas.” “Ark-La-Tex” is the surrounding 100-mile radius that included parts of
Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana. Shreveport was first a river port and then became a successful
rail center for a healthy and robust local economy with natural gas and oil adding to the already
booming economy. As cotton production declined in Texas and oil production increased,
wealthy East Texas oilmen began to invest in Louisiana, and more specifically Shreveport. In
1930, a big gas field opened in nearby Rodessa. Yet, the Barksdale Air Field, established in
1932, proved to be the biggest resource to the city. A sharp demand for temporary housing
struck when the more than nine hundred laborers worked in shifts to construct the base.146
Torrance put his third location at the west end of Shreveport where the Greenwood Road,
the old trail west, and a major Gulf Route, the Mansfield Road, intersected. Both roads were
some of the earliest paved that spread out from Shreveport. By this time, Torrance changed the
name from Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments to Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts as “courts” was
becoming a “hot word” in the industry. Torrance targeted businessmen who traveled with their
wives and married couples who were in need of temporary housing before purchasing a house in
Shreveport.
146 Ibid.
1 22
Unlike many motels of the times that boasted no tipping policies, many of the Alamo
Plaza workers relied on tips as the largest portion of their income. Just as he had done in the
previous locations, Torrance took out advertisements in local newspapers that invited the
community to the grand opening celebration and smaller ads that highlighted the various local
contractors who created high-quality work in such a short amount of time.
Torrance was right again with his financial instincts. Shreveport had no run during the
Great Depression on its bank accounts and the Barksdale Air Force Base continued to boost the
local economy prior to World War II at the end of the 1930s. Torrance had chosen his nephew,
W.G. McGrady, to manage the new location and keep a close eye on its operation. W.G.
McGrady would later train another branch founder at this location.147
Torrance had profited greatly at his shrewd business decisions with the three sites he
selected. He had far surpassed any competitor, most of which were small, often rude, courts that
mushroomed along highways but also hotels located in the heart of the downtown core.148
Conclusion
The Alamo chain was begun with an idea of providing quality accommodations and
continued to use the same formula in later locations. The Alamo façade that had proved
successful in both the Waco and Shreveport location, the grand opening day celebration with
full-page ads in the local paper, the high standards of cleanliness for the guests, comfortable beds
for every guest marked these resting places as the best available in their class. Torrance
expected all of the staff to provide the best customer service possible and go above and beyond
to satisfy each guest. With this model set in place, it is no wonder that the Alamo Plaza chain
147 Ibid.
148 Ibid.
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proved to be so successful when other courts were continually struggling. Torrance had enough
experience as a salesman to know to keep overhead low but sell a quality product. He was
steadfast in his approach to cut costs when possible but not to compromise the experience for the
guests. As the first motel chain in America, the Alamo Plaza Courts set an incredible standard
that few motels were able to live up to.
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CHAPTER SIX
ORIGINS OF THE ALAMO PLAZA
Introduction
This chapter describes the factors that led to the branding of the Alamo Plaza chain in
both appearance and identity. In the early twentieth century businesses that catered to travelers,
such as gas stations, motels, and restaurants, were in heavy competition to lure in travelers.
Many would decide on external appearance and word of mouth. Three or four motor courts
located along the same strip competed for the same customers and thus had to compete to gain
their attention. The Alamo Plaza was not unique in its attempt to lure in travelers by selling both
a fantasy and an image. As was common, this chain created an identity that would create a
recognizable brand to consumers, create loyal customers who would continue to stay at other
Alamo Plazas, and instill a feeling of both pride and possibility.
The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments at Their Start
The Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments were not the first auto court complex in their
location. The Grande Courts across the street were constructed the previous year. Even though
the Alamo Plaza was thought to have copied the earlier court, Torrance had other intentions with
his choice of façade for the structure. For one thing, the name Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments
carries several connotations. The first is an homage to the Alamo a few hours south of the first
site. Torrance was a proud Texan who wanted to incorporate a symbol of strength and honor in
Texas history as a way to attract customers to his location.
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Illustration 6.1. The Grande Courts Tourist Apartments. The Tichnor Brothers Collection,
Boston Public Library.
Illustration 6.2. The Grande Courts on Elm Avenue. The Texas Collection, Baylor University.
The use of the mission-style façade was tied to a growing Spanish Revival trend in
American architecture. This style was used not only in places where Spanish missions had been
established a century earlier--such as Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas, but also in
1 26
the Northeast. The Mission Revival was phase one of the Spanish Colonial Revival era. The
structures did not represent early Spanish ecclesiastical architecture, but rather resembled
Spanish domestic buildings made out of adobe. Architects who built in the Mission Revival
style used suggestive details to conjure up the vision of a Mission with parapet, scalloped gable
ends, simple arcades, bell towers, tile roofs, and broad, unbroken exterior rough cement stucco
surfaces.149
The Pueblo or Santa Fe Revival would also be included in this phase just as Santa Fe was
undergoing a rapid change in their conversion to “Santa Fe style” buildings. These structures
were inspired by the provincial Spanish Colonial buildings found near the Rio Grande River
Valley in New Mexico. The next phase would be the Mediterranean Revival, which imported
not only Spanish and Mexican elements, but also those from Italy and Islamic North Africa.
This style spawned another, the Monterey style, also included in the second phase.150
Even though California had long been a haven for a variety of groups with different
housing styles, the Spanish Colonial style—which encompassed the Mission-style, the Pueblo/
Santa Fe Revival style, and the Churrigueresque—was one of the most popular modes. In
California, as writers such as Charles Lummis and Helen Hunt Jackson arrived in the West in the
1880s, they created a romantic vision of Mission-era California that portrayed characters such as
dignified Native Americans living amongst Spanish priests and dons. Several early structures in
this style include A. Page Brown’s California Building at the World Columbian Exposition of
149 Crawford, Margaret. “Bertram Goodhue, Walter Douglas and Tyrone, New Mexico.” Journal
of Architectural Education (1984), vol. 42, no. 4, 1989, pp. 25–33. JSTOR, JSTOR,
www.jstor.org/stable/1425018.
150 Ibid.
1 27
1893 and the Mission Inn in Riverside, the first part of which was designed between 1890 and
1901.
Illustration 6.3. The Garden of the Bells at the Mission Inn. Baja California and the West.
Postcard Collection, Special Collections, UC San Diego Library.
Those with ties to the West were eager to capitalize on this version of Paradise. Both the
railroad companies and real estate speculators used this image of California to sell their services
and products through newspapers and magazines. This interest was further amplified with
numerous articles and illustrations detailing the Mission style in California first in regional
publications like Outwest and Western Architect, and later in national publications such as the
Craftsman, Sunset, and The Architect and Engineer. Resort hotels built in this style began to
spring up in California by the first decade of the twentieth century. These included the Raymond
Hotel and the Hotel Maryland, which began to represent California to Easterners as a place of
1 28
leisure and rest. Easterners began to flock to these resorts to avoid the harsh winters and city
life, staying for months at a time. Shortly after, Midwesterners and Southerners arrived in the
Golden State ready to take advantage of the job opportunities and live the California lifestyle.151
This “booster era” spanned from approximately 1885 to 1925. During this time artists,
real estate tycoons, and creative writers teamed up with civic leaders, all with a vested interest in
the development of Southern California to attract new settlers. The image they portrayed was
one of perfect weather, affordable land, and an abundance of jobs. In fact, from February 1898
to February 1899, more than 127,000 pieces of literature that touted the benefits of Southern
California living was distributed in Omaha, Nebraska, alone.152
Illustration 6.4. Southern Pacific Advertisement. Internet, https://www.magazine-
advertisements.com/uploads/2/1/8/4/21844100/southern-pacific-sunset-route-1.jpg
151 Ibid.
152 Meares, Hadley, “Sunkist Skies of Glory,” Los Angeles Curbed, May 24, 2018,
https://la.curbed.com/2018/5/24/17350622/los-angeles-history-promoted-boosters-ads.
1 29
Railroads were now able to span the entire country, and encouraged sales in East Coast
cities. The Southern Pacific and the Santa Fe competed to draw in as many tourists and settlers
as possible. Oranges shipped from California were packaged in crates that shared the same
iconic image of California as paradise. Other crate labels focused on the Ramona era.
Illustration 6.5. Crate Label for the Orange Fruit Company, Orange, CA, 1945. Orange Public
Library and History Center.
The citrus industry also began to sell the California Dream. One key role that the
Southern Pacific Railroad Company played were the numerous brochures and periodicals,
including Sunset Magazine. Sunset contained numerous articles that encouraged perspective
immigrants to Southern California to grow their own Garden of Eden with the addition of a citrus
orchard. Citrus cities like Anaheim, Riverside, Santa Barbara developed where orange groves
1 30
were plentiful.153 Riverside was even deemed by Sunset Magazine to be the “greatest orange
growing district in the world”.154
Illustration 6.6. Southern Pacific Sunset Route: Best Route to the California Exposition.
Collections, Programs, and Events. Special Collections & Archives, UC San Diego Library.
Illustration 6.7. The New Sunset Limited: Sunset Route. California State Library.
This widely idealized and widely published vision of California spread throughout the
country over the ensuing decades. Architects like Bertram Goodhue, Arthur Henrik Stibolt,
153 Jenkins, Benjamin, “The Octopus’s Garden: Railroads, Citrus Agriculture, and the Emergence
of Southern California”, (Master’s Thesis, UC Riverside, 2016), 276.
154 “The Greatest Orange Growing District on Earth: Riverside, California” advertisement,
Sunset 5, no. 2 (June 1900).
1 31
Frank Mead, Richard Requa, Carleton Winslow, and Lilian Rice all created masterful works of
art in the newly popular style. An important event that further boosted the expanse of the style
was San Diego’s Panama-California Exposition of 1915, which served as a catalyst to spread the
style throughout the nation. The romantic influence from Helen Hunt Jackson’s Ramona was
ever-present at the fair as the buildings were a majestic sight for their hordes of tourists. On the
ornate tower at the California Quadrangle, Spanish Kings, Friars, and Explorers were
prominently displayed. Just past the Tower was the Plaza de Panama. All of the buildings
displayed the grandiosity and majesties of the style.
Illustration 6.8. The California Building and Tower. A.D. White Architectural Photographs,
Cornell University.
1 32
Junior architect Clarence Stein, while working in the office of the Exposition architect
Bertram Goodhue, contributed to the Spanish style of the buildings and grounds. Stein relied
heavily on his earlier travels, particularly to Spain and Italy as inspiration. One identifiable piece
of evidence is the Cabrillo Bridge at the entrance of the exhibit, which is similar to Stein’s
sketches made during a trip to Toledo, Spain. Stein had hoped to create a sweeping and majestic
entrance for the Exposition to welcome visitors and portray the exhibition’s grandiosity just as he
had seen in Toledo.
Illustration 6.9. Toledo, Spain. Adem Aykanat. Online Photo.
https://www.flickr.com/photos/114054954@N05/.
Illustration 6.10. Watercolor of Toledo, 1910. Clarence Stein. Clarence Stein Papers, #3600.
Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
Illustration 6.11. Watercolor of Balboa Park, 1915. Clarence Stein. Clarence Stein papers,
#3600. Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
1 33
Stein began to look past the Beaux Arts arrangement of the site and incorporated some
elements of Latin American cities to break up the strict monotony and introduce smaller
attractions like out of the way shops and buildings. His approach to the site was to create a more
intimate, livable space that can really connect with visitors to the site which carried over in
designs for planned communities laid out in this style such as Planada, California.
Figure 6.1. Proposed Development of Planada, California. Merced County Courthouse
Museum.
1 34
Another important feature of the Exposition was the layout of the community, as it
nominally followed the guidelines provided by the Law of the Indies. As the West began to
urbanize, planned communities were a way of providing food, services and housing in order to
increase the population. In these cases the plan and the architectural style were often unified.
While the Spanish Colonial Revival style had been found throughout the state since
before the romantic era, it reached an apex with its re-introduction through the Panama-
California Exposition of 1915. Many architects employed this fashion, and created their own
versions of little missions and haciendas. The style was used indiscriminately on every type of
building from a house, to a church, school, grocery store, and even a gas station. Places like the
Alamo Plaza fit within the Mission Revival style, as the Alamo was originally the Mission San
Antonio de Valero.
The History of the Alamo and Its Inspiration Value
Native Americans were the first inhabitants of the area where the Alamo would later be
constructed. Small bands of hunting and gathering peoples moved throughout South Texas. A
settlement of Coahuiltecans was said to be within present San Antonio city limits around 1691.
The group was also known as the Payayas and had a range that extended 50 miles south of the
San Antonio River. The Payaya was one of the first tribes to enter Mission San Antonio de
Valero when it was established in 1718; other groups in subsequent years. By the 17th century,
all of the bands of hunting and gathering had either been reduced or assimilated into Spanish
society.155
155 Johnson, Edgar D, et al, “HemisFair Park, San Antonio, Texas: An Archival Study for the
Convention Center Expansion.” Archaeological Survey Report, no. 249, (Center for
Archaeological Research, The University of Texas at San Antonio.), 1997.
1 35
After a group of French settlers landed on Matagorda Bay, Spain was spurred into action.
Missions were established in east Texas to further strengthen the Spanish claim in the area.
Father Antonio de San Buenaventura y Olivares had a clear vision to establish a mission in a rich
valley he saw in 1709. In 1713, he petitioned the new viceroy, the Maqués de Valero, Don
Baltazar de Zuniga, to support his dream of establishing a mission in the San Antonio River
valley. The viceroy gave his approval and charged Don Martín de Alarcón, newly appointed
governor Texas, to assist Olivares with the establishment of his mission, and creating a presidio
and villa to support it. One of the first protocol measures was to create the acequia system.
Olivares had specifically chosen the site, where “the water rises to the top of the ground, and the
entire work is matter of using a plow.” The original site was on present-day Breckenridge Park.
In 1724, a hurricane destroyed the mission, and a new site was chosen.156
By 1790, Mission San Antonio de Valero had steadily declined. The population had
dropped enough that there were hardly any Indians left to tend the fields, so that they were
divided into plots and given to 14 family heads and unmarried adults that resided in the mission.
This area was known as the labor de abajo, the lower farm. The upper farm was given to 45
“converted heads of families” from the Adaesanos group. The remaining lands were given to
nine other Spaniards and two townsmen.157
The abandoned mission was then used as living quarters by the Light Calvary Company
from the town of Alamo de Parras, Coahuila. This occupation is how the mission became known
as the Alamo. The first hospital was established in 1805 and cared mostly for the troops and
156 Ibid.
157 Ibid.
1 36
their families. These built homes on the high bluff that overlooked the San Antonio River south
of the old church. This settlement became known as La Villita, or “little village.”158
Political unrest in Mexico soon spread to the area. In a remote mining district in Mexico,
a group of Indians, mestizos, and a few creoles declared their independence from Spain in 1810
which sparked revolution throughout all of the North American Spanish colonies. The following
January a retired colonel, Juan Bautista Casas, declared independence from Spain and appointed
himself as head of the government. His administration was overthrown on March 2. He was
sent to Mexico to be tried and his head was shipped back to San Antonio, packed in ice, to be
displayed in the plaza to warn other rebels of the cost of revolting. The fighting continued with
severe results. In 1814, General Joaquín de Arredondo invaded with 4,000 troops, killing 600
men in the field and imprisoning most of the city’s population. The city declined as private
property was confiscated and residents either fled or died.159
The economy and workforce of the city floundered for decades. As agriculture was the
main industry for San Antonio, without the men, there was no one to harvest and tend to the
fields or maintain the acequia system. Attacks from Indian tribes also became more aggressive
and frequent. In response to outcry from the citizens, the governor temporarily sent troops to aid
farmers with planting and harvesting. At the height of planting season, however, the troops were
recalled.160
One lead miner from Missouri, Moses Austin, presented a solution. He would begin a
colony of Anglo settlers to help repopulate the city. He was given permission to settle 300
families on 200,000 acres throughout the lower Brazos valley. Unfortunately, he died but his
158 Ibid.
159 Ibid.
160 Ibid.
1 37
son, Stephen F. Austin, began to implement his plan. Unfortunately, after Mexico won its
independence from Spain the new government did not recognize Stephen Austin’s grant from the
old regime. He then rushed to Mexico City and persuaded the legislature to reestablish the law
that had allowed the empresario program. The new government agreed and Stephen Austin
brought another 300 families to the region. By that time, the population had risen to 1,625
residents. Although Texas and Coahuila were originally lumped into one state with Saltillo as
the capital, by the following year, Texas had become a separate department and San Antonio de
Bexar was established as its new capital.161
Mexico was still in a rocky transition of changing governments and leaders. Manuel Mier
y Terán, an avid critic of the colonization of North America, was placed in charge of Texas. He
garrisoned troops in Texas, which was seen as a hostile act by colonists. In June of 1834, the
president of Mexico was ousted and Santa Anna seized the government. During this time
Stephen Austin had been put in prison in Mexico while Santa Anna reinforced the troops in
Texas. Having been imprisoned, Austin realized that because the new Mexican government and
the Texas colony were irreconcilable, it was time for a revolution.162
Troops began to march to San Antonio under Austin’s command on October 1, 1835 to
capture General Cós, who prepared his troops for battle. Cannons were positioned around the
plaza and Mission Valero was fortified. The siege held off and then stagnated. It had almost
ended until December 4th when under Colonel Ben Milam, a group of volunteers planned their
attack on the city. General Cós was defeated as the troops attacked in house-to-house combat.
After a humiliating defeat, Santa Anna swiftly sent troops to Texas to catch his enemy by
161 Ibid.
162 Ibid.
1 38
surprise. Upon arrival, the Texans were forced to hide behind the makeshift walls of the Alamo.
The battle had lasted for thirteen days when on the morning of March 6, 1836, Santa Anna had
won. He drove Houston’s army to the edge of the territory when he was caught by surprise by
Texans at San Jacinto. He was then defeated and captured in a short battle.163 After Santa Anna’s
defeat at the battle of the Alamo and the emergence of Texas as a Republic, San Antonio began
to experience a three-decade period of tremendous growth with over 136% increase in
population. The place of the Alamo was fixed in the history of Texas and the narrative of the
battle became legendary.
Conclusion
The story of the Alamo provided an instantly recognizable link for visitors to Texas, a
history that Torrance would use to draw in his customers. Americans needed to be reminded of
their strength as a nation and ability to overcome, just as they had done at the Alamo less than a
century before. The Alamo became a symbol for endurance and longevity for Americans,
especially Texans. While many other businesses floundered throughout the Great Depression,
auto courts and other businesses that catered to the tourist were on the rise. Many Americans
wanted an affordable way to escape. The Alamo Plaza Courts provided this kind of experience
to their guests, in a familiar Spanish mission context. Lee Torrance’s business proved to be
especially lucrative due to the way it was adventurous yet hospitable, engaging yet comfortable.
The brand was both exciting and familiar to its customer base and more branches were
strategically opened over the next few decades.
163 Ibid.
1 39
CHAPTER SEVEN
CURRENT STATE OF THE SITES
Introduction
This chapter explores several former Alamo Plaza Court sites visited in the Spring of
2018. The sites selected include the original location in Waco, the former site in Houston, and
two previous locations in Shreveport. The sites are a mix of completely demolished sites,
completely intact sites, and sites which have been reinterpreted in a modern context. Although
the Waco location was the most important location because it set the tone for future growth, little
remains of the original property. The site in Houston, however, still has its structure intact and is
operating as SRO housing. While the Waco site was demolished in the 1970s, the Houston
Alamo Plaza was still in operation until 2006 and has only had one owner since its operation as a
motel. Shreveport had three Alamo Plaza locations as the traveler’s market had fully embraced
the chain. In early 2018, the last structure completed was still in operation as a motel. Acquired
by Travelodge, patrons can still be seen unloading luggage and swimming in the original pool.
The first Shreveport location has been demolished. The second location faced a similar fate,
however, one of the former structures is extant today.
Alamo Plaza Courts, Waco
On the former site of the Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts is the Napier Criminal Justice
Center built in 1996. One wall remainx on the site located at the north end of the lot near the
East Waco Library. The Kelly Napier Justice Center sits almost exactly on the same spot of the
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former tourist apartment site. The Justice Center also utilized the slope that elevated the Alamo
Plaza above competition.
Illustration 7.1. 929 Elm Street, East Waco. Site of the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments. Photo
by Author.
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Illustration 7.2. 929 Elm Street, East Waco. Wall from the Alamo Plaza Court. Photo by
Author.
Illustration 7.3. Photo of the former site of the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments. Photo by
Author.
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Figure 7.1. 1926 Waco Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Sheet 74. This map shows the site for both
the Grande Courts and Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments several years prior to construction.
Figure 7.2. 1926-1950 Waco Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Sheet 74. This map shows the site
for the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments.
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Figure 7.3. 1926-1950 Waco Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, Sheet 74. Close up of the Alamo
Plaza Tourist Apartments.
General Layout
The layout for the Alamo Plaza Courts was fairly standard until the mid-1960s, when a
modern plan was adopted. The Memphis Alamo Plaza Courts shown below provide a typical
example. All of the traditional courts initially had six or seven rows of units. The complexes
would expand when more capital became available. The additions were seen in various
arrangements behind the original cluster. Units were even added on adjacent parcels as
displayed in the Waco and Memphis locations. The added rows were usually in straight lines
perpendicular to the original rows.
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Figure 7.4. Site Plan for the Alamo Plaza Courts in Memphis. Memphis Board of Adjustment,
Josh Whitehead. Notice the layout is nearly identical to the Waco location.
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Figure 7.5. Entrance Elevation for the Alamo Plaza Courts in Memphis. Memphis Board of
Adjustment, Josh Whitehead.
The office was either in the third or fourth row. The office was the only building on the
lot that was two-stories tall because it also housed the living quarters for the manager, as
indicated in Figure 7.5. The Charleston location living quarters still houses the manager’s family
although some alterations have been made. Directly behind the office is the kitchen followed by
the living room along with a master bedroom. The upstairs contained two more bedrooms. The
Atlanta location used its manager’s quarters exclusively for offices for the Santa Fe Villas.
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Figure 7.6. Alamo Plaza Apartments Unit Plans in Memphis. Memphis Board of Adjustment,
Josh Whitehead.
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Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts, Houton
Illustration 7.4. Photo of the Alamo Plaza Efficiency Apartments in Houston. Photo by Author.
In 2018, the Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts in Houston, Texas was in fair shape. No major
demolition had occurred at the site. Although the structure exhibited wear due to its age and use,
overall the property is intact and could be restored should one want to give the Courts a second
chance. The Alamo Plaza Motor Hotel opened in Houston in 1948 by Bill Farner and Charles
Mooney.164 The Motor Hotel closed its doors in 2006 when it was purchased to convert into low-
income housing, which it continues to serve in 2018. In May 1986, the Houston Chronicle
described the Alamo Plaza chain with an emphasis on this Houston location. At that point, many
of the key early practices were still followed. The owner, Eugene Taylor, was still very proud of
his establishment. The Alamo Plaza filled a void that competitors with more trendy
164 John A. Jakle, Keith A. Sculle, and Jefferson S. Rogers, The Motel in America (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 111.
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establishments often lacked, such as metal lawn chairs under oak trees.165 The structure provided
a touch of nostalgia for those tired of chain motels and hotels. The kitsch structure still had
western décor, circa 1940, and was an affordable option at only $18 a night.166 The lifespan of the
Alamo Plaza Motor Hotel in Houston should speak to its potential for reuse. Nearly forty years
later customers were still drawn to this slice of nostalgia.
Illustration 7.5. 1986 Alamo Plaza Motel office with owner, Eugene Taylor. Carlos Anthony
Rios, Houston Chronicle, May 16, 1986.
165 Turner, Allan. “Beyond Its Time: Alamo Plaza Survives Tourist Court Days.” Houston
Chronicle, 17 June 1986.
166 Ibid.
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Illustration 7.6. Eugene Taylor, 1986. Carlos Antonio Rios, Houston Chronicle, May 16, 1986.
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Illustration 7.7. Houston entrance, 1986. Carlos Antonio Rios, Houston Chronicle, May 16,
1986.
Illustration 7.8. Outside the Alamo Plaza Motel. Carlos Antonio Rios, Houston Chronicle, May
16, 1986.
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Illustration 7.9. Alamo Plaza Motel. Steve Ueckert, Houston Chronicle, May 16, 1986.
Illustration 7.10. Alamo Plaza Motel. Steve Ueckert, Houston Chronicle, May 16, 1986.
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Illustration 7.11. Alamo Plaza entrance, Houston. Photo by Author.
Illustration 7.12. Alamo Plaza Efficiency Apartments units, Houston. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 7.13. Row two at the Alamo Plaza Efficiency Apartments, Houston. Photo by
Author.
Illustration 7.14. Alamo Plaza apartment with garage, Houston. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 7.15. Alamo Plaza entrance, Houston. Photo by Author.
Illustration 7.16. Alamo Plaza right wings with filled in pool, Houston. Photo by Author.
Illustration 7.17. Alamo Plaza with sign, Houston. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 7.18. Alamo Plaza Motor Hotel sign, Houston. Photo by Author.
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Alamo Plaza Tourist Courts, Shreveport
Illustration 7.19. Former structure of the second Alamo Plaza in Shreveport. Photo by Author.
Shreveport proved to be an especially hospitable market for the chain, with three
locations within the city limits. The first location, at 2134 Greenwood Road, was built in August
of 1935 and was the third location for the chain.167 The site was demolished in 1986 to
accommodate a new distribution center for Federal Express. The second Shreveport location
was built at 1280 North Market Street in 1947. Both Alamo Plazas have been demolished except
for one of the buildings at the second location which is currently occupied by a Pawn shop. The
third location at 2136 Greenwood Road is still standing. It is rather interesting that the third
location was built next to the original location that was eventually demolished for the distribution
167 “38 Furnished Apartments in the Alamo Plaza.” Shreveport Times, 4 August 1935.
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center. As of 2018, the structure is a Travelodge. While the motel has undergone extensive
renovation, the original design for the structure is still visible. One unique characteristic of the
structure is that the pool is still intact and operational. Guests visiting the site can use the same
pool that was built for the chain in the 1960s.
Illustration 7.20. The third Alamo Plaza in Shreveport and the first Alamo Plaza. Photo by
Shreveport Times, Dec. 19, 1986.
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Illustration 7.21. Demolition of the first Alamo Plaza in Shreveport. Photo by Shreveport
Times, Jan. 31, 1987.
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Illustration 7.22. Postcard of the third Alamo Plaza in Shreveport. The Lee Torrance Files
donated by Keith Sculle, The Waco Library.
Illustration 7.23. Front entrance of the third Alamo Plaza, Shreveport, now a Travelodge. Photo
by Author.
Illustration 7.24. Close up of pool left from the Alamo Plaza, Shreveport, now a Travelodge.
Photo by Author.
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Illustration 7.25. The eastern building of the Travelodge, Shreveport. Photo by Author.
Illustration 7.26. The northern building of the Travelodge, Shreveport. Photo by Author.
Illustration 7.27. The southern building of the Travelodge, Shreveport. Photo by Author.
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Conclusion
All of the former Alamo Plaza sites have made an impact on their community in a
number of ways. The three case studies from this chapter explored different variations of status
for the site; demolished, extant, and altered. Some properties continue to serve in the hospitality
industry, but others have been transformed into housing. In the coming chapters, other sites are
explored and interpreted. Chapter Eight explores the sites from an archaeological perspective
with remains from former sites serving as a form of preservation of its history. Chapters Nine
and Ten explore community attachments to site and emphasize the ways the sites are being
interpreted today. The final chapter, Chapter Eleven, explores a new alternative for an extant site
that could be used as a blueprint for future success.
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CHAPTER EIGHT
PALIMPSEST AND RUINS ON THE AMERICAN LANDSCAPE
Introduction
One form of ruin in the American landscape is the decaying vernacular roadside
structures that harken back to the era when the automobile was king and the cross-country road
trip was America’s favorite pastime. Motor courts, gas stations, restaurants and other
commercial roadside structures were forced to adapt when their original purpose was changed.
Many Alamo Plazas have been demolished over the years such as locations in Gulfport,
Nashville, Charlotte, Knoxville, Oklahoma City, and New Orleans. Many sites where Alamo
Plazas once stood have few traces of these once massive complexes. One Alamo Plaza in
Shreveport was replaced by a Federal Express distribution center; the Alamo Plaza site in
Columbus, Georgia is now a Piggly Wiggly; and the site for the former Alamo Plaza in Gulfport
is a complex for high-rise condos. Most motorists who pass by each former location of the chain
have few visual cues about what occupied the space. Even more peculiar are cases like the
Alamo Plaza in Tyler and Beaumont, Texas, where the ruins of former buildings lay mere feet
away from the units occupied by travelers. These forgotten remnants are invisible to nearly
everyone that steps foot on the property. This chapter explores what remains of the original
structures at Alamo Plaza sites.
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Palimpsest
A palimpsest is “something reused or altered but still bearing visible traces of its earlier
form.”168 In the motel’s earliest form, Alamo Plaza hotels catered a middle-class clientele:
tourists, families, and businessmen. At the time, the motel was clean, comfortable, and
affordable. Formerly one of the first major motel chains, the Alamo Plaza was on the cutting
edge of what was happening in the hospitality industry. It was one of the first sets of motels that
provided a comfortable uniformity. Tourists knew what to expect every time they stayed in an
Alamo Plaza, regardless of its location. Today, the courts no longer cater to the middle-class but
rather serve a lower class clientele, as do many motels.
The former Alamo Plaza in Beaumont is now the Deluxe Inn and Suites. Although the
owner was not there during a visit in April of 2018, the manager filling in, Max Lopez Jr, was
able to provide some background on the hotel including the alleged rumor that Elvis Presley
stayed at that location. He also had several original postcards of the Alamo Plaza that he
graciously provided. The location in Tyler, now the American Inn, was very similar to the
Beaumont location. Both remained motels, long after their use as an Alamo Plaza.
168 “Palimpsest,” Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, August 2018.
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Illustration 8.1. The American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.2. Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.3. Foundation at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.4. Sidewalk at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
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The palimpsest left at the Deluxe Inns and Suites was located near the northwest corner
of the lot, away from most of the courts and out of eyesight from many of the guests.
Foundations, sidewalks, bricks, nail holes, pipes, and tile were visible in this location. Several
ads from Tourist Court Journal mentioned that the bathrooms at the Alamo Plaza Courts had
pastel color bathroom tile, some of which was still highly visible as of April 2018.
Illustration 8.5. Tile at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.6. Empty row at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.7. Remains at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.8. Former walkway at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.9. Two former bathrooms at the Deluxe Inn & Suites in Beaumont. Photo by
Author.
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The Tyler property was in a similar state as that in Beaumont. The American Inn had
several pieces not seen at the Beaumont location such as the tile surrounding the site of the pool
and walls left over from an earlier structure. One unique feature about the American Inn is they
incorporated the unattached wall as part of landscaping for the site near the front entrance. The
Tyler location was the second location built for the chain and as such does not resemble other
Alamo Plazas built at that time. Another unique feature about the Tyler location was that it was
built on such an incline so that, when passing by the site, one could not see the structure from the
road. The motel remains private which may have been desirable during the early years of
operation, but leaves the activity occurring on the site less accountable so patrons with unsavory
intentions can continue their activities without worry of public surveillance.
Illustration 8.10. Location of the former pool at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.11. Wall near the entrance at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.12. Foundation near the entrance at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.13. Wall near the entrance at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.14. Room markings at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.15. Foundation at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.16. Tile at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.17. Linoleum fragments at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.18. Foundation walls at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Illustration 8.19. Former room configuration at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
Illustration 8.20. Remains at the American Inn in Tyler. Photo by Author.
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Conclusion
Hugh Hardy, an architect who restored many New York landmarks, states that “as
physical uniformity increases across America, cities become a more and more valuable source of
authenticity; their dialogue between old and new is essential to contemporary culture and cannot
be simulated in vacuum-molded plastic. The immediate cultural discoveries found in landmark
structures help define both the past and present city, giving each generation responsibility for
passing on their record of ambition and achievement to those who follow.”169 The same concept
can be applied to these landmarks of the road. Once this form of vernacular roadside
architecture is gone, nothing can quite fill the void that it leaves behind. The buildings
encompass a snapshot to a time in American history where leisure was the way of life.
When one structure no longer serves its intended purpose, it is either demolished to make
room for a new viable building or the structure can be adaptively reused. Many vernacular
commercial structures from the mid-twentieth century are believed difficult to repurpose,
including properties such as the Alamo Plazas. Shreveport provides an interesting case study
where one building of former units was able to find new life as a pawn shop. Structures that
have been reuse are either motels (Shreveport #3, Beaumont, Tyler, Savannah) or low-income
housing/housing for the homeless (Atlanta, Houston), not straying far from their intended
purpose. Other purposes can be proposed, but often creative solutions have not been presented.
169 Kroessler, Jeffrey A., "The City as Palimpsest" (2015). CUNY Academic Works.
http://academicworks.cuny.edu/jj_pubs/42
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CHAPTER NINE
THE DALLAS SIGN CONTROVERSY
Introduction
While the downtown was still part of the main commercial hub in the early twentieth
century, many businesses had signs that were attached or near their buildings. With the rise in
automobile sales, however, more people than ever before were able to move easier. As the
downtown was very crowded and congested, businesses sprang up along commercial strips, like
Elm Avenue.170 With more space available, signs were able to stand alone to advertise the
businesses. Out-of-town customers with no prior experience in a certain location often had little
information about where to spend the night, so that motel accommodations needed an alluring
sign to compel travelers to stop.
This chapter explores the importance of signage for businesses during this auto-oriented
era. As was discussed in Chapter Six, competition was fierce between neighboring businesses
and the image and fantasy that a business portrayed was what was actually sold to customers.
Customers bought into the fantasy that, by staying at the Alamo Plaza, they could experience life
in the West. The signs along the highway were important in advertising. The introduction of
electricity with incandescent bulbs and neon tubes allowed signs to be visible at night, when
tourists were looking for accommodations.
The latter part of this chapter discusses the Alamo Plaza sign at the former site in Dallas.
Located in the Oak Cliff neighborhood, the property had become a local icon for the community.
170 Mahan, Lisa. American Signs: Forms and Meaning on Route 66. New York: Monacelli
Press., 2002, 13.
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The site was located on a busy stretch of the Bankhead Highway, the major route connecting
Dallas and Fort Worth. As the number of motel visitors declined, the Alamo Plaza had become a
local landmark for the community that was in the midst of an economic regeneration. Other
beloved motels along the same stretch of highway fell to the wrecking ball so that the fate of the
Alamo Plaza seemed similar. When a developer bought the site, the community rallied together
to save the integrity of the sign.
The Importance of Signage
The first neon sign in America was introduced at Earl Anthony’s automobile dealership
in Los Angeles in 1923. As this type of sign became more popular with automobile dealers it
was used to lure customers to different motels and motor courts.171 After World War II, the
roadside was often decorated with neon advertising, in all colors.
Unfortunately, by the late 1970s the craft of make the tubing for the neon signs faded and
fewer people were skilled in the fabrication. Existing signs were difficult to maintain as the
number of sign experts familiar with the gas decreased, and cheaper and more plentiful forms of
plastic signage triumphed. When Holiday Inn began to replace their giant marquee sign with one
made of back-lit plastic, it seemed as though the medium was doomed.172 Neon signs were
replaced with the newer, cheaper alternative.
171 Witzel, Michael. The American Motel. Osceola, WI: Motor Books International Publishing
Company., 2000, 18.
172 Ibid, 19.
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Illustration 9.1. The Desert Hills Motel in Tulsa. Photo by Author.
The resurgence of interest in neon signage has grown quite steadily over the last decade,
however, linked to towns with connections to Route 66. The heart of Route 66, Tulsa, is in the
process of creating neon sign overlay district on its segment of Route 66. Tulsa’s goal is to
encourage business owners with neon signs to continue use. The Route 66 Commission in Tulsa
is eliminating current roadblocks for preservation of the sign by waiving permitting fees, offering
grants that help offset the cost of the sign and by loosening sign regulations that allow for more
creativity with placement options and design.173 As a major tourist draw for Tulsa is Route 66,
173 “City of Tulsa looking at ways to encourage use of neon signs along historic Route 66.” The
Frontier, 10 August 2017.
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the commission hopes to encourage other businesses along integral routes to consider installing
neon signs as well to keep with the theme.
In Tucson, neon signs were replaced with newer alternatives to attract customers during
the latter half of the twentieth century. Due to a 1966 city code that was often interpreted as
finding the neon signs too big or in an illegal location, many signs were left in place because if
taken down, they could not be put up again. Some drivers thought the signs to be unsightly. As
attitudes changed, ideas surfaced about how to treat the signs.
Tucson enacted a Historic Landmarks Sign Preservation Program in 2011 to encourage
the “maintenance, restoration and reuse of historic signs.”174 Two years later, the city invested
$125,000 into a preservation program for signs along Tucson’s historic Miracle Mile. The
incentives for those who wished to fix their signs meant that owners only paid twenty-five
percent for the cost of the sign with the city stepping in to cover the remaining expense. Owners
are required to maintain their sign for at least ten years after restoration.175
As interest in sign preservation has grown museums dedicated to the art of the
commercial sign have begun to grow, as seen in Cincinnati with the American Sign Museum, the
Neon Museum in Las Vegas, the Museum of Neon Art in Glendale, Arizona, and the recently
opened Ignite Sign Art Museum in Tucson. With so many structures and iconic signs from this
era quickly disappearing, these local landmarks can become the center for great controversy such
as the case for the Alamo Plaza in Dallas, Texas.
174 Romero, Regina. “Tucson’s old places matter to the health of our businesses.” Arizona Daily
Stars, 22 June 2011.
175 Poon, Linda. “Keeping Arizona’s Neon Lights Aglow.” CityLab, 3 Aug 2015.
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The Bankhead Highway
The Dallas Alamo Plaza Hotel Courts had long been a local landmark on the Bankhead
Highway. As a transnational highway that spanned from Washington D.C. to San Diego, the
route went through the heart of Dallas through Oak Cliff to downtown Fort Worth. The latter
stretch was known as the Dallas-Fort Worth Turnpike. By the 1920s, the Turnpike had become
the most heavily trafficked road in all of Texas. With so many automobiles passing through,
commercial development sprang up. Businesses such as cafés, gas stations, drive-ins, and motels
lined Oak Cliff on Fort Worth Avenue.176
The Avenue’s motor courts and motels were listed on Preservation Dallas’ list of Most
Endangered Historic Resources in 2007, including the Alamo Plaza Courts, The Mission Motel,
and The Ranch Motel. As the Alamo Plaza had become so derelict, Preservation Dallas stated
that the only viable structure on the site was the sign itself and not the actual motel. The Alamo
Plaza sat at a crucial corridor along the Bankhead Highway and served as a local landmark for
the community behind it. With the Mission Inn demolished and a preserved but renamed Ranch
Motel, the sign was the last chance to “mark the importance of the corridor”.177
The Site, Structure and Sale
Developer Brent Jackson moved into the neighborhood and after meeting neighbors
discovered a need in his new community for an “organic grocer presence.”178 “Quite frankly, I
was also bothered in how far I had to go to get groceries and healthy alternatives such as Whole
176 Stone, Rachel. “Oak Cliff History: A look at the old Bankhead Highway.” Oak Cliff
Advocate, 24 July 2015.
177 Cadmus Owens, Kim. “Alamo Plaza/ Sylvan 30.” Received by Brent Jackson, Oaxaca
Interests, Sylvan/30 Developers, Dallas, Texas.
178 Ibid.
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Foods and the like. There was just a demand that wasn’t being met.”179 At the time, Oak Cliff
was in the process of revitalization. Several structures were being rehabilitated or built. The
South Dallas area had experienced little investment for many years. Crime became prevalent
and those with the means to do so left the neighborhood. With the lack of investment, old
commercial structures along the Bankhead Highway remained, but when the neighborhood
began to improve, many of the old commercial structures were at risk.
Developer of the Belmont Hotel, Monte Anderson suggested that Jackson look into the
Alamo Plaza. “The only place you can do that in north Oak Cliff is Sylvan and I-30,” the only
lot in the neighborhood with enough traffic to support a grocer.180 Across the street from the
Alamo Plaza was the Belmont Hotel, another local landmark from the automobile era that had
recently been renovated by Anderson. He was very familiar with the Alamo Plaza site as he had
to pass it every time he would visit the Belmont Hotel. The two worked together combining
Anderson’s longtime experience with development in the neighborhood and Jackson’s fervor for
mixed-use development. After Anderson helped Jackson broker deals for adjacent parcels, the
two gradually saw less and less of each other. When Jackson finally showed Anderson his
intended set of plans, the latter became enraged at what he saw. “I saw buildings with their
backs to the road, 4-foot sidewalks and a horrible tall apartment building that’s in the parking lot
and doesn’t face any street.” The proposed “Sylvan Thirty” drawings called for 200 lofts and
studios, 30,000 square feet of restaurant and retail space along Sylvan, and an 11,000 square feet
grocery store, Cox Farms Market.181
179 Ibid.
180 Ibid.
181 Mitchell, Keri. “Who knows best for Sylvan Thirty.” Oak Cliff Advocate, 22 July 2012.
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After the fiasco, the two quickly parted ways. City council was convinced by Jackson to
change planned development zoning PD 714, which tells developers precisely what can and
cannot be built on select lots, while Anderson pleaded that they not do so. PD 714 overlays Fort
Worth Avenue from Westmoreland to the River. Created by the Fort Worth Avenue
Development group, PD 714 attempted to curb piecemeal development that had grown steadily
along Fort Worth Avenue with undesirable businesses such as used car dealerships, dollar stores,
and chop shops. A rift was formed over the direction of Fort Worth Avenue, some siding with
Anderson while others sided with Jackson.182
In July of 2010, Brent Jackson threw a going away party for the Alamo Plaza Courts
along Fort Worth Avenue. The intent was to allow the public to have a final look at the courts
and a chance to say goodbye to the landmark. Local community members, Old Oak Cliff
Conservation League, and Preservation Dallas were heartbroken over the news that they would
lose their beloved Alamo Plaza. Katherine Seale, former executive director of Preservation
Dallas, agreed along with the rest of the board that they did not oppose the demolition of the
motel due to its poor state. To soothe the sting, the developer assured the community that the
sign would be used. Michael Amonett, former president of the Old Oak Cliff Conservation
League, was even shown drawings of how the sign would be incorporated in the future site.
According to Michael Amonett, “. . . the sign was going in the center of the development
between all the buildings in a sort of public gathering place. After the demolition, when I asked
again about the sign, I was told ‘This is the Sylvan Thirty development, not the Alamo Courts
development.” The developers assured preservationists, local reporters, and city planning staff
182 Ibid.
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that the sign would remain on site during the early planning stage in 2010.183 "We are keeping
that a bit of a surprise, but we have committed to reincorporate it back into the project. That was
my promise to myself first and foremost, a promise to my investor group, and then we made a
promise to Katherine Seale, of Preservation Dallas, and Michael Amonett, president of the Old
Oak Cliff Conservation League.”184
Dissent grew between the two sides as the community members’ distrust of the
developer began to rise. Michael Amonett also stated that, “I think at this point all anybody
wants is for what was promised to come to be. . . . Wherever the sign ends up, it is
Sylvan/Thirty's responsibility to see that it gets there in one piece and that it be visible and secure
for the future.”185 Katherine Seale of Preservation Dallas personally spoke with Brent Jackson
and was led to believe that the sign would remain. “There was never anything written, never
anything official. It was a gentleman's handshake if you will. We felt very strongly the sign
would do as much [as the motel buildings] to preserve the legacy of Fort Worth Avenue.” She
also added that if the sign were to be moved elsewhere along the corridor, that it could
irreparably damage the legacy of the site as it would be removed from the context that made it
historical.186
183 Appleton, Roy. “Sylvan Thirty developers backtracking on iconic Alamo Plaza sign.” Dallas
News, March 2013.
184 Wilonsky, Robert. “Eat, Drink, Rock and Remember the Alamo Plaza Hotel Courts Saturday
Night” Dallas Observer, 22 July 2013.
185 Appleton, Roy. “Sylvan Thirty developers backtracking on iconic Alamo Plaza sign.” Dallas
News, March 2013.
186 Ibid.
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Illustration 9.2. Alamo Plaza sign in Dallas. Photo by Heather Ezell, Oakcliff Advocate, Mar.
25, 2013.
After demolition, the developers announced that they were looking for new ways to bring
new life to the sign with the help of the public. “The iconic Alamo Plaza Hotel Courts sign that
sits on Sylvan Thirty’s construction site is a beloved landmark and an important part of the visual
identity of West Dallas. Because our community’s bond with the sign is so important, we’re
turning to you—our neighbors and friends—to help us figure out how to give it new life.
We’d like for you to submit ideas for the sign’s future. We’re open to repurposing it, moving it
somewhere else in West Dallas, donating it . . .”187 The developer backtracked on what he had
promised to the city planners, reporters, local preservation groups, and the rest of the community,
187 Ibid.
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and again asked for public input on what to do with the sign. The spokesperson for the project,
Cooper Smith Koch responded to the Dallas News about backtracking and he stated, “We're not
saying it’s not going to live on the site; if it stays in the community I don't see what the problem
is.” When questioned whether moving the sign elsewhere was a broken promise, he once again
conceded that ultimately “public will and community involvement trumps that.”188
The following month, in April of 2013, the sign had been taken down and put into
storage.189 By May of that year community members formed a group named “The Alamo Sign
Gang” whose mission it was, was to save the Alamo Plaza sign. The first major step that the
group took was to send a letter to Oaxaca Interests, the developer behind the Sylvan Thirty
project, urging them to keep the sign in its original location as a tribute to the history of the
thoroughfare. According to the group, “The sign is one of Dallas’s most-recognizable examples
of mid-20th century roadway signage—and it’s a direct link to the history of Fort Worth Avenue
and a time in our country’s past when novel architecture and neon signage were widely used to
attract customers. Communities across the country are working quickly to preserve the last
remaining examples of this unique signage, and we must do the same.”190 A major goal of the
group was to find solutions by working with the developer, not against him stating, “It is true
that we are worried about your intentions, but we are not against Sylvan Thirty. In fact, we are
excited about your project and the valuable resources it will bring to our community. That said,
we do not believe much-needed new development and preservation of our important shared
188 Ibid.
189 Stone, Rachel. “Photos: The Alamo Plaza sign comes down.” Oak Cliff Advocate, 12 April
2013.
190 Ezell, Heather. “Neighbors: Keep the Alamo Plaza on Fort Worth Avenue.” Oak Cliff
Advocate, 3 May 2013.
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history are mutually exclusive. We can and should have both.”191 The spokesman for the
developer, Cooper Smith Koch stated that he spoke with one of the signees, and told them that
the sign did not work when Jackson purchased the property and that it was in the process of
being analyzed to see if repairs were possible.192
Other members of the community became involved with the public discourse. A group
Facebook webpage was created for interested parties to be able to contribute to the discussion
surrounding the sign. Photos were also available for members of the Facebook group. Another
webpage sprang up as well, savethealamo.org. Local artists paid tribute to the iconic sign by
creating t-shirts with the logo of the courts and through paintings and art exhibits. No one could
deny that the community was very attached to this sign. One local artist, Kim Cadmus Owens,
wrote an open letter to the developers on ways to honor the sign yet still support the rest of the
Sylvan Thirty project. In the letter she wrote,
I am a resident of both North Oak Cliff where I own a residential property that I call
home and West Dallas where I own a commercial property where I work as an artist. The
Alamo Plaza sign is a significant landmark for both neighborhoods. The site of the sign
on Fort Worth Avenue at Sylvan is a major landmark on a primary thoroughfare for both
areas and has a long and important history. Your development at that intersection will
provide a much needed and desired grocery store in Cox Farms as well as housing and
potentially desirable retail. The Sylvan/30 development has the opportunity to not only
provide much needed services but also to insure its own success by acknowledging and
191 Ibid.
192 Ibid.
1 88
embracing the area’s history and draw for the many intelligent, locally conscious,
creative, and potentially loyal patrons to your new establishments.193
Later in the letter Owens discussed that Dallas has a poor record of adaptive reuse. When a
building is no longer needed, it was often times demolished. She then purports that Dallas
should embrace itself as a vibrant city rich in history, and that the existing fabric should be
embraced. As important as the Sylvan Thirty development is for the Oak Cliff area, it has the
opportunity to “both embrace our city’s history through a thoughtful incorporation of a sign that
signifies the historical development of the city’s connection to automobile culture… and a
renewed interest in urban development and a generational return to the city.”194 Owens
thoroughly believed that given the work that had been done in the past by Lake Flato, the
architecture firm associated with the development, it was well within their means to be able to
find a way to incorporate the Alamo Plaza sign effectively in the development of the site.195 The
Old Oak Cliff Conservation League sent Jackson a letter again saying the group would not
oppose the demolition of the structure as long as the sign remained. Stated in the letter,
“OOCCL is in favor of the Alamo Sign remaining lit, intact and on-site at Sylvan Thirty,” the
letter states. “If this does not suit your development plans, we encourage you seek guidance
from our group and the community for an alternative rather than destroying the integrity of the
sign.” From the perspective of the League, ‘ripping up the sign and scattering it into pieces’ is
not a good option for the sign as it would destroy its integrity. Michael Amonett, president of the
League stated, “Nobody wanted that thing torn up in pieces.” Amonett said “Once it’s all busted
193 Cadmus Owens, Kim. “Alamo Plaza/ Sylvan 30.” Received by Brent Jackson, Oaxaca
Interests, Sylvan/30 Developers, Dallas, Texas.
194 Ibid.
195 Ibid.
1 89
apart, it’s no longer what it was. It’s taken out of its context. [Jackson] obviously didn’t listen,
and he just wants to do what he wants to do.” 196 Twenty days letter it was announced that the
developer had decided to keep the sign on site, but in separate pieces. Lake Flato and Brent
Jackson, who conveniently has a BFA in sculpture from the University of Texas at Austin,
designed the sculpture themselves.197
As of April 2018, the Sylvan Thirty project has been completed and opened to the public.
Scattered around the lot, mostly in the parking area, are remnants of the Alamo Plaza sign. Out
of context with the rest of the sign, the pieces appear trendy but provide no historic merit nor
background to the history and context of the site. They just appear as basic art installations.
196 Ezell, Heather. “Alamo motel sign to become three sculptures at Sylvan Thirty.” Oak Cliff
Advocate, 23 May 2013.
197 Ibid.
1 90
Illustration 9.3. The star from the Alamo Plaza sign in Dallas. Photo by Author.
Illustration 9.4. The arrow from the Alamo Plaza sign in Dallas. Photo by Author.
1 91
Illustration 9.5. Sylvan Thirty parking lot with arrow. Photo by Author.
Illustration 9.6. Sylvan Thirty parking lot. Photo by Author
1 92
Illustration 9.7. The former Alamo Plaza sign. Photo by Author
1 93
Illustration 9.8. Truck art installation, Dallas. Photo by Author
Illustration 9.9. Truck art installation and Sylvan Thirty Apartments, Dallas. Photo by Author
1 94
Conclusion
The degradation of the Alamo Plaza sign caused a considerable amount of controversy in
the Dallas area. It is the only location where a community had fought so hard not only to
commemorate the Alamo site, but also the iconic sign. The devastation that this community felt
at the loss of the sign signifies what an integral piece of history these sites often have been. All
of the locations were placed along similar stretches of highway in their respective city and are
reflective of an innovative age in American history where the automobile had revolutionized not
only travel, but also created a lifestyle that is still evident today. The automobile age, and the
neon signs that kept businesses lit and advertised at night, is as important to American culture as
apple pie and baseball itself.
1 95
CHAPTER TEN
THE ATLANTA DOMESTICITY COMPETITION
Introduction
In August of 2017, the city of Atlanta with support by the Enterprise Community Partners
and Assist Inc., Community Design Center, launched the domesticity competition. The design
competition intended to explore the “. . . best practices and innovative strategies for the planning,
design, construction and operation of affordable and sustainable developments in the City of
Atlanta.”198 On the website for the competition Tim Keane, the Commissioner of the Department
of City Planning is quoted as saying, “This is but the first of an endless campaign by the
Department of City Planning to engage the private sector on creative ideas for affordable
housing. It’s time that we approach affordable housing with beautiful design in mind.”199 As “the
first” design competition for affordable design in the Southeastern part of the United States, the
competition “called for teams to propose creative and replicable models for designing multi-
family affordable housing units. Site specific requirements were based on the potential
renovation of Santa Fe Villas, a four-acre 147-unit supportive housing development in southwest
Atlanta.”200 This chapter explores one of the most creative interpretations of the modern-day
Alamo Plaza site. As this Alamo Plaza location had seemed to outlive its purpose, a plan was
introduced to reinterpret the site.
198 “DomestiCITY.” DOMESTICITY, The City of Atlanta Planning Department, domesticity.org/.
199 Ibid.
200 Ibid.
1 96
Santa Fe Villas in Atlanta
The Atlanta Alamo Plaza was built in 1948 by Bill Farner who had operated the motel
until his passing. After his death, his wife continued the operation and sold the property to the
Urban Residential Development Corporation Non-Profit in 1995 with the intention of
repurposing the motel into SRO facility.201 The facility was to house the residents and provide
support for other aspects of their lives. The agency gained support through federal grant funds
from the City of Atlanta, the State of Georgia, and HUD.202
Illustration 10.1. Entrance to the Santa Fe Villas. Photo by Author
201 Stevenson, Jessica. “Paul Bolster Interview.” 14 June 2018.
202 “Santa Fe Villas.” Santa Fe Villas/URDC, Urban Residential Development Corporation,
www.santafevillas.org/.
1 97
Illustration 10.2. The Santa Fe Villas. Photo by Author
1 98
Illustration 10.3. Units at the Santa Fe Villas. Photo by Author
Illustration 10.4. Facing toward the entrance. Photo by Author
1 99
The former Alamo Plaza of Atlanta became the site for one of the most innovative
housing competitions in the nation. The problem that arose, however, is that the majority of the
design submissions called for the demolition of the existing motel. Out of the six remaining
candidates, only two had incorporated ways to reuse the existing Alamo Plaza structure. The 41
Eco Living Proposal, designed by Lord Aeck Sargent, is one of the sites that reworked several
existing buildings including three of the most notable several structures at the front entrance that
form the iconic Alamo Plaza design. That firm even included a historical context portion on
their board that discussed the Alamo Plaza chain and the history and context of the site.
In the existing buildings, services for residents of the community were provided. The
first structure housed case worker offices and a barbershop, the second structure housed a
medical clinic, and the third structure was the location for the property manager, communal
dining, and kitchen. Other amenities provided at the location include a coffee shop/pop up store,
a computer lab and library, a laundromat, and community gym.
Illustration 10.5. The 41 ECO Living Submission by Lord Aeck Sargent for domestiCITY
Design Competition, The City of Atlanta.
2 00
Illustration 10.6. The 41 ECO Living History/Context. Submission by Lord Aeck
Sargent for domestiCITY Design Competition, The City of Atlanta.
2 01
Another contestant, Sadyr Khabukhayev from the Izmir Institute of Technology,
Kazakhstan, incorporated many of the original structures from the Alamo Plaza in his design,
Garden. His design focused primarily on conservation of the site and looking for ways to make
everything as green as possible. His site incorporated multiple types of housing accommodations
such as apartment towers, the SRO rooms currently being occupied, and detached housing.
Multiple gardens are located on the site. Green roofs are also added to the existing structures.
Illustration 10.7. Garden. Submission by Sadyr Khabukhayev for domestiCITY Design
Competition, The City of Atlanta.
2 02
Illustration 10.8. SRO housing development at Garden. Submission by Sadyr Khabukhayev for
domestiCITY Design Competition, The City of Atlanta.
Illustration 10.9. Leasing and Community Facilities at Garden. Submission by Sadyr
Khabukhayev for domestiCITY Design Competition, The City of Atlanta.
2 03
Part of the design for Garden is the transformation of the structures along the street
façade. With so many planned alterations made for the entrance, perhaps the same point can be
made for the Atlanta sight as was the case in Dallas, without its proper context, is the design
really honoring the former Alamo Plaza Courts? Is this piecemeal approach considered a
justifiable action that both honors the heritage of the side but is adapted to meet the current
needs?
One characteristic of the property it is just how many original structures were left intact,
which far exceeds any other submissions. Even additional structures that were added over the
lifespan of the motel were given new life in the proposed design. Instead of demolition, Sadyr
chose to incorporate multistory infill development that will house apartments to allow for more
residents. According to the submission, “the goal is to preserve almost all of the existing
structures and foliage on the site . . . and to only demolish motel buildings if they are beyond
repair.”203 Other major green improvements made in the proposal included the elimination of all
the asphalt behind the entrance of the building and replacing it with permeable pavements and
gardens as well as using the foundations of the Town and Country Hotel Courts and allowing
residents to build their own houses on top.
Like the submission by Lord Aeck Sargent, Garden also provides multiple amenities for
residents like a cafeteria, cafes and retail options, a computer lab, and working spaces.
Community spaces are located on the bottom floor of the apartment towers with amenities like
laundry facilities, shared cooking spaces designated for socialization.
203 Khabukhayev, Sadyr. “Garden Design Boards.” DomestiCITY, The City of Atlanta
Department of City Planning, Jan. 2018, domesticity.org/wp-
content/uploads/2018/01/4219A0_Boards.pdf.
2 04
Illustration 10.10. Business and Cultural Hub at Garden. Submission by Sadyr Khabukhayev
for domestiCITY Design Competition, The City of Atlanta.
2 05
One of the major pushes for the competition was to find more efficient ways of housing
socioeconomically disadvantaged individuals. The city of Atlanta is expected to grow by 2.5
million residents by 2038.204 This is part of a national trend when middle and higher income
classes are once again returning to urban centers. With such rapid growth in cities like Atlanta,
housing has become a scarcity. One mission of the Planning Department for the City of Atlanta
is to find creative solutions to address the need for affordable housing not just for Atlanta, but as
an example for other cities throughout the cities dealing with the same challenges.
Conclusion
As the Santa Fe Villas had operated as SRO housing for over twenty years, city planners
chose this site for the competition. The site has 4 acres and 147 existing units for housing. The
site also includes the adjacent Town and Country Hotel Courts, a three-acre parcel, that lay
abandoned next door. The site is located in the southern most point for the City of Atlanta in
Perkerson Park.205 The intended purpose for the site is to “serve as a built prototype for affordable
housing solutions along under-developed commercial corridors in Atlanta and in other rapidly
growing population centers throughout North America.”206 Perhaps this particular location could
serve as an example for underutilized Alamo Plazas who are still struggling to thrive in the
development era of today.
204 “DomestiCITY.” DOMESTICITY, The City of Atlanta Planning Department,
domesticity.org/.
205 Ibid.
206 Green, Josh, “Could Atlanta’s dilapidated hotels be crucial affordable housing pieces,”
Atlanta Curbed, Feb. 22, 2018, https://atlanta.curbed.com/2018/2/22/17040270/atlanta-
domesticity-affordable-house-dilapidated-hotels.
2 06
CHAPTER ELEVEN
MOTEL REVITALIZATION IN SAVANNAH
Introduction
The Alamo Plaza Motel in Savannah, Georgia may be the last in the nation to have kept
its name. This location most closely resembles the Beaumont Alamo Plaza. Like the Beaumont
and Tyler locations, this budget motel no longer has the middle-class tourists it had, but rather a
more varied set of short term visitors. The motel manager, Jaitendar Patel, is full of optimism for
the site. Over the next few years he hopes to purchase the property and turn it into a boutique
hotel. This may not be such a far stretch as Savannah was recently ranked one of the best places
to visit in the world according to Town and Country Magazine.207 This chapter explores the
potential for this property. If the plans to reinvent the structure as a boutique motel succeed,
perhaps other tourist friendly cities with similar structures could be persuaded to follow this path.
Savannah is a preservation friendly city so that, with a successful historic motel revitalization
already in place, it might spark nation-wide reinvestment in forgotten motels and motor courts.
Illustration 11.1. Alamo Plaza Motel, Savannah. Photo by Author.
207 Dennis, Zach. “Savannah named one of the best places in the world to visit in
April.” Savannah Morning News, 21 Mar. 2018.
2 07
This chapter explores the preservation, development, and hospitality environment in
Savannah to examine the factors that could contribute to either the success or downfall for the
reinvention of the local Alamo Plaza. Other successful motel revitalization projects have been
explored, including Savannah’s Thunderbird Inn. The aim of this chapter is to push for creative
solutions for underutilized structures, like the Alamo Plaza, and find a way to not only re-utilize
the space, but bring the properties back to life.
Savannah
In Savannah, 2017 was the most profitable year tourism ever, with over 14.1 million
visitors who spent nearly $3 billion dollars during their time in the city. Much of the growth has
been attributed to increased demand, with hotel prices, higher end restaurants, and new products
brought to the market. The majority spent by visitors went to lodging expenses, which totaled
over $1 billion dollars, followed by food and beverage at $761 million, and retail at $489
million.208 The heart of the tourism industry is the Savannah Historic District. Designated in
1966, this National Historic District was selected for its “unique, well preserved city plan and
historic building stock.”209 Preservation began much earlier in the community, thanks to one
local woman, Anna Colquitt Hunter.
Early Preservation in Savannah
Miss Hunter was born into a “proper” Savannah family. She became a journalist for both
the Savannah Morning News and the Savannah Evening Press in which her assigned sections
were the society beat where she wrote book reviews, editorials, art, and Savannah society.
208 Nussbaum, Katie. “More money, more visitors in Savannah during 2017.” Savannah Morning
News, 12 May 2018.
209 “National Register Historic Districts.” Historic Savannah Foundation, www.myhsf.org.
2 08
Hunter became especially concerned with buildings like the one she resided in, particularly their
balconies. Due to the fear that these balconies might one day disappear, she began to reach out
to wealthy Savannah bachelors to help save the balconies. At the time, much of the historic
fabric in Savannah was in risk of demolition due to the lack of interest and also the increase of
the automobile. Several historic structures such as the old City Market were demolished to make
way for parking garages. The Isaiah Davenport House, built in 1820, was slated to be demolished
but Hunter knew she needed to put a stop to it. She assembled a group of women, eventually
known as the “Seven Ladies” who would work with businessmen and bankers to assure them of
the value that the historic buildings provided to the city. In 1955, the Historic Savannah
Foundation formed. The first order of action was to purchase and restore the Isaiah Davenport
House. The group had two main goals; not only find ways to adaptively reuse existing structures
but also promote tourism within the City of Savannah. In total, the Historic Savannah
Foundation has worked to save over 350 buildings that may have been lost without their help.210
Hotel Development in the City
With such a thriving tourism sector in Savannah, planning policies needed to be
implemented to protect the historic fabric. Naturally, development would occur in the most in
demand areas of a city, but the tourism sector could face severe impacts damage to the
harmonious historic fabric. In 2017, as developers raced to construct more hotels, a temporary
moratorium was imposed on new construction.211 By 2018, proposed zoning regulations were
introduced to allow for hotel construction in commercial areas of the historic district after a hotel
210Dembling, Sophia. “Saving Savannah: The Preservation Legacy of Anna Colquitt Hunter”.
Historic Savannah Foundation, https://savingplaces.org/stories/saving-savannah-the-
preservation-legacy-ofanna-colquitt-hunter.
211 Curl, Eric. “Savannah may halt new hotels as it wrestles with growth,” Savannah Morning
News, 27 Jan. 2017.
2 09
overlay district was developed by hotel industry representatives, the Savannah Downtown
Neighborhood Association, the Historic Savannah foundation and the City of Savannah.
According to city Alderman Bill Durrence, “At some point you get so many hotels that you
really change the character of what people came here to see.”212 With the new zoning
regulations, developers will be able to build hotels in some areas where they were not able to
before, but also the number of prohibited zones near residential areas increased. The hopes of
the new zoning implementation are to push development further west which has historically been
an underutilized resource of the city. Large-scale development and tall hotels are relegated near
the newly proposed Canal District.213 This district will be the largest single project in the recent
history of city. It is intended to revive an under-appreciated canal and expand the tourist district
west. A $140 million-dollar project, Savannah’s Canal District would include a 9,000-seat arena
and a repurposed 1893 waterworks building with various amenities.
212 Curl, Eric. “Large, small matters in proposed downtown Savannah, Historic District hotel
zones,” Savannah Morning News, 29 Jan. 2018.
213 Ibid.
2 10
Figure 11.1. Streets Where Hotels Are Permitted, The City of Savannah.
2 11
Illustration 11.2. Savannah’s Canal District, The City of Savannah.
The incorporation of parking spaces for the site will not be visible at the street level and
gateway bridges across the canal and multi-purpose paths will connect the site to the rest of
Savannah. According to Jones Lang Lassell’s managing director for Southeast project and
development services, Brian Terrell, “The arena and Canal District will attract visitors,
businesses, and a new wave of investment into the neighborhoods of West Savannah.” The
arena is expected to be completed by as early as 2021.214
214 Green, Josh, “Savannah’s Canal District, among largest projects in city history, cleared to
launch,” Atlanta Curbed, Mar. 29, 2018,
https://atlanta.curbed.com/2018/3/29/17176618/savannah-canal-district-georgia-historic.
2 12
Illustration 11.3. Savannah’s Canal District, The City of Savannah.
Other areas of West Savannah are ripe for revitalization as well. In August of 2017, the
city’s redevelopment team presented a plan for expansion of the street improvement initiative for
the West Bay Street corridor just west of the Historic District. The idea is to make West Bay
Street more inviting as it serves as one of the main gateways to downtown. As a large
investment by Richard Kessler, the Plant Riverside Hotel, nears completion nearby, more
investment will be brought to this end of Savannah.215
Motel Revitalization
The term motel often carries a questionable reputation as they are considered cheap,
dirty, and harbingers for illicit activity. Many of the Alamo Plaza locations have acquired this
reputation, but several locations that have still have potential.
215 “Editorial: Neighborhood revitalization: Go West, city leaders,” Savannah Morning News,
25 Aug. 2017.
2 13
As motels have begun to shed their seedy reputation, they are becoming destinations.
Recent motel revitalization has sprung up in cities across the nation such as San Francisco,
Austin, Palm Springs, Los Angeles, and New Orleans with hoteliers purchasing rundown motels
and converting them into a boutique experience. Travelers are now more informed than ever
before. They know exactly what to expect when they arrive at a destination as they have
thoroughly checked the reviews online, liked all the photos on Instagram, and read other
traveler’s blogs. Social media has completely changed the way Americans travel, particularly
for the younger generations with all the information available at the touch of a phone.
Journalists are catching on to the trend as well. Articles on motel revitalization has become a
growing trend in the hospitality industry. Within the past few years, motel revitalization has
been covered by popular magazines like GQ and Vogue and other news outlets like Yahoo! and
the Travel Channel.
Illustration 11.4. The pool at the Drifter. Design Hotels, Curbed.
2 14
With the right marketing, social media presence, traveler reviews, and an up-and-coming
neighborhood, motels that were forgotten relics twenty years ago have once again found new
life. This “motel revivalism” as coined by Curbed.com, “cashes in on inexpensive property,
employs adaptive reuse, and plays to the country’s obsession with updated midcentury design.”216
Not only do these properties have appeal for their aesthetic, buy many are an affordable
alternative to more expensive chain hotels.217
The resurgence of the return to the city movement, particularly by young people, can be
partially responsible for several cases of motel revitalization. The new emergence of the creative
class in the cities is creating incubators for reuse of underutilized structures in often forgotten
parts of town. Motels are prime for this type of redevelopment. The combination of limited
capital, a can-do attitude, social media, and creativity create the perfect storm for this type of
transformation. Second-tier cities that have seen growth in the past decade are where one can
most likely expect this development to occur. According to interior designer Nicole Cota,
“There is a love affair with midcentury modern that is sort of taking over design, and often these
properties are so neglected that they offer a great value to investors and developers. The success
of the current projects seems to be sending a clear incentive to developers and hoteliers that these
are properties that have a lot of life still.”218
As is the case with hospitality, other small businesses in retail, beauty, wellness, and
healthcare are noticing the same trends as approachable and experience-driven establishments.
Two partners in a Brooklyn design firm, William Brian Smith and Jou-Yie Chou, say that there
216 Sisson, Patrick, “Motel revivalism: How hipster hoteliers created a new roadside attraction,”
Curbed, June 22, 2018, https://www.curbed.com/2018/6/22/17493336/motel-midcentury-design-
hotel-lodging-adaptive-reuse.
217 Ibid.
218 Ibid.
2 15
is a confluence of that factors that are behind the boom in motel revitalization. One factor is that
the hospitality industry is looking for ways to branch out of cookie-cutter chain hotels and
provide more experience based accommodations such as boutique hotels. The other major factor
is many family owned motels passed down through generation are readily available. With such
an interest in small-scale hospitality development and the ease of both scale and affordability of
motels, developers and first-time hotel owners are able to open a competitive boutique motel.219
Life Returns to Route 66 Motels
Another area where this type of revival is happening is along Route 66. As iconic as
Route 66 motels have become, nostalgia for the motels is spurring reinvestment back into the
properties. Recently, the El Vado Motel in Albuquerque underwent an extensive renovation
process becoming a boutique motel, with retail stores, food pods, a brewery, and other amenities.
The extensive project cost over $18 million dollars and received $3 million dollars in aid from
the City of Albuquerque.220
219 Ibid.
220 Warnicke, Ron, “El Vado Motel inches closer to reopening,” Route 66 News, April 5, 2018.
2 16
Illustration 11.5. El Vado Motel in Albuquerque. Courtesy of Daniel Heron.
Another motel in Albuquerque, the De Anza Lodge, is set to undergo a similar
transformation presumably after being inspired by the revival of the El Vado Motel. Built in
1939 by a former trading post owner, Charles Wallace, the De Anza Lodge was a thriving motor
lodge during the automobile era. On the site was a motor lodge, Native American trading post,
and the Turquoise Room, a restaurant most notably known for thousands of turquoise pieces
imbedded in the linoleum floor. One key piece of information is the fact that priceless Native
American artworks are stored in the basement conference room, a series of seven, 20 by 4 foot
murals depicting the Shalako ceremony celebrated by the Zuni tribe.221 After undergoing two
221 “The De Anza Motor Lodge,” National Park Service Department of the Interior,
https://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/route66/de_anza_motor_lodge_albuquerque.html.
2 17
failed prior attempts at revitalization, The De Anza Lodge is about to undergo an extensive
renovation. The 50,000-square-foot property will house office spaces, a boutique hotel, retail,
apartments, workout facilities, movie room, communal kitchen, and game room.222
Illustration 11.6. Monterey Court in Tucson. Courtesy of J.D. Fitzgerald.
In Tucscon, the Monterey Court on the Miracle Mile underwent an extensive renovation
in January of 2011. Kelly McLear & Greg Haver purchased the court and began to re-envision it
as an artisan enclave.223 Haver mentioned to The Arizona Daily Star that, “It was a gamble, but
222 Perea, Shelby, “High-profile Route 66 redevelopment breaks ground,” Albuquerque Business
First, Nov. 29, 2017.
223 “The History of the Monterey Court”. Monterey Court Studio Galleries and Cafe,
www.montereycourtaz.com/.
2 18
at the same time, we feel like Miracle Mile is going through a renaissance, and we wanted to add
to that story.”224 Today the site houses artist studios, galleries, shops, a café, and an outdoor live
music venue.225 According to Greg Haver, the idea was to transform the space into a destination
for the community. “You've got the dining, entertainment and shopping all in one. Miracle Mile
is kind of a tough area, so in order to attract people I thought we needed to do it all, make it fun
like a date night.”226
The Boutique Alamo Plaza of Savannah
The manager for the Alamo Plaza location has high hopes for his court on West Bay
Street in Savannah. This Plaza is a short drive from the downtown core. West Bay Street is a
fairly busy street that leads into the heart of the historic district in less than a mile where several
other desirable hotels are located. Another benefit of the Savannah site is that the historic West
Bay Street corridor is the focus of an economic redevelopment initiative. As development
continues to creep west in Savannah, the potential for reuse of the site rises.227
With such a booming, eclectic, and tourist friendly city, one can easily see how the West
Bay Street Alamo Plaza has potential to be restored. The Thunderbird Inn was built in 1964 in
downtown Savannah. When owners purchased the site they began to restore the property.
General Manager Mark Thomas was voted among Savannah’s 40 under 40 young professionals
and the motel has earned the distinction of being one of USA Today’s “Top 10 Best Retro Hotels
224 Quinn, Dale, “Monterey joining Miracle Mile rebirth,” Arizona Daily Star, April 24, 2011.
225 Ibid.
226 Matas, Kimberly, “Entertainment venue rises from timeworn motor court,” Arizona Daily
Star, Aug. 16, 2012.
227 Curl, Eric, “Large small matters in proposed downtown Savannah, Historic District hotel
zones,” Savannah Morning News, January 29, 2018, http://www.savannahnow.com/news/2018-
01-29/large-small-matters-proposed-downtown-savannah-historic-district-hotel-zones.
2 19
in the USA” (July 2014).228 The location of the site is adjacent to the Savannah College of Art and
Design and within a block of the heavily trafficked Savannah Visitor Center. The Thunderbird
Inn has great branding and social media presence. Visitors are able to see the amenities and
traveler reviews online. The original neon Thunderbird sign is proudly displayed in front and all
of the motel rooms are outfitted with retro décor.
Illustration 11.4. The Thunderbird Inn of Savannah. Photo by Author.
228 “Get To Know Our Savannah Hotel”, The Thunderbird Inn, www.thethunderbirdinn.com/hot-
off-the-press.html.
2 20
Illustration 11.5. Corridor at the Thunderbird Inn. Photo by Author.
Illustration 11.6. Rooms at the Thunderbird Inn. Photo by Author.
2 21
Illustration 11.7. The Thunderbird Inn. Photo by Author.
2 22
CONCLUSION
While the Savannah Alamo Plaza has incredible potential, it does also have some
disadvantages. One major deterrent is the neighborhood surrounding the site has higher levels of
crime than other areas where hotels are located. Although development is reaching this side of
the city, the long burden of disinvestment is still highly apparent. The city would need to
provide support to increase surveillance in the area and boost further development of
neighboring structures. Another large disadvantage is the lack of funding. The manager has
hopes to purchase the property from its current owner in the next year or so, yet does not have
the necessary funding to repurpose the site quite like the Thunderbird Inn. The Alamo Plaza is in
great shape with many, if not all, of its original buildings intact. Several notable structures on
the site include single unattached units in great condition that represent the era of the motor
court. The Motel even has the telephone units used transfer calls from the front desk to each
room. Although the site is not listed on the National Register of Historic Places or the state or
local registers, it could be, because much of the historic character of structure completely intact.
As Savannah is a very preservation-friendly city, the manager could work with the historic
preservation officer for the city in an effort to secure funding and tax credits.
2 23
CONCLUSION
As the few remaining Alamo Plaza structures continue to disappear from the American
landscape, one cannot help but wonder whether there was an alternate use for interesting and
historic sites. In my thesis, I discussed the history of Waco that eventually led to the
development of the Alamo Plaza Hotel Courts and the impact that the Courts had and still have
on the community today. When a beloved structure has been a local landmark for the community
for so long yet seems to have outlived its intended purpose, the lines can be confusing on the best
way to approach and care for the site. I have demonstrated how some communities have
completely erased this part of history altogether such as Memphis and Waco, ways that the
Alamo Plazas have adapted to the current era but have not necessarily thrived like Beaumont and
Tyler, how communities still feel deeply attached to their piece of American history as was the
case in Dallas, how Atlanta is looking for a new innovative approach to affordable housing to set
a national model based on their Alamo Plaza, and how one manager hopes to reinvent his
location using redevelopment in the area and the booming tourist economy to better increase his
odds to become a boutique motel catering to the many tourists that grace the streets of Savannah.
While this thesis focuses on one particular chain, it also tells the story of many other
motor courts, motels, and hotels that developed during this time and have steadily declined as the
surrounding areas become less desirable. Other brands of accommodations are facing similar
situations when it comes to the longevity of the structure and finding new uses. Communities are
constantly questioning whether this longtime familiar structure still provides value that if
demolished could never be replaced. The formula for the location of each Alamo Plaza is
2 24
replicated in nearly every city they are found in. The Alamo Plazas are situated along the main
highway that connect one major market area to another. For example, the Dallas location along
the Bankhead highway was placed directly along the route or those traveling from Dallas to Fort
Worth. At the time, these corridors were part of the new roadside economy that catered to
travelers heading from one city to the next along the new highway system. The courts were
located at the edge of city limits, where space was readily available and lands were cheaper. As
these outlying city areas declined to further disinvestment and sprawl, patrons became less likely
to choose the Alamo Plaza Courts over new competition in a more desirable location.
As investment is steadily poured back into these until recently underutilized areas, the
question becomes, “What can be done with these structures?”. Demolition has been a common
answer as a way to wipe the slate clean and allow developers to completely transform the site
while capitalizing on the Alamo Plaza’s prime location in relationship with downtown. Other,
more creative solutions, are also being presented.
In tandem with the need for underutilized structures is the breakdown of the institution
educating the younger consumer whether that be in banking systems, products, or in this
instance, travel. More than ever before, travelers are able to set their vacation completely on their
own terms. Internet and social media have completely transformed the way millennials travel.
No longer are tourists planning vacations around one specific location and then booking
reservations available chain hotels nearby. With services like Airbnb and HomeAway, travelers
are able to connect with hosts around the world and plan vacations completed based on desired
lodging. With social media, travelers can discover locations and experiences not previously
marketed as vacation destinations. This immense freedom has compelled travelers to buck the
2 25
trend of traditional prescribed travel with the focus on a set location as the destination and
instead encouraged travelers to make their own way and enjoy the journey along the way.
The new model has allowed small travel oriented businesses to thrive. Forgotten motels in hot
markets such as Austin and Palm Springs are being renovated to accommodate this new traveling
class.
Both the need for reinvestment in outer city neighborhoods and emerging travel trends
create a unique opportunity for not only remaining Alamo Plaza Courts, but also other motels in
similar situations. The close proximity to the city and unique character are certain advantages
that could lure in travelers. With the right use, these locations could once again be prosperous.
The Savannah location could utilize both State and Federal Historic Tax Credits, New Market
Tax Credits, and even Opportunity Zone funding. Even more resources are available at both the
state and local level to reinvest in historic structures. The City of Savannah has the Historic
Savannah Foundation which provides grants for historic structures.
With Savannah as the primary example, the same process can be easily replicated in
nearly every state throughout the country. The Federal Tax Credit is available for all fifty states
while only twelve states do not have tax credits available at the state level. Because many of
these locations are in underutilized neighborhoods, New Market Tax Credits can be used to
attract private investors and was as funding for areas deemed as Opportunity Zones primed for
redevelopment.
While this thesis did address many issues, there is room for further study on the topic.
One opportunity could be the investigation of other lodging chains that emerged around this
time, like Best Western, with a comparison of the chain to the Alamo Plaza locations. Another
opportunity for exploration could include an open source map that allowed users to input
2 26
locations and update with information and changes. These findings could provide more insight
on trends facing these structures and identify similarities and differences to provide a more
accurate assessment of the current state of the site and track as changes take place.
When E.L. Torrance created his first court, the Alamo Plaza Tourist Apartments, one
cannot help but wonder if he had any idea of the eventual eclectic state of his motels today. All
have lived very different, yet very similar lives. Perhaps he never intended for any of his
locations to last this long or maybe he did not attempt to forecast the ebbs and flows of the
hospitality industry nearly one hundred years later. The year 2029 will be the hundred-year
anniversary for the history of the chain. One can only wonder what stories will be told of the
Alamo Plazas at that time.
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