SAME SAME BUT DIFFERENT: CHINESE IDENTITY AMONG ETHNIC CHINESE INDONESIAN, MALAYSIAN, SINGAPOREAN AND THAI FORMER UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN BEIJING A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Sompassorn Wiriyapanlert May 2024 © 2024 Sompassorn Wiriyapanlert ABSTRACT After pursuing undergraduate study in China, ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian students did not become “more Chinese”: neither felt more intensely about being Chinese nor more emotionally connected to China. Some of them only gained higher Chinese proficiency and a better understanding of China, which did not translate into a stronger sense of being Chinese. Meanwhile, some of them realized that they were so different from the Chinese in China more than expected. Thus, they felt even more distant from China. Particularly for those who were confused about their identity before studying in China as they had perceived themselves to be “so Chinese” in their countries, studying in China eliminated that confusion. As ethnic identity is most relevant and essential to Malaysian Chinese life, they were more sensitive and developed more critical thoughts on Chinese identity after studying in China. They appeared more comfortable displaying their Chinese identity in China than their counterparts from Indonesia, Singapore, and Thailand. Nevertheless, they also paid attention to marking the distance between themselves and the Chinese in China, sometimes by using the term Huayi. Eventually, they increasingly appreciated the uniqueness of Malaysian Chinese identity, such as multilingualism and higher cultural sensitivity, rather than the fact that they were related to China through bloodline and shared some similarities with Chinese in China. iii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Sompassorn Wiriyapanlert was born in Chonburi, Thailand in 1999. Brought up by her non- Chinese mother, she was not drawn to Chinese language and culture until she met Wu Laoshi (武老师), who ignited her passion for learning Chinese in 2014. In the following year, she moved to Beijing when she was 16 years old, the same age as when her paternal grandfather migrated from Guangdong to Thailand. During her time in China, especially at the School of International Studies, Peking University, she interacted a lot with Singaporean, Indonesian and Malaysian friends. Having listened to their stories about life as ethnic Chinese and appreciating the heterogeneity of Chinese culture in different countries, she developed her interest in Southeast Asian Chinese. Before coming to Cornell, she received her first M.A. in Chinese Culture and Language (by coursework) from the Department of Chinese Studies, National University of Singapore. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to my advisors, Professor Magnus Fiskesjö and Professor Thomas Pepinsky, for their guidance and encouragement along the way. Professor Fiskesjö provided foundational concepts such as Barth’s views on ethnic identity and interesting works on cultural identity from other regions. Professor Pepinsky always gave me thoughtful and constructive feedback at every stage. Besides, the completion of this thesis would have been impossible without my participants. Thank you for agreeing to share your stories, accommodating our time difference, and patiently responding to my questions. I would also like to thank Jeff from Echols Collection for recommending a book chapter on Malaysian Chinese students, which is highly relevant. Looking back, I would like to extend my appreciation to my undergraduate professors, friends, and our Asian Studies alumna, P’Orn, for helping me throughout the application process to Cornell. P’ Orn also linked me up with P’Mas, who introduced me to P’M and P’Ing. My new chapter in the United States would have been tough without them, especially P’M, who has been so kind to me since the first day I arrived in Ithaca. P’Ing also often checked up on my well-being from time to time. Ibu Jolanda is another person I am grateful for. I did not only continue learning Indonesian (which was helpful during the interviews with some participants) under her tutelage, but with her support, I also had an opportunity to further pursue my language study and gain more insights into Chinese Indonesian topics in Indonesia during the last summer. Lastly, my gratitude goes out to my parents, who have been supporting me in every aspect. I would also like to thank my folks who still have been accompanying me virtually regardless of the time difference and sending me postcards, letters, and small gifts every now v and then. I am also fortunate to have found a close friend here, Alice, who has no choice but to eat my “weekend special” every week. I wish her all the best for the rest of her intellectual journey here in Ithaca. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Abbreviations List of Tables Introduction: Different Experiences of Being Ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia ..................... 1 Chapter 1: Embarking on A New Journey in China ................................................................. 11 Chapter 2: Defining Chinese at Home ...................................................................................... 27 Chapter 3: Being Different Chinese in China ........................................................................... 46 Conclusion: Same Same But Different—The Heterogeneity of Chinese Identity ................... 93 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................. 98 vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ICSSs: Independent Chinese Secondary schools ID Participant(s): Participant(s) from Indonesia MY Participant(s): Participant(s) from Malaysia SG Participant(s): Participant(s) from Singapore TH Participant(s): Participant(s) from Thailand SAP School(s): Special Assistance Plan schools SMJK: Sekolah Menengah Jenis Kebangsaan viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Different Sociopolitical Environments for Ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore ............................................................................................................ 4 Table 2 Participant’s Pre-University Educational Background ................................................ 13 Table 3 Participant’s Exposure to Chinese Language and Culture Inside and Outside of Schools. .................................................................................................................................... 15 Table 4 Participants’ Motivation to Pursue Undergraduate Study in China ............................ 23 Table 5 Participants’ Reasons to Leave China after Graduation .............................................. 25 Table 6 Participants’ Generation and Dialect Groups .............................................................. 28 Table 7 Factors Spontaneously Mentioned at the Beginning of Participants’ Answers .......... 32 Table 8 Factors Mentioned in the Participants’ Responses about Self-Ascription .................. 34 Table 9 Elements of Chinese Values Identified by Participants .............................................. 40 Table 10 Criteria Spontaneously Mentioned at the Beginning of Participants’ Answers ........ 42 Table 11 Criteria in Determining Others as Ethnic Chinese Mentioned by Participants ......... 43 Table 12 Participants’ Responses to Questions about ABC and Adopted Malay/Indian ......... 44 Table 13 Participants’ Expectations and Reality of College Life in China .............................. 51 Table 14 Obstacles in Interacting with Local Students Mentioned by Participants ................. 52 Table 15 Participants Who Found Chinese Identity Useful in Interacting with Ethnic Chinese Foreign Friends. ........................................................................................................................ 56 Table 16 Participants’ Preferences in Displaying their Chinese Identity ................................. 59 Table 17 Participants’ Reasons to Actively Display their Chinese Identity in China .............. 60 Table 18 Participants’ Reasons to Avoid Display their Chinese Identity in China .................. 61 Table 19 Participants’ Reasons for Displaying their Foreigner Identity Although They Did Not Actively Mention Downsides of Displaying Chinese Identity. ......................................... 63 Table 20 Participants’ Preference in Using Huayi or Huaren Before and When Studying in China ......................................................................................................................................... 67 Table 21 Impacts of Studying in China Experience on Participants’ Chinese Identity ........... 75 Table 22 Participants who Concluded that Studying in China Enabled Them to Speak Better Chinese and Understand China More ....................................................................................... 76 Table 23 Participants who Concluded that Studying in China Enabled Them to Expand Horizon and Reflect on Domestic Chinese Community .......................................................... 80 Table 24 Participants who Concluded that Studying in China Enabled Them to Juxtapose Themselves with Chinese in China and Perceive More Differences ....................................... 86 1 INTRODUCTION DIFFERENT EXPERIENCES OF BEING ETHNIC CHINESE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Due to geographical proximity and historical ties with China, such as Admiral Zheng He (Cheng Ho)’s expeditions in Southeast Asia in the 15th century, the Chinese have settled extensively in Southeast Asia for many generations, and their offsprings who were born in Southeast Asia are called people of Chinese descent/origin. Nowadays, people of Chinese descent constitute a significant part of the population in Southeast Asian countries, most notably almost 75% and 23% in Singapore and Malaysia, respectively (see Table 1). The term “ethnic Chinese” used in this thesis refers to people of Chinese descent who are Southeast Asian nationals (Suryadinata, 1997: 2-3). The concept of diaspora (Ang, 2001) is not applicable to this study because it connotes the sense of belonging to China. This thesis will highlight the fact that younger generation Southeast Asians of Chinese descent feel distant from China and no longer see themselves as a part or extension of China. In other words, their Chinese identity is more Southeast Asian-oriented than older-generation Chinese’s. Therefore, the term ethnic Chinese is more appropriate than diaspora to describe them. Although the consciousness of being people of China became weaker or even disappeared as they are geographically distant from China, ethnic Chinese are still in contact with China in many ways through travelling, trading (as seen in a study on Indonesian Chinese businessmen by Zhu (2017)), and studying abroad in China (Godley & Coppel, 2002; Law & Lee, 2005; Theo, 2016). Ethnic Chinese students pursuing further education in China is not necessarily their deliberate choice to reconnect and identify themselves with China (chapter 1 2 will illustrate this point). In fact, they are merely a part of the growing number of international students who are drawn to China. Biney & Cheng (2021) suggest that China has become an increasingly popular alternative to Western countries and significantly appeals to Southeast Asian students. China’s Ministry of Education statistics1 published in 2019 reveal that there are 5 Southeast Asian countries (Thailand (2nd), Indonesia (7th), Laos (8th), Vietnam (11th), and Malaysia (15th)) among the top 15 countries of origin of international students in China. Hoon & Kuntjara (2019, as cited in Chan & Hoon, 2023: 86-88) attribute the popularity of China among Southeast Asian students to the rise of China, particularly in economic aspects. In this regard, this thesis draws attention to ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian students in China. The main question of this thesis is: how did ethnic Chinese students’ Chinese identity change after the completion of their undergraduate study in China (Beijing, in this study)? As they were no longer geographically distant from China, did they feel “more Chinese”? Besides, this thesis also probes the heterogeneity of Chinese identity in Southeast Asian countries through the comparison of ethnic Chinese students from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand.2 It explores how ethnic Chinese living in different countries differ in terms of ethnic identification, preferences and strategies in displaying Chinese identity when they were in China, and views on Chinese identity after completing their undergraduate study in China. 1 Cited in Biney & Cheng (2021) 2 Students from these four countries were chosen to be study subjects due to the availability (i.e., students from other countries are rarer to find within the author’s social circle). More importantly, these countries present different sociopolitical environments in which ethnic Chinese reside as shown is Table 1 below. 3 Situation of Ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia Ethnic Chinese communities in Southeast Asian nations vary in size and percentage among the total population, and they live in different sociopolitical environments in each country. In this regard, Lee (2006: 15-17) points out that Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia present three different models of ethnic Chinese’s existence in Southeast Asia: being a majority and facing no pressure from assimilation, being a significant minority (almost one-fourth) and refusing assimilation, and lastly, being a minuscule minority that had to accept assimilation, respectively. Table 1 on the following page is informed by Lee (2006)’s three models in which the three countries differ in terms of the percentage of ethnic Chinese population and of integration. 4 Table 1 Different Sociopolitical Environments for Ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore 3 According to a report Kewarganegaraan, suku bangsa, agama, dan bahasa sehari-hari penduduk Indonesia (Citizenship, ethnicity, religion and daily language of the Indonesian population), which is based on the 2010 census by Statistics Indonesia (Badan Pusat Statistik, BPS) https://webapi.bps.go.id/download.php?f=gMs8fu6Vu53dCkbv31gYYjrsZcdTrimub1OBH9mfonXEfpFpPy6mv6qiIqg7FG/Sfocch+CxGQ/2 dJriI44x+ayfDQv+tKJtybNohjil3nDoZW3qCUtECryn7Jd+Cswq5QZkK1Zjk8gOYnkAYm2X8SEx0X5FGrNXOL+Hakr9/P6rE3UHnIYK3 UXRZBHe1U/o1JLnjyTJdR+v71CwskTJgNSnyVVFBx4zF8kV+2c7ORSBoH29RIT7wAhdPxWxwYK7MOFIHoN3+m97VbtTzzMUxoR8 NG/YGZFl/M6Kkv1mebQB2hoUHsPMROqj2oV1N7GQbZkJFjjTnp+VGCdKTSe/Lw== (page 9). Moreover, ethnic Chinese is labeled as Cina. Meanwhile, Chinese residents from Mainland China and Taiwan are Cina RRC (PRC China) and Cina Taiwan respectively. According to Suryadinata in Lee (2006: 223), the percentage might be as high as 4-5%. 4 Although official data on ethnicity is available on BPS’ website, it is published in a separate document titled Kewarganegaraan, Suku Bangsa, Agama, dan Bahasa Sehari-hari Penduduk Indonesia. The main report on the 2010 census does not include ethnicity statistics. https://sensus.bps.go.id/topik/dataset/sp2010/1 This is different from Malaysia and Singapore’s census reports, which directly include ethnicity statistics. I would like to thank Professor Thomas Pepinsky for pointing out the existence of BPS’ official data on Chinese Indonesian population. 5 https://setkab.go.id/en/govt-announces-national-holidays-for-2024/ 6 No official statistics directly issued by the National Statistical Office of Thailand (NSO) (ส ำนกังำนสถิติแห่งชำติ; Samnak ngan sathiti haeng chat). This is a range derived from http://m- culture.in.th/album/193785/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%97%E0%B8%A2%E0%B9%80%E0%B8%8A%E0%B8%B7%E0%B9%89%E0%B8 %AD%E0%B8%AA%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%A2%E0%B8%88%E0%B8%B5%E0%B8%99 (a website under the Ministry of Culture of Thailand) and http://service.nso.go.th/nso/nsopublish/pubs/syb_54/SYB_54_T.pdf The document is published by NSO but not viewable. (The content containing number and percentage of Thai Chinese population is visible in Google searches). Nevertheless, data on demographic statistics on NSO does not include the number and percentage of ethnic Chinese in Thailand. The percentage is taken from http://service.nso.go.th/nso/nsopublish/pubs/syb_54/SYB_54_T.pdf. 7 http://statbbi.nso.go.th/staticreport/page/sector/en/01.aspx It can be seen national population statistics does not include ethnicity/race. 8 https://image.mfa.go.th/mfa/0/Hoq3fU948p/Public_holiday_2024.pdf 9 https://storage.dosm.gov.my/analysis/msb_2024-01.pdf This is the latest quarterly estimation conducted in the last quarter of 2023 by the Department of Statistics of Malaysia. The percentage is derived from the author’s calculation based on the data available in the document. 10 https://www.mycensus.gov.my/images/gallery/pdf/soal_selidik/bi_Banci_MyCensus2020_English.pdf On page 4, there is a question, “What is your / this person's ethnic group?”. 11 https://www.kabinet.gov.my/bkpp/pdf/hari_kelepasan_am/hka_2024.pdf. 12 Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) 13 https://www.singstat.gov.sg/-/media/files/publications/cop2020/sr1/cop2020sr1.ashx 14 https://www.singstat.gov.sg/-/media/files/publications/cop2020/sr1/cop2020sr1.ashx Page ix shows that ethnic group information is considered one of key indicators of resident population. 15 https://www.mom.gov.sg/employment-practices/public-holidays Country Number and percentage of Ethnic Chinese Population Ethnic Identity is Published in Census Chinese New Year is a Public Holiday An Ethnic Chinese Political Party Exists Indonesia 2,832,510, 1.2%3 Yes*4 Yes5 No Thailand 8-9 million, 14%6 No7 No8 No Malaysia 6,889,4000, 22.6%9 Yes10 Yes11 Yes12 Singapore 3,006,8000, 74.3%13 Yes14 Yes15 No https://webapi.bps.go.id/download.php?f=gMs8fu6Vu53dCkbv31gYYjrsZcdTrimub1OBH9mfonXEfpFpPy6mv6qiIqg7FG/Sfocch+CxGQ/2dJriI44x+ayfDQv+tKJtybNohjil3nDoZW3qCUtECryn7Jd+Cswq5QZkK1Zjk8gOYnkAYm2X8SEx0X5FGrNXOL+Hakr9/P6rE3UHnIYK3UXRZBHe1U/o1JLnjyTJdR+v71CwskTJgNSnyVVFBx4zF8kV+2c7ORSBoH29RIT7wAhdPxWxwYK7MOFIHoN3+m97VbtTzzMUxoR8NG/YGZFl/M6Kkv1mebQB2hoUHsPMROqj2oV1N7GQbZkJFjjTnp+VGCdKTSe/Lw== https://webapi.bps.go.id/download.php?f=gMs8fu6Vu53dCkbv31gYYjrsZcdTrimub1OBH9mfonXEfpFpPy6mv6qiIqg7FG/Sfocch+CxGQ/2dJriI44x+ayfDQv+tKJtybNohjil3nDoZW3qCUtECryn7Jd+Cswq5QZkK1Zjk8gOYnkAYm2X8SEx0X5FGrNXOL+Hakr9/P6rE3UHnIYK3UXRZBHe1U/o1JLnjyTJdR+v71CwskTJgNSnyVVFBx4zF8kV+2c7ORSBoH29RIT7wAhdPxWxwYK7MOFIHoN3+m97VbtTzzMUxoR8NG/YGZFl/M6Kkv1mebQB2hoUHsPMROqj2oV1N7GQbZkJFjjTnp+VGCdKTSe/Lw== https://webapi.bps.go.id/download.php?f=gMs8fu6Vu53dCkbv31gYYjrsZcdTrimub1OBH9mfonXEfpFpPy6mv6qiIqg7FG/Sfocch+CxGQ/2dJriI44x+ayfDQv+tKJtybNohjil3nDoZW3qCUtECryn7Jd+Cswq5QZkK1Zjk8gOYnkAYm2X8SEx0X5FGrNXOL+Hakr9/P6rE3UHnIYK3UXRZBHe1U/o1JLnjyTJdR+v71CwskTJgNSnyVVFBx4zF8kV+2c7ORSBoH29RIT7wAhdPxWxwYK7MOFIHoN3+m97VbtTzzMUxoR8NG/YGZFl/M6Kkv1mebQB2hoUHsPMROqj2oV1N7GQbZkJFjjTnp+VGCdKTSe/Lw== https://webapi.bps.go.id/download.php?f=gMs8fu6Vu53dCkbv31gYYjrsZcdTrimub1OBH9mfonXEfpFpPy6mv6qiIqg7FG/Sfocch+CxGQ/2dJriI44x+ayfDQv+tKJtybNohjil3nDoZW3qCUtECryn7Jd+Cswq5QZkK1Zjk8gOYnkAYm2X8SEx0X5FGrNXOL+Hakr9/P6rE3UHnIYK3UXRZBHe1U/o1JLnjyTJdR+v71CwskTJgNSnyVVFBx4zF8kV+2c7ORSBoH29RIT7wAhdPxWxwYK7MOFIHoN3+m97VbtTzzMUxoR8NG/YGZFl/M6Kkv1mebQB2hoUHsPMROqj2oV1N7GQbZkJFjjTnp+VGCdKTSe/Lw== https://sensus.bps.go.id/topik/dataset/sp2010/1 https://setkab.go.id/en/govt-announces-national-holidays-for-2024/ http://m-culture.in.th/album/193785/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%97%E0%B8%A2%E0%B9%80%E0%B8%8A%E0%B8%B7%E0%B9%89%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%AA%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%A2%E0%B8%88%E0%B8%B5%E0%B8%99 http://m-culture.in.th/album/193785/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%97%E0%B8%A2%E0%B9%80%E0%B8%8A%E0%B8%B7%E0%B9%89%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%AA%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%A2%E0%B8%88%E0%B8%B5%E0%B8%99 http://m-culture.in.th/album/193785/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%97%E0%B8%A2%E0%B9%80%E0%B8%8A%E0%B8%B7%E0%B9%89%E0%B8%AD%E0%B8%AA%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%A2%E0%B8%88%E0%B8%B5%E0%B8%99 http://service.nso.go.th/nso/nsopublish/pubs/syb_54/SYB_54_T.pdf http://service.nso.go.th/nso/nsopublish/pubs/syb_54/SYB_54_T.pdf http://statbbi.nso.go.th/staticreport/page/sector/en/01.aspx https://image.mfa.go.th/mfa/0/Hoq3fU948p/Public_holiday_2024.pdf https://storage.dosm.gov.my/analysis/msb_2024-01.pdf https://www.mycensus.gov.my/images/gallery/pdf/soal_selidik/bi_Banci_MyCensus2020_English.pdf https://www.kabinet.gov.my/bkpp/pdf/hari_kelepasan_am/hka_2024.pdf https://www.singstat.gov.sg/-/media/files/publications/cop2020/sr1/cop2020sr1.ashx https://www.singstat.gov.sg/-/media/files/publications/cop2020/sr1/cop2020sr1.ashx https://www.mom.gov.sg/employment-practices/public-holidays 5 In this table, the status of Chinese New Year as a public holiday, the presence of Chinese ethnicity in the census, and the existence of ethnic Chinese-based political parties are indicators of the significance/relevance of Chinese identity in one’s life at national level, the more “yes”, the more important. In this sense, Chinese identity is most relevant and important to ethnic Chinese in Malaysia, followed by Singapore, Indonesia, and Thailand. In addition, it is noticeable that Thailand presents another “model”: the number and percentage of ethnic Chinese population is considerable (8-9 million, accounting for more than 10% of Thailand's population), somewhat comparable to Malaysia. However, Chinese identity is insignificant (“no” in every aspect). These three dimensions also reflect the level of integration and the state’s attitude towards the ethnic Chinese population. However, the “yes” and “no” answers do not directly correlate with the level of integration. First, the status of Chinese New Year as a public holiday signifies that the government regards ethnic Chinese as a distinct group. Meanwhile, ethnic Chinese in Thailand are relatively less distinct from non-Chinese Thais, i.e., they are more deeply integrated into mainstream society than ethnic Chinese in the other three countries. It is worth noting that the Chinese New Year is a public holiday in Indonesia, although ethnic Chinese constitute less than 2% of the total population. Moreover, it only became a public holiday in 2002 during the Megawati Administration. This is one of the gestures to build a more inclusive nation for everyone, including ethnic Chinese Indonesians, correcting the discriminative attitude of the state to the Chinese during Suharto era. (Suryadinata in Lee, 2006: 220-221) 6 Second, the presence of Chinese ethnicity in the census denotes that ethnic Chinese are distinct from others, and the government implements some ethnicity-based policies, necessitating the official, easily accessible statistics on ethnic groups. For example, race(ethnicity)-based quota in university admission system in Malaysia and public housing (HDB, Housing Development Board) allocation in Singapore. Given the fact that Indonesia’s ethnicity statistics are not directly available in the main census report, unlike in Malaysia and Singapore, it can be concluded that ethnic Chinese in Indonesia are distinct but less significant in terms of public resource allocation. Lastly, the existence of an ethnic Chinese-based political party in Malaysia is a symbol of the most complicated situation of being ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia: being distinct, significant in public policy, and essential in political mobilization. While ethnic Chinese live in different sociopolitical environments, all of them enjoy the same level of freedom in celebrating their culture and using Chinese language in public spaces. The restriction on Chinese cultural representation in Indonesia imposed by Suharto Administration was revoked after the end of the regime. Nowadays, Chinese media, newspapers and formal education are available in all countries. These elements influence Chinese identity in several ways. Most directly, Chinese formal education equips ethnic Chinese individuals with Chinese proficiency. Chinese newspapers construct an “imagined community” among ethnic Chinese, informing them about new developments in the Chinese community and strengthening their sense of belonging (Suprajitno, 2020). Lastly, some Chinese media16 sheds light on relations between ethnic Chinese and the non-Chinese majority. For example, Ngenest 16 Referred to Chinese-language media or media produced by ethnic Chinese. Chinese-language media is less popular in Indonesia and Thailand given that ethnic Chinese in these two countries mainly or even only speak their national language. 7 (2015), a movie directed by an Indonesian Chinese director Ernest Prasaka, conveys the ethnic Chinese’s anxiety as a minority in Indonesia in a hilarious way.17 Not only movies but songs are also a medium for conveying messages. Namewee, a Malaysian Chinese artist, is an instance. He composed a controversial song, Negarakuku, which is considered by Koh (2008: 63) as a rant about Malaysia’s race(ethnicity)-based preferential policy in university admissions, causing him to study abroad in Taiwan.18 (More information on this issue in chapter 1 and 3) Methodology The data used in this thesis is derived from 1-hour semi-structured individual interviews with 32 participants from Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand (8 people from each country).19 The participants are former undergraduate students who completed their bachelor’s degree in Beijing, China and graduated from 2020 to 2023.20 All but one participant returned to their countries or relocated elsewhere other than Mainland China after finishing their undergraduate studies. They were recruited through personal contacts and referrals among participants. 17 The movie is in Indonesian language. 18 Koh, K. W. (2008). A Chinese Malaysian in Taiwan: Negarakuku and a song of exile in the diaspora. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 8(1), 50-79. 19 Responses were given in Indonesian, Mandarin Chinese, English and Thai, depending on each participant’s preference. 20 With two exceptions: one participant was studying at Beijing University of Chinese Medicine as a part of her double degree program at Nanyang Technological University, which required two academic years in China. Another participant completed his undergraduate study in 2019 and continued pursuing master’s degree in China until 2021. 8 The participants are of Chinese descent and identify themselves as such. Out of 32 participants, 18 people are female. They were selected from diverse undergraduate education profiles in terms of institution21 and course of study.22 Structure of Thesis In this thesis, I argue that ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian students did not become “more Chinese” or “less Chinese” after studying in China. Instead, they realized that they were so different from the Chinese in China, more than expected. Throughout this thesis, the heterogeneity of ethnic Chinese is discussed. This thesis shows that these students are diverse in terms of how they defined Chinese identity, displayed Chinese identity when they were in China, and how they developed new perspectives on Chinese identity after finishing their undergraduate study in the “homeland” of their ancestors. This thesis consists of 3 chapters, depicting the background of the participants, their definition of Chinese identity and finally, their experience in China and how it impacted their views on Chinese identity. Chapter 1 is a description of the participants in this study regarding their education journey before and in China, their motivations to pursue undergraduate study in China, and 21 13 participants are from Peking University (5 and 4 of them are from Singapore and Malaysia respectively), 5 from Beihang University (previously Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics), 4 from Tsinghua University, 3 from Beijing Language and Culture University and University of International Business and Economics each, 2 from Beijing Foreign Studies University and 1 from Renmin University of China and Beijing University of Chinese Medicine each. 22 Participants are selected from wide range of courses of study: Business and management, including business administration, finance, economics, e-commerce, human resource management (11); Chinese language, including Chinese language and literature, teaching Chinese as a second language, Chinese language for business (7); politics, including international relations, PPE (philosophy, politics and economics) (6), sciences and technology, including mechanical engineering, aeronautical engineering, computer sciences and biology (5); journalism and mass communication (1); archeology (1); and Chinese medicine (1). Except two participants who were enrolled in English programs at Beihang University and University of International Business and Economics, all participants received undergraduate education with Chinese as a medium of instruction. 9 their reasons for leaving China after completing their studies. This chapter sheds light on different Chinese educational environments across countries, which affect the participants’ views on Chinese identity, as discussed in chapter 2 and 3. Chapter 2 explores the ethnic identification of the participants. The core question is: “What makes one Chinese?”. It focuses on the participants’ Chinese identity before they went to China. This chapter describes how the participants identify themselves as Chinese and determine whether others are Chinese like themselves. Chapter 3 depicts the participants’ experience in China with regard to Chinese identity, capturing their feeling of being people of Chinese descent in China. It delves into their preference and strategies for displaying their Chinese identity. This chapter concludes with the participants’ reflections on their Chinese identity after completing their studies in China. Engagement with Existing Literature Two keywords of this thesis are “students” and “cross-country comparison”. This thesis adds to existing literature on ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia in both aspects. As this thesis focuses on ethnic Chinese students in China, it complements Tong (2010)’s comprehensive study on Chineseness in Southeast Asia because Tong’s work did not examine ethnic Chinese in terms of their mobility, i.e., returning to their ancestors’ place of origin. There are some studies on ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian students in China. However, these works focus on a specific country. Hence, the cross-country comparison in this thesis fills this gap in the literature. Godley & Coppel (2002) and Theo (2016)’s studies are about Indonesian Chinese students, with the former focusing on students who went to China during Mao’s era. 10 Theo’s study is relatively recent, but there is a significant generation gap between her participants and those involved in this thesis. The participants in Theo’s study were 20 to 45 years old in 2015 when the research was conducted. Therefore, some of them witnessed Indonesia’s change in the early Reformasi era. By contrast, students interviewed in this thesis were still pre-school children in the early post-Suharto period. Lastly, Law and Lee (2009)’s study is about Malaysian Chinese students in Guangzhou, and it was conducted almost 20 years ago (2005) when China was not as influential as it has become in recent years. All of these studies did not provide much information on the student’s preferences and strategies in displaying their Chinese identity when being in China, which is the main contribution of this thesis to the literature on this topic. This study has a limitation on geographical coverage, i.e., it only includes students from Indonesia, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand in Beijing. Further studies can expand the coverage to include students from other Southeast Asian countries and more locations in China, both in Northern and Southern China, as well as coastal and inland cities. There is room for improvement regarding additional information on participants’ Chinese media consumption before studying in China, their socioeconomic background, and their interactions with Chinese in China (e.g., activities they participated in alongside Chinese peers, clubs and student organizations they joined). 11 CHAPTER 1 EMBARKING ON A NEW JOURNEY IN CHINA As ethnic Chinese communities in Southeast Asia are different in population size, proportion among the total population, and political status, the availability and format of Chinese education in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand varies. Therefore, the participants in this study had different levels of exposure to Chinese language and culture in the educational setting prior to their undergraduate studies in China. Their background before embarking on a new journey in China is explored in sections below. Exposure to Chinese Language and Culture at Schools In general, ID and TH participants had minimal exposure to Chinese language and culture in their school days. At most, some of them had Chinese language classes once or twice a week.23 All MY participants and 7 out of 8 SG participants were part of a Chinese education system at some point in their pre-university education journey. In Malaysia, Chinese education can be defined as an education system with Chinese as a medium of instruction in most subjects, not only for Chinese language classes. Meanwhile, Chinese education in Singapore is different. Chinese education in Singapore is synonymous with Special Assistance Plan schools (SAP). They were formerly Chinese-medium secondary schools. (Lee, 2012: 291) The primary 23 Tong (2010: 44) discovered that there were still Thai-Chinese bilingual schools in Thailand. Only 1 TH participant received primary school education from a school that he considered a “Chinese school”—located within Chinese temple area and offering more hours of Chinese courses than normal schools. This participant revealed that his parents chose this school solely because of the foreseeable usefulness of Chinese language, not their cultural affinity. Besides, only 1 ID participant is an alumnus of a trilingual school (known in Chinese as 三语学校) in Surabaya. He had a 1-hour Chinese class every day, contributing to his higher proficiency in Chinese than other ID participants. 12 medium of instruction in SAP schools is English, although SAP schools offer some subjects taught in Chinese (p.294).24 While there is only SAP and non-SAP dichotomy in Singapore, MY participants had more options for receiving Chinese education. All but one participant 25 attended Chinese primary schools. In secondary school, 4 participants continued with an entirely Chinese track— independent Chinese secondary schools (ICSSs: 华文独立中学，独中). Other 4 participants attended Sekolah Menengah Jenis Kebangsaan (SMJK: 国民型华文中学，华中)26 , which is a subtype of national secondary school (Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan, SMK: 国民中学， 国中). Besides the source of funding (private vs government funds), the key difference between ICSSs and SMJK is the medium of instruction. All classes except English and Malay language classes in ICSSs are delivered in Chinese. By contrast, sciences and mathematics are taught in English at SMJK, with other classes, except Malay language class, taught in Chinese.27 24 Only 1 SG participant did not receive education from SAP schools at all. Participants considered SAP schools mainly because of their higher prestige and the abundance of educational resources. 25 That participant went to a bilingual (Chinese and Malay) school. 26 There is no official English translation of SMJK. The English translation in Raman & Tan (2015: 3) is National-Type Chinese Secondary Schools (NTCSSs). 27 In addition, ICSSs require 6 years to complete, compared with 5 years in SMJK. Due to the medium of instruction, both options are popular among Malaysian Chinese, but there are some non-Chinese students in these schools as well. For example, one participant who graduated from a SMJK in Kelantan shared that there were two Indian and two Malay students in her class of 30-40 students. 13 Country Number of Participants that Attended Chinese Schools in Their Own Countries Number of Participants that Attended Secondary Schools in China Number of Participants Enrolled in Pre-University Courses Indonesia 1* (trilingual school) 3 3 Thailand 1*(only primary school) 3 2 Malaysia 8 (4 ICSSs, 4 SMJK) 0 1 Singapore 7 0 0 Table 2 Participant’s Pre-University Educational Background As MY and SG participants had much more exposure to Chinese language and culture in education settings, they did not need pre-university foundation courses to equip themselves with Chinese proficiency for undergraduate study. Meanwhile, some ID and TH participants were enrolled in pre-university courses, mainly language classes, to meet language requirements. With the exception of one TH participant whose parents are Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese, speaking Chinese as her mother tongue, all ID and TH participants who were not required to take foundation courses had graduated from international student departments (国际部) of high schools in China. Hence, they were proficient in Chinese enough at the time of university admission. Nevertheless, they had minimal or no interaction with Chinese students during high school because they only studied alongside their fellow international students. It is worth noting that the participants’ pre-university educational background might have affected the depth of reflections on Chinese identity after concluding their undergraduate study in China, as discussed in chapter 3. For example, participants with stronger backgrounds 14 in Chinese language and culture, such as ICSSs, SMJK and SAP schools graduates, might be able to give more informative responses because they did not have a language barrier, or have less of one. Hence, they could interact with Chinese students more frequently and profoundly, such as working alongside them in student organizations and other activities. Consequently, they had more opportunities to compare themselves with local Chinese and developed more thoughts on Chinese identity, unlike students with lower Chinese proficiency who might have had less contact with local students. Stints in China Beyond Classroom Besides learning Chinese either as a formal subject at school or in tutorial class, 75% of participants (24 from 32 participants) had some form of experience in China prior to their undergraduate study there (and, for some participants, secondary school education). 15 Table 3 Participant’s Exposure to Chinese Language and Culture Inside and Outside of Schools. It is noteworthy that MY and SG participants, the two groups with much more exposure to Chinese language and culture in education settings compared with ID and TH participants, present two extremes in this aspect. While MY participants received the most intense Chinese education, i.e., Chinese-medium education, in both primary and secondary school, they had minimal experience in China before their undergraduate studies. Out of 8 participants who had never visited China at all before pursuing a bachelor’s degree there, 6 of them are MY participants (the rest are 1 ID and TH participant each). Contrastingly, all SG participants had experience in China. 12 out of 24 participants had educational, in-person experience in China before undergraduate study, and it is most common among SG participants. Educational, in-person Country Number of Participants who Attended Chinese Schools in Their Countries Number of Participants who Visited China for Educational Purposes Number of Participants who Visited China Solely for Travelling Number of Participants who Visited China for Family Reunions Indonesia 1* (trilingual school) 2 5 0 Thailand 1*(only primary school) 2 1 3 Malaysia 8 (4 ICSSs, 4 SMJK) 0 2 0 Singapore 7 8 2 4 Total 17 12 10 7 16 experiences are mainly excursion/cultural immersion programs organized by their schools during school breaks.28 All SG participants had this type of experience, especially under the auspices of BSP (Bicultural Studies Programme29). The other 2 ID and TH participants each had similar experiences. None of the MY participants participated in this kind of cultural immersion program. In general, all participants in this category attended these camps more than once. As for non-educational experience, travelling with family purely for leisure, i.e., not visiting relatives, is the most common experience among ID participants (5 from 10 participants in this category).30 Another non-educational purpose is to visit relatives. This is the case for participants whose parents are/were Chinese nationals, i.e., were born or even lived in China before permanently migrating to the current country. This situation is common among SG participants (4) followed by TH participants (3). The annual or biannual visits are usually 2-4 weeks long. 31 Comparing across four countries, SG participants had the most holistic in-person experience in China as all of them attended cultural immersion programs organized by their schools, and most of them also travelled to China either solely for sightseeing or visiting family 28 The study trips allowed the participants to explore diverse places in China for 2-8 weeks, ranging from first tier metropolitans like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou to less popular cities and provinces such as Changsha, Shaoxing, Xi’an and Anhui. In some cases, students did not only study alongside Chinese students but also stayed with Chinese host families. Besides schools’ excursions, there is a TH participant who went on a 1-year AFS exchange during high school in Tangshan, Hebei Province. She lived with a host family whom she keeps contact with until now. 29 Singapore English spelling. 30 Their trips generally lasted for 5-7 days at popular destinations such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Guilin, and Hainan. 31 In addition, there are two other types of experiences not included in any category due to its special timeline and semi- educational nature. One case is a MY participant’s “seeking ancestral root” journey (“寻根之旅”). The journey was entirely initiated by himself due to his strong interest in his Teochew heritage. This purposeful trip happened before he attended university but after he already decided to pursue tertiary education in China i.e., during his pre-university preparatory course. Another case is a TH participant and another ID participant who travelled to China to survey the living conditions before making the final decision to study there. 17 members. MY participants had the least experience in China, given that 75% of them (6 of 8) had never visited China at all. Motivation to Study in China: Pragmatic, not “Nostalgic” Overall, most participants decided to embark on their undergraduate study journey in China due to pragmatic concerns, not their Chinese ethnicity. The reasons behind their decisions can be categorized into pragmatic and non-pragmatic concerns. Pragmatic concerns are described as reasons related to the direct benefits and advantages of studying in China both in academic, financial, and professional (post-graduate) aspects. Meanwhile, non-pragmatic concerns are more about personal preferences/liking, including ethnicity/cultural affinity. In most cases, participants had more than one reason for pursuing higher education in China, considering both types of concerns.32 Pragmatic Concerns From the participants’ responses, four key pragmatic concerns are affordability, China’s economic prospects, inherent Chinese proficiency, and continuity of education journey. Having improved its higher education to attract international students33 who might view China positively and inadvertently enhance China’s soft power (Chan and Hoon, 2023: 86-87), China offers generous scholarships through Chinese authorities34 or universities as an incentive 32 For example, a TH participant who studied Chinese language for business at Beijing Foreign Studies University chose China because of her family business (importing goods from China) and her appreciation of Chinese culture, food, architecture, and picturesque landscape. 33 According to Zhu et al. (2018: 190-191), Chinese authorities are concerned about younger generation ethnic Chinese’s indifference or even negative perception of China. Zhu et al. considered first-hand experience to be one of proper ways for ethnic Chinese to learn more about China. This is a rationale of attracting international students to China. 34 Such as CSC Scholarships (also known as Chinese Government Scholarships, CGS) provided by the Chinese Scholarship Council. 18 drawing participants to China. This aspect was the most important reason international students chose China, in line with Biney & Cheng (2021)’s findings. The incentive was effective, especially among MY (7) and SG (2) participants.35 Therefore, some of them admitted that they chose China not mainly because they were very interested in China but because they wanted to go overseas, and China was the most financially feasible option.36 Some ID and TH participants were funded by scholarships as well. However, none of them mentioned it as an incentive to study in China. It is noteworthy that Malaysia’s educational policy propels MY participants who graduated from ICSSs to consider studying in China. Applying for scholarships in Mainland China and Taiwan is very common among ICSSs graduates: they have difficulty applying to prestigious public universities in Malaysia as the graduation certificates issued by ICSSs are not recognized by Malaysia Government (Raman & Tan, 2015: 10). Domestic private universities are more expensive but less satisfying in terms of quality. Therefore, the participants were keen to study abroad, especially in Chinese-speaking universities, because their high Chinese proficiency enabled them to stand a higher chance of winning a scholarship. In this regard, 2 MY participants strategically applied for universities in Mainland China because it was less competitive than Taiwan’s, promising a higher chance for them to win scholarships. Both participants opined that Taiwan had always been a more popular Chinese- speaking study-abroad destination among their schools’ graduates. However, their cohorts began to see a changing trend, i.e., the growing popularity of China. 35 As a SG participant from Peking University put it, the opportunity to study in China under the auspices of a Chinese Government Scholarship was a “good deal”—prestigious school, preferential admission policy for international students, and zero financial burden for his parents. Another MY participant also described the opportunity with the phrase “good value for money” in Chinese (性价比好). 36 For example, a MY participant who initially dreamed of studying aeronautical engineering in Russia pivoted to Beihang University (previously Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics), which offered her a full scholarship instead. 19 Second to affordability is China’s economic prospects at that time. China’s rapidly growing economy is the main reason behind the decisions of 5 participants (4 and 1 of them are SG and TH participants, respectively). 4 of them chose business-related majors: business administration, finance, economics, and e-commerce.37 All SG participants shared the same sentiment that going to China was the “path less trodden”.38 Inherent Chinese proficiency was taken into consideration by 5 participants who are highly proficient in Chinese or even speak Mandarin Chinese as (one of) their mother language(s). In detailed terms, inherent Chinese proficiency has different connotations for 2 SG participants (Both of them have parents who were former Chinese citizens) and 1 MY participant, compared with 2 ID participants. For SG and MY participants, inherent Chinese proficiency merely equals familiarity and convenience.39 However, the 2 ID participants40 perceived inherent Chinese proficiency differently. Rather than as a matter of convenience, they regarded their relatively higher Chinese proficiency compared with other ethnic Chinese Indonesians as a “skill”. They saw China as a place to hone and fully utilize it; otherwise, it was a “waste” of their time and energy invested in learning Chinese from a young age. Therefore, they looked forward to utilizing this hard-earned skill by studying in China. Lastly, the continuity of the education journey refers to the case in which the participants had been studying in China since secondary school, so they wanted to continue receiving 37 The last of 5 participants studied Chinese language and literature with minor in psychology. 38 They held the view that in Singapore, there were not many people who truly master Chinese language and have deep understanding of China. Therefore, they believed that diving deep into China would craft out their niches, setting them apart from their counterparts in the same industry who received education in Singapore, United Kingdom, and United States. 39 The advantage of receiving higher education in Chinese is even more evident for a MY participant majoring in biology. He commented that it was easier for him to digest the course content delivered in Chinese since he had always been in Chinese- medium education system. 40 Different from other ID participants, they grew up with parents and grandparents who can read and speak Chinese. One participant shared that her grandfather taught her to read Chinese newspapers, contributing to her exceptional Chinese proficiency. Another participant was sent to a trilingual school and later attended secondary school in China. 20 education in China. This reason was given by 2 ID and TH participants each, “I was already there.”. Unlike the case of inherent Chinese proficiency, the participants decided to pursue undergraduate study in China not because they preferred Chinese-medium education. In fact, it was a matter of convenience. They enjoyed the freedom and convenience of being in Beijing. “I felt like being ‘framed’ (by his family) in Thailand”, said one participant. In addition, some of them were clueless about the admission process in their home country, hence they opted for a seamless transition to the new stage of their education journey. Non-Pragmatic Concerns Three types of non-pragmatic concerns are identified from the participants’ responses: interest in Chinese language and culture, Chinese ethnicity, and encouragement or influence from people around the participants. The interest in Chinese language and culture is the main reason among TH participants (4).41 In detail, 3 of 4 TH participants were drawn to the language. Hence, they looked forward to immersing themselves in a Chinese language environment, improving their proficiency.42 Besides, only 1 MY and SG participant each attributed their decision to their interest in Chinese culture and history.43 The absence of ID participants mentioning their love for Chinese language and culture as the motivation to study in China is possibly explainable by their course of study 41 The indicator of their love in Chinese language and culture is that when asked during the interview why they chose to study in China, they actively answered that they liked Chinese language and/or culture etc. instead of citing its usefulness. 42 Due to their interests in the language, 2 of 3 participants chose Chinese language and literature major. The last of the 4 participants was more interested in other aspects, such as culture and architecture. Therefore, she chose Chinese language for a business major. Another participant who stated that her love for the Chinese language led to her decision to study in China since high school and was considering Chinese language and literature major when applying to universities. However, she was majoring in e-commerce in the end. 43 These two participants eventually went to the Department of Chinese Language and Literature and the Department of History, both at Peking University. Another special and specific reason is the good impression of the campus beautiful scenery mentioned by another SG participant who had visited Peking University campus before during secondary school. 21 selection. No ID participants in this study were majoring in Chinese language and literature or other arts and humanities subjects. In contrast, most of the aforementioned participants from other countries were majoring in Chinese language and literature. Chinese culture that appealed to the participants was not limited to traditional culture. Pop culture and internet culture also attracted them to China. This is the case for a SG participant who identified her love for Chinese culture and history as her motivation to study in China. Although her mother is from China, she did not regard studying there as returning to her roots. Instead, she was attracted by her familiarity with China in virtual space as she consumed a lot of Chinese media (i.e., dramas, TV shows) and used all popular Chinese social media (i.e., Weibo (微博), Xiaohongshu (小红书), Douyin (抖音), Weixin/WeChat (微信)). Regardless of their interest in Chinese language and culture, the idea of “going back to their (ancestor’s) roots”, i.e., being “nostalgic”, is unpopular among participants from every country. Chinese ethnicity barely influenced them to consider studying in China. This is totally different from older generation Indonesian Chinese students who also pursued their studies in China during Mao’s era (Godley & Coppel, 2002: 337) and slightly different from some of the participants in Theo’s (2016) study who were motivated by cultural ties with China through their bloodline. There is only one TH participant whose mother is a Chinese citizen, who considered her ethnicity one of the reasons, though not the main one. She shared that her father44 encouraged her to study abroad, and then she considered China because of the ties built during several visits to her mother’s hometown over the years. However, she added that she did not 44 This is not a typo. 22 feel that she was going back to find her roots (寻根). At most, it meant going to a place she was familiar with. Nevertheless, ethnicity is not without any relevance to their decisions. In a few cases, their Chinese ethnicity informed their decision partially and indirectly. Almost half of ID participants (3 from 8) were encouraged or even told by their parents to seek further studies in China. As argued by Hoon and Kuntjara (2019) that Chinese Indonesian’s enthusiasm for learning Chinese, i.e., “Mandarin fever” is instrumental and driven by economic incentives resulting from the rise of China, the participants’ parents arranged for them to study in China mainly because Chinese language would be useful for the participants and their family business (e.g. dealing with business partners from China). Some parents hoped their children spoke Chinese since they were of Chinese descent. An ID participant’s parents even specifically told him to learn the “spirit” (精神) from the “fellow” (同胞) Chinese.45 Meanwhile, one TH participant whose parents were Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese citizens was encouraged by her mother to apply to Chinese universities but only because of the prestige. Her mother did not mention her ethnicity at all. In all, the role of ethnicity is minimal. It only informed the participants’ decision through the involvement of their parents. The influence of parents in the participants’ decision to study in China is only noticeable among ID participants. Contrastingly, all but one parents who are/were Chinese nationals never encouraged participants to consider China for their undergraduate study.46 45 This is his original word. 46 One participant who was born in China and had Chinese nationality before she changed to Singaporean later, was even questioned by her mother when she decided to accept Tsinghua University’s offer. Her mother was concerned about the prestige of universities in China. 23 The last non-pragmatic concern is encouragement or influence from people around the participants. Other than parents, there was only one case in which a high school friend affected a MY participant’s decision. This participant initially planned to study in the United Kingdom and had already secured an offer. However, she changed her mind and considered China seriously because her best friend in high school was applying to universities in China. Coun- try Afford -ability China’s Economic Prospects Inherent Chinese Profici- ency Continuity of Education Journey Interest in Chinese Language and Culture Eth nic- ity Influence from Other People Besides Parents Indo- nesia 0 0 2 2 0 3 0 Thai- land 0 1 0 2 4 1 0 Malay -sia 7 0 1 0 1 0 1 Singa- pore 2 4 2 0 1 0 0 Total 9 5 5 4 6 4 1 Table 4 Participants’ Motivation to Pursue Undergraduate Study in China Across four countries, ethnicity did not inform the decision of any participant to pursue undergraduate study in China. At most, it affected their decisions indirectly in the form of encouragement or even an order from their parents who believed that since their children were 24 Chinese, they should know Chinese language. This is a case unique to ID participants. In other words, ID participants were relatively less self-motivated to study in China. Instead, pragmatic concerns drove the participants to embark on their higher education journey in China. In particular, affordability stands out as the most popular reason given by all but one MY participants from different courses of study, including social sciences, pure sciences, and applied sciences. Moreover, it should be noted that although the factors of attractiveness of China’s economic prospects, language and culture are more popular among SG and TH participants, respectively, these factors are not necessarily related to nationality. In fact, there could be a stronger correlation between these aspects and the participants’ course of study. For example, all but one TH participants that took China’s economic prospects into consideration were majoring in business-related fields. Leaving China: Pandemic and Personal Preferences This study selected participants who graduated from 2020 to 2023 and did not continue staying in China afterward.47 The purpose of this selection is to control the age group, level of contact with China after graduation, and focus on the batches whose undergraduate study experiences were disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. 47 Over 90% of the participants meet both criteria. At the time of the interviews, none of them resided in China. 25 Country Covid-19 Pandemic Work- ing Culture Preference of Being Home Dislike for Beijing Job Pro- spects Scholar -ship Bond Grad- uate Study48 Family Busi- ness Indonesia 4 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 Thailand 3 2 1 2 0 0 0 1 Malaysia 7 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 Singapore 2 3 1 0 3 3 1 0 Total 16 6 4 2 4 3 2 3 Table 5 Participants’ Reasons to Leave China after Graduation Indeed, the pandemic is the most important reason they did not continue staying in China (16 participants). 49 In other words, 50% of the participants were interested in exploring opportunities in China had not Covid-19 shattered their plans.50 Notably, MY participants (7) were most enthusiastic about staying in China after graduation, contrasting with Malaysian students in 2005 who had no interest in seeking a job in China. (Law & Lee, 2009: 244) Second to the pandemic, the most popular reasons include their dislike for the working culture and atmosphere in China (6). 51 In this aspect, SG participants showed the most 48 The MY participant whose academic interest was in Malaysia-Thailand relations was applying to Southeast Asian studies program, hence he primarily considered Chulalongkorn University and University of Malaya instead of studying in China. The SG participant was not interested in doing master in China because it required 3 years to complete. 49 Due to Covid-19 situation, they could not return to China to seek jobs in person. Even some of them managed to secure an offer while being outside of China, their visa applications were not approved. They believed that this failure was caused by the pandemic. 50 Furthermore, 10 of these 15 participants identified the pandemic as the only factor forced them to leave China. The rest was influenced by other considerations as well such as the need of family business back in Indonesia and Thailand and the limited job opportunities for foreigners in their field of study (This participant graduated from Beihang University where he studied mechanical engineering. He explained that jobs were mainly provided by state-owned enterprises, making him ineligible for many positions). 51 According to them, the working culture in China is too competitive and intimidating. Some of them experienced it during their internship and found it very challenging to blend in and thrive. 26 objection (3). Meanwhile, ID participants were the keenest to seek jobs in China, considering that none of them mentioned this as the reason they left China. When asked whether there was a regional difference between working culture in Northern and Southern China, one MY participant shared that his high school friends who were studying in Guangzhou did not find the atmosphere more pleasant either. Nevertheless, regional differences were taken into consideration by 2 TH participants who were interested in staying longer in China should they have job opportunities in other cities like Shanghai and Guangzhou. According to them, Beijing is inhospitable because of the manner and attitude of its residents, as well as the weather conditions. The participants complained that people in Beijing were less helpful and refined than those in Shanghai. In winter, Beijing is too cold, and the air is more polluted by pm 2.5. In addition, the other two popular reasons are job prospects (4) and a preference for staying at home (4). 52 The job market is an important consideration for SG participants, as 3 of them had concerns about job availability in financial sectors.53 52 The reasons behind preference of being home are the comfort of being in a familiar place, and a long-term plan to settle in their own countries. 53 While business-related majors are popular among participants across four countries, there are only 2 SG participants who concerned about job prospects in finance industry. Hence, they left Mainland China to Hong Kong SAR and Singapore. One participant did an internship in Shanghai. Yet, he found Hong Kong’s market more attractive. Another participant had to return to Singapore due to the bond for his study in China, which was funded by a bank. However, he opined that it was very difficult to find a job in China given that China’s economic prospect was not that promising when he graduated in mid-2023. Two other SG participants who are recipients of Singapore’s Public Service Commission (PSC) Scholarship intended to leave China to diversify their overseas experiences, maximizing the funding before returning to Singapore to serve the 6-year bond. 27 CHAPTER 2 DEFINING CHINESE AT HOME Regardless of nationalities, most of the participants share some common demographic characteristics: being third and fourth-generation ethnic Chinese and identifying themselves with a dialect group despite their lack of proficiency. The majority of participants (26 from 32 participants) identify themselves as third and fourth-generation Chinese (mainly third), which means their grandparents or great- grandparents are the first generation that migrated from China to settle in their countries. 4 participants are second-generation Chinese (3 and 1 SG and TH participants respectively). The remaining 2 participants are half Thai-Chinese (her mother is a Chinese national) and half Chinese-Malay Malaysian (her mother and father are ethnic Malay and Chinese Malaysian, respectively). Notably, the generational difference between ID participants and their parents is evident. The latter encouraged the participants to study in China because they believed that Indonesian Chinese should know how to speak Chinese and learn about their “spirit”. In contrast, ID participants did not consider Chinese identity at all. Moreover, the generational difference is reflected through the usage of the terminology of being Chinese, as discussed in the following section. Although most participants are third and fourth-generation ethnic Chinese with limited or zero proficiency in Chinese dialects, they still adopt dialect group identification. In this context, dialect group refers to the Chinese dialect spoken by the participant’s grandparents or parents, which is closely tied to their ancestry. Overall, the majority of participants are Teochew 28 and Hokkien (12 and 11 people, respectively). The rest are Cantonese (3 ) and Hainanese (2). One participant does not identify with any dialect group. MY and SG participants come from more diverse dialect groups. By contrast, 5 of 8 TH and ID participants are Teochew and Hokkien, respectively. Country 2nd Genera -tion 3rd Genera- tion 4th Genera- tion Hokkien Teochew Canton- ese Hakka Hainanese Indonesia 0 8 0 5 2 0 1 0 Thailand 1 5 1 1 5 0 0 2 Malaysia 0 5 2 3 2 1 2 0 Singapore 3 5 0 2 3 2 0 0 Total 4 23 3 11 12 3 3 2 Table 6 Participants’ Generation and Dialect Groups Participants identify themselves with dialect group identity according to their father’s origins, even though they might not be able to converse or understand that dialect at all and speak another dialect instead. For example, one participant still considers herself Hakka although she was not exposed to Hakka culture and language because she was brought up by her Cantonese- speaking single mother. While having similarities in these two aspects, participants display differences based on nationalities in defining “Chinese”: terminology used in self-identification, self-ascription, and views on the boundaries of Chinese identity. 29 Self-Identification: Terminology of Being Chinese When asked what term they use to describe their identity as people of Chinese descent in English, the participants unanimously said Indonesian/Malaysian/Singaporean/Thai Chinese. The word order does not matter much to them. Hence, the term Chinese Indonesian/Malaysian/Singaporean/Thai is also acceptable. Both are interchangeable. The preference for using nationality as an adjective preceding “Chinese” is only convention. 54 Born and raised in their respective countries, the participants fully identify themselves as ethnic Chinese/people of Chinese descent, not “Overseas Chinese” (people of China who live abroad). This consciousness is different from their grandparents, and this shift in identity from “people” of China to the “offspring of people from China” is noticeable from the different preferences in using terms to refer to their Chinese identity. When it comes to Chinese-speaking participants, i.e., MY and SG participants, they refer to themselves as Huaren (华人). 55 Hua connotes Chineseness in a depoliticized way. (Chun, 1996: 126) Meanwhile, the term “Baba”, which connotes localization and allegiance to their country of birth (Tan, 2001: 213), became an archaic term in their generation, although by definition, it is applicable and more specific to them. However, Huaren is not a “default” term for the older generations. For example, a MY participant shared that his grandparents had a strong preference for the terms Zhongguoren (中国人)56 and Tangren (唐人. Teunglang in 54 When asked whether he uses the term Malaysian Chinese or Chinese Malaysian, a MY participant paused before answering “Malaysian Chinese”. However, he added that he had never thought about this word choice before. It is just a more commonly used term. He also commented that in fact, “Chinese Malaysian” sounded more politically correct to him, and he wondered why Malaysians do not use the term in the same fashion as Americans do i.e., Chinese American rather than American Chinese. 55 Literally means Hua people. Hua has cultural connotation, unlike China which is a geographical concept. More discussion on Huaren and other relevant terms in Chapter 3. 56 Literally means people of China. This term means Chinese nationals in today’s context. 30 Hokkien dialect)57. Meanwhile, his parents used more diverse terms and began to use Huaren. Tangren is still widely used among his parents’ generation, but Zhongguoren is rarely used. As for ID participants, “Chindo”, derived from “Chinese” and “Indonesian”, is a popular term among them. For a more formal term, they use “Orang keturunan Tionghoa/ Orang keturunan Cina”.58 Apparently, the “Totok” (more Chinese-oriented and Chinese-speaking) and “Peranakans” (more localized and not speaking Chinese at home) dichotomy (Tan, 2008: 166) became irrelevant to the current generation since none of the participants mentioned these terms. According to two participants whose families use Hokkien dialect and Mandarin Chinese extensively in their daily conversations, the generational difference in terminology usage also exists, as in the case of the MY participant. For participant A, who identifies more with the term Huayi (华裔)59, her grandfather called himself Teunglang. Participant B shared that his family were very proud of their Chinese identity. His grandparents would use the term Zhongguoren. Therefore, his parents refer to themselves as “Zhongguoren de houdai” (中国人的后代) 60 and, sometimes, Huaren. For himself, he conforms with the seniors’ preference, using Zhongguoren when talking to his grandparents. This term is only used within his family, and he has never used it elsewhere. The different preference in terminology usage reflects the shift in identity from “Overseas Chinese” or Chinese diaspora in their grandparent generation to “ethnic Chinese” Indonesian or “Chindo” in the participants’ generation. This is in line with generational 57 Literally means people of Tang (dynasty). Chinatown in Chinese is Tangrenjie (唐人街), literally means Tang people’s street. 58 Literally means Zhonghua (Mandarin Chinese pronunciation of the Hokkien term Tionghoa) descendants and China descendants. “Cina” used to be a derogatory term for Chinese Indonesians. Tionghoa is a more respectful word. However, “Cina” has become a neutral word for younger generations Chinese Indonesians. 59 Literally means descendants of Hua. The term can be translated as foreigners (i.e. not Chinese nationals) of Chinese descent. 60 Literally means the offspring of people of China. 31 differences in motivation to study in China: their grandparents generation went to China as students because of their Chinese lineage and sense of duty to contribute to China (Godley & Coppel, 2002: 337), while the participants did not take their ethnicity into account at all. Lastly, TH participants unanimously use the term Khon Thai Chuasai Chin (คนไทยเช้ือ สำยจีน)61. In contrast, most of their older generations (5 from 8 participants) refer to themselves as Khon Chin (คนจีน), which means Chinese people and is equivalent to Zhongguoren. One participant revealed that he did not use Khon Chin because he felt that his Chineseness was less intense than his older family members. Three participants whose parents have strong ties with China62 have experienced being “assimilated” by their relatives in China: their relatives told them (in Chinese) that they were Zhongguoren like themselves. None of these participants became confused about their identity, and one participant opined that she would like to dissociate herself from Khon Chin because she felt that they (the Chinese in general) were rude. Self-Ascription: What Makes Me Chinese? This study probes the notion of self-ascription (Barth, 1969) through the question, “What makes you identify yourself as Chinese (an ethnic Chinese)?”. The result reaffirmed the heterogeneity of Chineseness as advocated by Chun (1996). When analyzing the responses closely, it is evident that although all participants identify themselves as ethnic Chinese, the basis of their self-ascription as such is different across countries. According to the responses, six factors 61 Literally means Thais of Chinese descent. 62 One participant’s father was born in China and was brought to Thailand later. Another participant’s mother is a Chinese national. The last participant’s both parents were citizens of Mainland China and Taiwan. 32 contribute to self-ascription as ethnic Chinese: lineage, culture, physical appearance, living and sociopolitical environment, education, and religion. As concluded by Tan (2001: 211), “For many Chinese, being Chinese is a matter of being born into Chinese families and socialized to be Chinese”, and in the participants’ responses, lineage and culture emerged as the two most important foundations of being Chinese. In general, most participants included more than one aspect in their responses. The assumption is that the order of factors mentioned in the responses relates to the significance level attached to each factor. The factor spontaneously mentioned by participants at the beginning of their answers is considered the most intuitive and crucial factor to them. Country Lineage Culture Physical Appearance Living and Sociopolitical Environment Education Religion Indonesia 6 0 2 0 0 0 Thailand 7 1 0 0 0 0 Malaysia 1 1 1 4 1 0 Singapore 3 2 0 3 0 0 Total 17 4 3 7 1 0 Table 7 Factors Spontaneously Mentioned at the Beginning of Participants’ Answers Lineage: The Most Intuitive Factor Across four countries, lineage, i.e., the fact that their older generations are Chinese (“Zhongguoren”) who migrated from China to settle in their country of citizenship, is the first and foremost “intuitive” factor that participants (17 out of 32 participants) from every country 33 spontaneously consider as the basis of their consciousness of being an ethnic Chinese. In addition, lineage is the only factor mentioned by participants from every country at the beginning of their responses to the question. According to the participants’ responses, other “intuitive” factors are physical appearance, culture, sociopolitical environment, and education. However, each factor came first in participants’ answers from some countries, not every country. Second to lineage, culture is the most intuitive factor. It was spontaneously mentioned by 4 participants in total from every country except Indonesia. The total number is fewer than the living and sociopolitical environment factor (spontaneously mentioned by 7 participants). However, living and sociopolitical environment is only mentioned by MY and SG participants. Although lineage is the factor widely regarded as the most intuitive basis of self- ascription as an ethnic Chinese, it is obvious that its significance varies across four countries. According to Table 7, ID and TH participants attach more importance to lineage. In contrast, culture is considered the most intuitive basis by MY and SG participants. In short, lineage is the most intuitive factor in Thailand and Indonesia, while living and sociopolitical environment is ranked number 1 in Malaysia and Singapore. This difference has implications for their views on identifying others as ethnic Chinese, which will be further discussed later. Culture: The Most Common Factor While lineage is the most intuitive basis of the participant’s self-ascription of Chinese identity, i.e., 53% of the participants mentioned lineage first in their responses, it is not the most common or “universal” factor. When not taking the order in which each factor was mentioned by the participants into consideration and focusing on the total number instead, culture is the most common factor contributing to the consciousness of being an ethnic Chinese, as shown below: 34 Country Lineage Culture Physical Appearance Living and Sociopolitical Environment Education Religion Indonesia 7 6 5 2 0 3 Thailand 8 6 3 0 0 0 Malaysia 1 7 3 5 2 0 Singapore 5 6 1 4 3 0 Total 21 25 12 11 5 3 Table 8 Factors Mentioned in the Participants’ Responses about Self-Ascription Across four countries, 78% of participants (26 from 32) regarded culture as one of the factors. Apparently, culture is equally significant in every country. Hence, it is the most common foundation of Chinese identity. Meanwhile, 66% of participants included lineage in their responses, and slightly more than two-thirds of them are ID and TH participants. This comparison aligns with the previous observation that lineage is more significant among ID and TH participants. Notably, culture refers to different sets of elements according to participants from different countries. Across countries, culture includes festivals (associated with prayer and worship), food, living habits and customs (e.g., dining etiquette, 63 removing shoes before entering the house, superstitions about auspicious and inauspicious numbers), and language. 63 Such as not sticking a chopstick into a rice bowl. 35 Overall, festivals (especially Chinese New Year and Qingming Festival) can be considered an integral part of culture, as it was mentioned directly by most participants (16 from 25). Moreover, the religious aspect of Chinese culture, i.e., prayer and worship, receives more attention among ID and TH participants, as 2 ID and TH participants each mentioned it. In contrast, none of the MY and SG participants referred to it. A TH participant strongly felt an affinity with it, as he shared, “I feel like this [worship practice] has been with me since my past life.” Food consumed in their families is more commonly mentioned by MY and TH participants (4 each), with the difference that the MY participants highlighted their pork consumption, which differentiates them from the Malays. Meanwhile, TH participants did not compare their cuisine to that of non-Chinese Thais. Living habits, customs, and language are much less important, only mentioned by 5 participants altogether, with no TH participant. 64 Only MY and SG participants included language as one element contributing to their consciousness of being an ethnic Chinese. Physical Appearance According to Table 8, physical appearance emerges as the third most common basis of self- ascription to Chinese identity after lineage and culture. Similar to lineage, physical appearance appears more significant among ID and TH participants (mentioned by 8 participants in total versus 4 MY and SG participants altogether). Nevertheless, ID participants have a different 64 Nevertheless, language element made one TH participant feel slightly “more qualified” as a Thai Chinese. Although this participant did not mention language as a marker of being ethnic Chinese, she shared that she felt insecure about her Chinese identity when first joined a nationwide Chinese language competition where she met her Thai Chinese counterparts who were fluent in Chinese. She only gained her confidence as a Thai Chinese back after she went for an AFS exchange in China and became much more proficient in Chinese. In her opinion, speaking Chinese made her feel special because any Thai Chinese can have similar physical appearance like hers, but not everyone can speak Chinese well. Moreover, language ability strengthened her affinity with the Chinese side of herself because she could communicate with her relatives in China more profoundly during her exchange year and after that. More frequent and profound interaction with her relatives in Hainan elicited the feeling that “I am also a (people of) Chinese (descent).” 36 focus on physical features. Most participants from all countries perceive themselves as ethnic Chinese because of their fair skin tone and, in some cases, skin quality. However, only ID participants actively identified slanted eyes (“bermata sipit”) as a significant physical feature of being Chinese.65 Interestingly, the idea of “slanted eyes” is represented in mass media in Malaysia and Indonesia in the form of movies that portray the life of ethnic Chinese who face some difficulty in living alongside non-Chinese: Sepet (literally, slanted [eyes] (2005)66 in Malaysia and Ngenest (2015)67 in Indonesia. Nevertheless, MY participants did not mention slanted eyes as a physical marker of being Chinese. Diversity and Uniqueness by Countries In terms of diversity, i.e., the number of factors contributing to self-ascription as an ethnic Chinese, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore are equally diverse, as the participants mentioned 5 out of 6 aspects. Meanwhile, TH participants only referred to lineage, culture, and physical appearance. Tong (2010: 98) identified religion as one of the important Chinese identity markers among Malaysian Chinese. However, the religion aspect is only mentioned by 3 ID participants in this study. They associated Buddhism with being Chinese, although only one of them is Buddhist. The other two non-Buddhist participants grew up in multireligious families, with some family members and relatives practicing Buddhism. 65 Notably, the front cover photo of Hoon’s (2012) book on post-Suharto Chinese identity is a girl wearing red cheongsam and pointing to her slanted eyes or deliberately making slanted eyes. 66 Sepet tells a tragic love story between a Chinese guy and Malay girl. It is a Malay language movie directed by a Malay Malaysian director Yasmin Ahmad. 67 The protagonist is a Chinese Indonesian. He deliberately married a “native” Indonesian woman, so that his children will not look Chinese and get ridiculed like himself during school days. However, in the last scene of the movie, he was shocked (most likely with disappointment) when the nurse told him that his newborn child looked so similar to him—having slanted eyes. 37 The fact that only ID participants associated Chinese identity with religion sheds light on the influence of national discourse on Chinese identity. As Indonesia is guided by Pancasila, religion is a crucial part of Indonesian lives (Abalahin, 2005). Furthermore, the recognition of the ethnic Chinese community in Indonesia in the post-Suharto era is demonstrated through the acknowledgement of Confucianism (Konghucu in Indonesian) as one of six national religions. (Abalahin, 2005) Therefore, it is not without reason that some ID participants regarded religion as one of the factors contributing to their self-ascription as ethnic Chinese. The living and sociopolitical environment is a salient factor in self-identification as ethnic Chinese, particularly among MY and SG participants. The living environment refers to what the participants called “family settings, " the closest circle and most personal space. This is the “micro” level where identity formation occurs (Barth, 1994). According to the participants, family settings comprise both tangible and intangible elements such as home decoration (e.g. furniture style, paintings, and festive auspicious Chinese characters on the wall), movies and songs played in the house, and children's stories told by their parents. Moving from family to outside but still within Barth’s “micro” level is the circle of friends. Being surrounded by people who look similar to themselves and/or also speak Chinese, they developed the sense of being ethnic Chinese. In some cases, juxtaposing themselves with people who are different from them (non-Chinese) also contributes to their self-ascription as ethnic Chinese. For example, a MY participant shared that as an ethnic Chinese, she felt different from people around her because her attire was relatively more revealing than that of Malays. The sociopolitical environment is equivalent to Barth’s (1994) concept of a “median” level in which collectivities are created. This is the case unique to MY and SG participants as their lives are tied to racial identification implemented by the government. For example, a MY 38 participant spontaneously responded that he identified himself as ethnic Chinese because he always had to indicate his race in the official forms. A SG participant also referred to the race which appeared on her identity card as the first and foremost factor contributing to her consciousness of being an ethnic Chinese. These examples highlight Chun’s (1996: 126) point about the variation of Chineseness framed by “power-in-meaning” and “meaning-in-power”. Another factor unique to Malaysia and Singapore at “median level” is education. It was mentioned by 2 and 3 MY and SG participants, respectively. Although “Chinese education” in Malaysia and Singapore are different at least in terms of the medium of instruction, education plays a significant role in one’s self-ascription of Chinese identity. According to participants from both countries, education instilled the sense of being Chinese in themselves by creating an exclusively Chinese space where they were surrounded by peers of the same ethnicity and primarily spoke Chinese. For example, a MY participant who had received Chinese education for 12 years and graduated from ICSS had an opportunity to interact profoundly with a Malay peer for the first time only when he was studying in Beijing and met a Malay junior who was proficient in Chinese. Another SG participant who had been in SAP schools since primary school commented that he had lived in a “Chinese bubble” until he joined National Service (compulsory 2-year enlistment). Contrastingly, a SG participant who graduated from Raffles Institution, a non-SAP school, portrayed a different picture. Unlike students in SAP schools who converse in Chinese among themselves more often, her ethnic Chinese classmates always communicated in English. This did not make her feel that her classmates and herself were not Chinese. It only highlighted the Singaporean identity over their Singaporean Chinese identity. Hence, the idea of being Chinese is less reinforced in this educational setting. This SAP and non-SAP binary can be seen 39 as a vestige of difference between Chinese-educated and English-educated Chinese Singaporeans. However, nowadays, the SAP and non-SAP binary does not lead to disharmony between two groups of Chinese Singaporeans, unlike when a serious disagreement arose between Chinese and English-educated Chinese population in the early 1950s over Tan Lark Sye’s initiative to establish a Chinese-medium higher education institution, Nanyang University. (Lee and Zhou, 2006: 39) Besides producing “Chinese circles”, schools are venues for identity reinforcement, especially in Singapore, where language and ethnicity are inseparably associated. A participant identified the nation’s bilingual education policy, i.e., the compulsory Mother Tongue Language (MTL) subject in primary school, as one of the factors contributing to her self- perception as an ethnic Chinese. Similarly, two other participants mentioned elements in SAP schools, such as the school motto and songs which are in Chinese, and the daily/weekly assembly in which students recite the National Pledge in Chinese. 68 Lastly, education imparted certain values that some participants recognized as Chinese values to them. More discussion on values is in the following section. The Absence of Values Notably, none of the participants spontaneously mentioned “Chinese values” as one of the factors contributing to their self-perception as ethnic Chinese. Nevertheless, when asked if there is any value imparted to them by their family, which is uniquely Chinese, most participants 68 These two participants graduated from different schools. One participant said she had to read the National Pledge in Chinese every day, while another said she cited it once a week. 40 could identify a few aspects.69 Across countries, the most prevalent values are courtesy (礼) 70, hard work 71 , and filial piety (孝 ). Values related to money, i.e., frugality and being business/money-oriented, are less commonly mentioned. Country Courtesy Hard working Filial Piety Frugality Business/ Money- Oriented72 Prefer- ence for Boys Discourage- ment of Marrying non-Chinese Indonesia 3 2 0 0 2 (Business) 3 1 Thailand 1 4 2 1 0 0 2 Malaysia 2 1 3 2 0 0 0 Singapore 3 1 3 0 1 (Money) 0 0 Total 9 8 8 3 3 3 3 Table 9 Elements of Chinese Values Identified by Participants According to Table 9, some values are more notable among TH participants. First, there is a gender-based element—the preference for boys over girls ( 重男轻女 ). Second, being hardworking is significantly more prevalent among TH participants. They believe that Thai Chinese are intrinsically more diligent than non-Chinese Thais, similar to the “myth of lazy native” in Maritime Southeast Asia discussed by Alatas (1977). This primordialist view of 69 The exceptions are 3 participants who identified some values such as filial piety and deep respect to seniors at first then subsequently qualified their responses that these values were more Pan-Asian rather than particularly Chinese. 70 Refers to respect towards older people. 71 According to the participants who mentioned this aspect, they believe that ethnic Chinese were inherently hard-working, persistent, highly motivated, and competitive. 72 Believing that they are inherently more capable at running business; Believing that ethnic Chinese are extremely conscious about earning money. 41 ethnicity, to some extent, explains the discouragement of marrying non-Chinese from the participants’ older family members. This primordialism is also found among ID participants. Nevertheless, the negative view of non-Chinese was mentioned by a MY participant as well. This half-Chinese-Malay participant shared that her Chinese father reminded her to focus on education, unlike Malays. However, her father did not go further to discourage her from marrying non-Chinese. The primordialist perception of Chinese values among TH and ID participants is potentially caused by the fact that they were exposed to what they considered “Chinese values” only in their families. Hence, the views are more personal. Meanwhile, MY and SG participants not only absorbed Chinese values from their families but also from school through school motto/values and textbooks. For example, both MY and SG participants mentioned their primary school experience: studying Di Zi Gui (《弟子规》 ), a Confucianism-based guidebook for children to become good people. The participants clarified that values taught in schools are not ethnicity-based. The curriculum did not portray these values as intrinsic or desired qualities of being ethnic Chinese but framed them as wisdom from ancient sages. However, the participants perceive these values as Chinese values because of the origin of the text and the “Chinese atmosphere” of their schools. Therefore, being inculcated by families and schools, MY and SG participants developed a less primordialist outlook on Chinese values. However, it is possible that some MY and SG participants might share a primordialist view with TH and ID participants, but they did not mention it in their responses. Another possible factor accounting for the discouragement of marrying non-Chinese among TH and ID participants is social class: they are from more well-to-do families than MY and SG participants. Therefore, their families might associate class with ethnicity, believing 42 that they are more affluent because the Chinese are inherently more hardworking and talented in running businesses. The social class aspect was not included in the interview, hence the observations about their social class are only inferred from other information provided by the participants: the fact that none of TH and ID participants mentioned affordability as an incentive to study in China, although some of them were awarded merit-based scholarships. Ethnic Boundaries: Who are Chinese like Us? When identifying who is considered ethnic Chinese like the participants themselves, the criteria are straightforward: most participants mentioned lineage (23 participants) and physical appearance (12) as criteria used to demarcate the boundary between Chinese and non-Chinese (referred to Tables 9 and 10). Very few participants did not set any criteria. They hold the view of self-identification, willing to regard others as Chinese if they see themselves as such. Country Lineage Physical Appearance Self-Identification (No Criteria) Indonesia 5 3 0 Thailand 4 3 1 Malaysia 3 2 1 Singapore 4 0 2 Total 16 8 4 Table 10 Criteria Spontaneously Mentioned at the Beginning of Participants’ Answers Similar to self-ascription, lineage emerged as the most intuitive marker, as shown in Table 10, when identifying others as Chinese. According to Table 11, the most common factor is also 43 lineage, unlike in the case of self-ascription, in which culture is the most common aspect. Moreover, lineage and physical appearance are noticeably more important to ID and TH participants. This result corroborates the conclusion from the self-ascription aspect that lineage and physical appearance are more significant from ID and TH participants’ points of view. In other words, their view on Chinese identity’s boundaries is relatively more primordialist. Country Lineage Physical Appearance Language Culture Indonesia 7 4 0 1 Thailand 7 4 0 0 Malaysia 5 2 2 2 Singapore 4 2 0 1 Total 23 12 2 5 Table 11 Criteria in Determining Others as Ethnic Chinese Mentioned by Participants As none of the participants spontaneously mentioned culture and language in their responses, the author asked them another question: “How are culture and language important to you in regarding others as Chinese?” From Table 11, culture and language are generally less important to ID and TH participants. In other words, MY participants attach more importance to Chinese culture and language when considering whether others are ethnic Chinese. Two extreme cases were presented to the participants to further examine their views on the significance of culture and language in identifying others as Chinese. The first case is an American-born Chinese (ABC) with no Chinese proficiency who does not practice Chinese culture, e.g., celebrate Chinese festivals. The second scenario is a Malay or Indian adopted by 44 a Chinese family, speaking Chinese as their mother tongue and observing all Chinese traditions. The participants were asked to decide whether they also count as Chinese. Country ABC are Chinese An Adopted Malay/Indian is Chinese Indonesia 8 1 Thailand 7 1 (Partially) 73 Malaysia 5 574 Singapore 4 (Partially) 2 (Fully), 2 (Partially) Total 24 9 Table 12 Participants’ Responses to Questions about ABC and Adopted Malay/Indian The outcome reinforces the conclusion above that lineage is more important among ID and TH participants, as most of them agreed that an ABC was Chinese and an adopted Malay/Indian was not Chinese. One participant’s anecdote highlights the primordialism among ID participants: this participant is an adopted child who grew up in a Chinese family and was raised by Chinese-speaking grandparents. However, she revealed that assuming she discovered the truth that her biological parents were not Chinese, she would no longer consider herself Chinese. Another relevant example is ethnic Chinese Indonesian students in Lombok. They still consider themselves “Tionghoa”,75 although they do not speak Chinese or practice Chinese traditions. (Adam & Mappiasse, 2016: 105-106) 73 In this context, “partially” refers to the scenario when the participant responded that the person was biologically not but culturally Chinese (for the adopted Malay/Indian case) and the other way round for the ABC case. 74 One of the participants shared that this was the real situation of her friend who was an adopted Indian and identified herself as Chinese. 75 Indonesian spelling of Zhonghua 中华(Chinese) in Hokkien dialect. 45 By contrast, one SG participant referred to an identity card as the condition to count the person as Chinese, “if his/her identity card said Chinese, then I don’t mind counting him/her.” According to Tong (2010), ethnic Chinese Southeast Asians view Chinese identity primarily in primordialist ways, i.e., lineage and physical appearance as the most important markers, and ethnic Chinese from every country in his study equally value these two aspects. However, this thesis portrays a slightly different picture: although lineage and physical appearance are important ethnic boundaries in general, ethnic Chinese in Thailand and Indonesia are relatively more primordialist than Malaysian and Singaporean counterparts. 46 CHAPTER 3 BEING DIFFERENT CHINESE IN CHINA Participants revealed differences along the nationality line in identifying themselves and others as ethnic Chinese. Moreover, although all of them are ethnic Chinese, there are other nationality-based differences among them regarding their living experience as an ethnic Chinese in their countries, preferences and strategies in displaying their Chinese identity in China, and reflections on Chinese identity after concluding their undergraduate study in China. Life as an Ethnic Chinese in the Motherland The only common sentiment found among participants from every country (although only 7 of them mentioned it) is pride in being Chinese. However, this pride is associated with different elements of Chinese identity in different countries. The pride in Chinese culture, e.g., traditions, history and ancient philosophy, is found in every country, but MY participants have a unique perspective. They are specifically proud of Malaysian Chinese’s multilingualism and their cultural preservation in a Malay-dominated country. Meanwhile, some TH and ID participants take pride in ethnic Chinese’s achievement in business world and work ethics. In other words, economic identity (Ang, 2001: 62) is more salient among Thai and Indonesian Chinese. The level of comfortability in being ethnic Chinese varies by country. SG and TH Participants did not mention any uncomfortableness, while some ID and MY participants experienced it. ID participants felt that they were not fully “Indonesian” mainly because of the social environment. One participant who lives in Central Jakarta shared that when she was young, she was often ridiculed by children in her neighborhood. The children would say “Lu, 47 Cina” (You, Chinese) to her. Nevertheless, this participant added that hostility towards ethnic Chinese usually came from uneducated non-Chinese locals. As she entered the workforce later, she did not experience discrimination like during her childhood. She saw more cooperation between ethnic Chinese and non-Chinese colleagues in start-ups. Another participant opined that they (ethnic Chinese) were seen by the non-Chinese locals as “pendatang” (comer/immigrant). Two participants shared that they felt unwelcome when seeking service in government sectors, i.e., the officers did not seem willing to help them. One of them added that he encountered some “fanatic” (in his original account) people who were hostile towards the Chinese, but not so often. Nevertheless, ID participants did not feel culturally suppressed because they were born in the post-Suharto era when the government became inclusive of Chinese culture and identity (Tong, 2010:140). Consequently, none of them mentioned “the liberation from identity pressure” in their reflection later, unlike one participant (Theo, 2016: 188) who went to study in Beijing in 2000, the early years of the Reformasi era. As for MY participants, they felt some pressure from the political environment and public policy. 4 participants mentioned the unfavorable quota system in university admission and government scholarship applications, prioritizing Malay peers. This is an example of unhappiness caused by affirmative policy, as noted by Tan (2001: 215). Ng (2018) asserted that this policy could cause hostility from Malaysian Chinese towards non-Chinese in the future. In general, MY participants felt that Malaysia was still tolerant of the non-Malay population, but more could be done to promote inter-ethnic group equality. Therefore, 5 participants consciously downplay their Chinese identity by highlighting Malaysian identity while in the public sphere. Some of them avoid 48 displaying their Chinese identity when the election is approaching, and one participant tries his best to speak Malay when getting service in government sectors. Although MY participants face the most inconvenience entailed to their ethnic identity, 3 of them still appreciate the advantage of being Chinese: inherent high proficiency in Chinese, a capital for them in pursuing studies and seeking jobs beyond Malaysia. This appreciation is not found among participants from other countries. While SG participants feel comfortable with their ethnic identity, their situation is more complicated than that of TH participants. The first complication is the vulnerability to discrimination, especially when they were in school. This is mentioned by all (4) participants with at least one parent from China. They avoided highlighting their ties to China; for example, some participants consciously adjusted their Chinese accent to sound more local. This demonstrates that Chinese identity could cause inconvenience in Singapore when it intersects with Chinese nationality, morphing into “otherness”. On the other hand, Singaporean Chinese, in general, could be ridiculed by Chinese nationals. As discussed by Ang (2022), the tension between Chinese immigrants from China and Singaporean Chinese exists in many settings, even online, where they mutually depreciate each other’s Chineseness. The second complication is the concern of living in a “Chinese bubble”, as one participant put it. Two participants admitted that being the majority, they lacked understanding and interaction with non-Chinese compatriots, a problem pointed out by Mathews (2017: xxv). Consequently, one participant downplays her Chinese identity when being a part of a discussion on SAP schools and “Chinese privilege”, an idea that Singaporean Chinese enjoy many advantages and benefits from being the majority (Ho, 2021: 15-18). Another participant avoided 49 mentioning his alma mater, a SAP school when he was in the army to disassociate himself from the Chinese elite stereotype. Expectation and Reality of Studying in China Although ethnicity did not play a part in the participants’ decision to pursue undergraduate study in China, it shaped slightly more than one-third of participants’ (12 from 32) expectations about their new journey. They regarded their Chinese identity as a potential factor facilitating their interaction with local students, allowing them to blend in more easily. Meanwhile, almost two-thirds of the participants (20 from 32) did not believe that their ethnic Chinese identity would be helpful, but they were also not pessimistic about life in China. In this aspect, ID and MY participants present two extremes. All ID participants had no expectations about their interaction with Chinese students. 2 of them actively mentioned that language fluency was the most crucial factor in making Chinese friends. In contrast, 6 MY participants believed that being ethnic Chinese would help them blend in. In detail, MY and SG participants supposed that their Chinese identity would pave the way for them to befriend local students and blend in because there was no language barrier, and they shared the same culture. An exception is a 2nd generation SG participant who expected her “dual identity” (as a Singaporean who was formerly a Chinese citizen) to be her unique feature, something that would attract local students to get to know her. However, she later realized that students with “dual identitiy” were not uncommon at all in her university. TH participants’ expectations from Chinese identity are slightly different. They believed that their Chinese identity entails some cultural familiarity and sensitivity, so they would not experience much culture shock and could avoid offending local students. 50 The participants’ expectations about their new life in China are influenced by several factors: information from family members, the internet and other media, stories from former students, and prior in-person experiences in China. Among these factors, their family’s view of Chinese in China plays the biggest role in shaping their expectation, as 8 participants referred to it. It is noteworthy that in most cases, the impression that the participants’ family conveyed to them is negative or neutral.76 However, there are 2 cases in which the families painted a relatively “rosy” picture to the participants due to their personal belief that the Chinese in China and themselves are “compatriots” (同胞). This is “imaginary bonding”, an affinity and perception of China based on stories told by members of older generations (Theo, 2016: 188). Influenced by their families, the participants were hopeful that their Chinese identity would be facilitative in mingling with local students. This phenomenon is unique to MY participants. In this regard, ethnic Chinese students’ dynamic is different from Mainland Chinese migrants in Hong Kong (Wong, 2009: 88) because before they departed to China, the former did not intentionally produce a new Chinese identity based on their preference to study in China and appreciation of Chinese elements, such as language, culture and economic success. They merely hoped their existing Chinese identity would help them blend in well. 76 The negative example is that one TH participant learned from her family that Chinese in China is different from them (Thai Chinese) because they speak louder and less conscious about manner. The neutral example is that a SG participant who visit his family in Southern China annually thought that Chinese students would be not too different from people he had interacted with. However, it turned out that Chinese students were much more diverse than expected. 51 The Limited Role of Chinese Identity and Reality of College Life Prior to their studies, about one-third of the participants, especially those from Malaysia, had a positive expectation about interacting with local students, while the rest had no expectations. Country Number of Participants Expected Chinese Identity to Help Them Blend in Smoothly (But Met Difficulty) Numbers of Participants Met Difficulty in Interacting with Local Students Indonesia 0 (0) 5 Thailand 1 (1) 4 Malaysia 6 (5) 5 Singapore 3 (1) 4 Total 10 (7) 18 Table 13 Participants’ Expectations and Reality of College Life in China However, after embarking on their education journey in China, slightly more than half of the participants (18 from 32) had trouble and faced disappointment in interacting with local students. Their Chinese identity was not as helpful as expected, so they had less than the expected level of closeness to their local Chinese peers. In other words, they realized there were more differences between themselves and Chinese in China than perceived earlier. As many participants expressed it, “We are so different.”. This realization is evenly found among participants from every country, and the contrast between expectation and reality is most striking among MY participants, as 5 out of 6 participants who expected their Chinese identity to be helpful found it more difficult than estimated to get connected to local students. 52 In retrospect, the participants acknowledged that Chinese identity was somewhat useful only at the beginning as a topic of the conversation. In the long term, they found it more difficult than expected to find Chinese friends and become closer to them than just being classmates. The difficulty was caused by many factors: attitude, academic environment, language, living space, and media consumption. The fact that each factor is mentioned by participants from every country (except the media consumption aspect) reflects the ubiquity of these obstacles. Country Attitude Academic Environment Language Living Space Media Consumption Indonesia 1 1 3 1 1 Thailand 3 2 1 2 1 Malaysia 2 1 1 1 2 Singapore 2 3 1 1 0 Total 8 7 6 5 4 Table 14 Obstacles in Interacting with Local Students Mentioned by Participants As Table 14 suggests, the most important factor is attitude. In detail, 4 participants felt the lack of enthusiasm from local students. Some participants opined that their Chinese peers were more interested in talking to Westerner-looking international students. 77 Besides, other attitude problems are different manners and lack of cultural sensitivity as highlighted in anecdotes from TH, MY and SG participants below. 77 The relevant comment was given by a MY participant regarding the lack of ethnic Chinese international students’ representation in campus social media. She pointed out that Malaysian Chinese and other Chinese-looking students received less attention when the university recruited international students to present themselves in its media because they did not look “international” enough. 53 On different manners: a TH participant complained that Chinese spoke louder and were more irritable than expected. As for a MY participant, she felt uncomfortable because Chinese in China were less amiable than Malaysian Chinese. On lack of cultural sensitivity: this aspect was found outside campus more regularly. For example, a SG participant was displeased when a taxi driver equated him being Singaporean with being “Zhongguoren”. Nevertheless, there was a lack of cultural sensitivity on campus as well. A MY participant recalled his displeasure during orientation camp on campus when a Chinese senior student (facilitator) greeted new international students (most of them were Chinese-looking) in a way that, according to the participant, connoted assimilation and disrespect to the diversity of Chinese identity. The facilitator said that they (the new international students) were of Chinese descent, so they should come back to China. In his opinion, the correct attitude should have been to appreciate the difference between ethnic Chinese international students and themselves and how Chinese culture evolves differently elsewhere. He further commented, “This is domination, not respect.” (“这是占领，不是尊 重”). Sometimes, cultural insensitivity emerged implicitly and probably unconsciously. For example, a SG participant felt a bit annoyed when his Chinese colleague misspelled his official name in a campus-wide publication. His surname 黄 was spelled as Huang according to the Pinyin spelling used in China. However, the correct spelling is Ng, which is a Teochew Romanization. Nevertheless, the participants’ experience is less discomforting than what Malaysian Chinese students at Jinan University in Guangzhou in Law & Lee’s study (2009: 241-242) encountered in 2005: their knowledge of Chinese literature was disregarded, and their country became the subject of ridicule as local Chinese students perceived Malaysia to be backward. 54 Second to attitude incompatibility is the academic environment. According to the participants, a stressful and highly competitive academic environment affected the interaction between Chinese students and themselves because Chinese students were always busy studying, resulting in a lack of enthusiasm for interacting with international students. Moreover, the academic environment could even elicit hostility from Chinese students. Some participants shared that some Chinese classmates were unwilling to help them with academic problems, such as explaining concepts or questions. They felt that local students were dissatisfied that international students could get into their university with much less difficulty and now share resources with them. A perspective unique to SG participants is that locals and themselves have different academic cultures, with the latter being more holistic and less concerned about GPA. Moreover, local and international students have different educational goals, i.e., local students aim at securing a quota for “Baoyan” (保研), 78 while this system is not relevant to international students. Therefore, domestic and international students have fewer common topics. The Baoyan system itself explains the reason Chinese students are extremely worried about GPA, causing them to “have no social life”, as one participant described. In this regard, some participants shared that they had better experiences interacting with Chinese students outside of the academic setting, i.e., joining the same extracurricular activities such as the dancing club, debate club, and the department football team. Nevertheless, the participants realized that this was not without exclusivity, i.e., there was still a “space” where they could not enter. 78 Baoyan refers to the system in which undergraduate students who are top scorers can be exempted from nationwide written examinations to enter graduate programs. 55 Language is another major obstacle. Among 6 participants who mentioned this aspect, 3 of them are ID participants who only started learning Chinese intensively in high school and university. Despite being proficient in Chinese, the other 3 participants who grew up in Chinese- speaking family and some even have parents who were Chinese nationals also faced some challenges and felt less natural when conversing with Chinese students. The participants were not familiar with the accent. They were accustomed to the Southern accent, while their classmates spoke more of a Northern accent.79 One SG participant whose father and mother hailed from Hong Kong and Jiangsu Province shared that he felt less genuine in the conversation because adjusting his accent consumed his energy, slowed down the pace, and disrupted his thoughts. Code-switching is another problem. All three participants found it challenging to speak entirely in Chinese. An example from a MY participant is that she had to pause to think about how to say, “The stuff is upside down” because she would spontaneously say “放东西 terbalik”, a combination of Chinese and Malay words, at home. Accommodation arrangements segragrating international students from Chinese students are also a barrier. With very few exceptions,80 international students live in their designated dormitories or rent houses off-campus. This segregated living space, also mentioned in Law & Lee (2009), and a different academic lifestyle are not conducive to cultivating camaraderie between participants and their local Chinese peers. Lastly, media consumption adds more challenges to interacting with Chinese students. A MY participant who believed that Chinese identity would help her blend in with local 79 Even some Chinese students who originated from Southern China also adjusted their accent to sound more northern or even like Beijing residents. 80 Yuanpei College in Peking University provides its students an opportunity to stay in Chinese student dorms. However, not every student took this option. For example, one SG participant, despite his active engagement with Chinese students in clubs and student organizations, shared that he did not want to stay with local students because the dorm was less pleasant as it did not have ensuite bathroom and one room was shared by 4 people. 56 students realized that the shared cultural practice did not play an important role because her Chinese peers rarely paid attention to such traditions. In fact, the common discussion topics are pop culture and internet culture. However, Chinese students only used Chinese-produced platforms and applications, such as Weibo. Hence, she did not understand their humor and interests. Moreover, another MY participant found his Chinese peers “self-censored” when he would like to discuss social and political issues, such as Cross-Strait Relations. He considered different media exposure (i.e., Chinese students mainly or only consumed state media) to be one of the causes of lukewarm responses from them. Country Number of Participants Who Expected Chinese Identity to Help Them Blend in Smoothly and Met No Difficulty Number of Participants Who Expected Chinese Identity to Help Them Blend in Smoothly but Met Difficulty Number of Participants Who Did Not Expected Chinese Identity to Help Them Blend in Smoothly and Met no difficulty Number of Participants Who Did Not Expected Chinese Identity to Help Them Blend in Smoothly but Met Difficulty Indonesia 0 0 1 2 Thailand 0 1 0 1 Malaysia 1 2 1 0 Singapore 0 0 0 1 Total 1 3 2 4 Table 15 Participants Who Found Chinese Identity Useful in Interacting with Ethnic Chinese Foreign Friends. 57 Although Chinese identity did not play a significant role in establishing friendships with local students in a profound way, due to several obstacles discussed above, about one-third of the participants (10 from 32) realized that their ethnic identity helped them interact better with fellow ethnic Chinese international students, similar to the number of participants who expected Chinese identity to help blend in with local students. Nevertheless, it should be noted that less than half (4 from 10) of participants who expected Chinese identity to help connect with local students actually found the identity useful in interacting with ethnic Chinese foreign friends. From Table 15, 7 out of 10 participants had difficulty blending in with local students but found Chinese identity useful in connecting to ethnic Chinese peers. The fact that the participants did not find Chinese identity helpful in interacting with local students but still felt more comfortable socializing with ethnic Chinese international students highlights the higher significance of lifestyle over Chinese identity. The key difference between local and ethnic Chinese international students is a lifestyle comprising five aspects (attitude, academic environment, language, living space, and media consumption), which causes difficulties in interacting with local students. Although hailing from different countries, ethnic Chinese international students have more in common than local students: more exposed to Western media, focused less on GPA, more willing to help each other, and lived in the same dormitories. However, there is a language proficiency consideration for MY participants, i.e., they only found it easier to talk to ethnic Chinese peers who could converse in Chinese. Once again, language proficiency and ethnic 58 identity are more closely associated from MY participants’ point of view.81 Hence, Tan’s (2001: 226) conclusion that the usefulness of civilizational ethnic identity in interaction is subjected to linguistic factors is particularly correct for Malaysian Chinese. Displaying Chinese Identity: Calculation of Advantages and Disadvantages After embarking on their new journey in China as undergraduate students, the participants realized that their Chinese identity had limited effect in facilitating their interactions with Chinese peers because they were more different than expected. Moreover, being in a new place, participants faced a new problem in determining whether to display their Chinese identity and how to identify themselves in China. In general, when the participants introduced themselves, national identity takes precedence over Chinese identity. Nagata (1974: 341) asserts that the Malays’ ethnic choices, whether to display their Malay side (“overarching” ethnic label) or other sides, such as Kling or Arab (origins), are influenced by expediency, i.e., advantage. Similarly, the participants’ willingness to display their ethnic Chinese identity in addition to their foreigner status is informed by the advantages and disadvantages of doing so. Usually, the participants would not mention their ethnic identity without context. It was often elicited by conversation, such as when their Chinese classmates said they looked Chinese or praised their Chinese proficiency. When it comes to the problem of displaying Chinese identity, there are four scenarios derived from the participants’ responses: being enthusiastic about presenting oneself as of Chinese descent in the dialogue; avoiding mentioning their Chinese identity because it caused 81 A MY participant opined that if her ethnic Chinese friends could not speak Chinese, she would still feel closer (亲近) to them than Westerners. However, she would not consider them “alike” (同类). 59 them trouble of some kind; only emphasizing their foreigner identity but not seeing the disadvantage of highlighting Chinese identity; and, trying not to disclose either foreigner or ethnic Chinese identity and let other people assume that they were local Chinese instead. Nevertheless, some participants who generally avoided displaying Chinese identity would consider presenting their Chinese identity under certain circumstances. Country Number of Participants Who were Enthusiastic to Present their Chinese Identity Number of Participants Who Avoided Mentioning their Chinese Identity to Avoid Trouble Number of Participants Who only Emphasized Foreigner Identity but Did Not See Chinese Identity as a Trouble Number of Participants Who were Inclined to Disguise as Local Chinese Indonesia 2 1 4 2 Thailand 3 4 2 0 Malaysia 4 0 3 0 Singapore 1 4 2 3 Total 10 9 11 5 Table 16 Participants’ Preferences in Displaying their Chinese Identity Overall, MY participants had the most positive attitude towards displaying Chinese identity in China, with 4 of them not bothering to mention it, and none of them saw a disadvantage in doing so. In contrast, SG participants are least enthusiastic about presenting it. Among the participants who were willing to highlight their Chinese identity, ID and TH participants were driven by certain concerns different from those of MY and SG participants. 60 The former group displayed Chinese identity for socializing purposes82 and to receive better treatment, usually off-campus, such as when shopping. They believed that local Chinese would be more friendly towards people of Chinese descent than non-Chinese foreigners. These two aspects are not unique to ID and TH participants: one MY participant also mentioned his ethnic identity as a conversation starter. In addition, MY and SG participants also displayed Chinese identity for academic and professional purposes. They highlighted their ethnic identity to imply that they had higher Chinese proficiency than other international students, making them more suitable candidates for internship opportunities and English-Chinese translation projects. Country Conversational Purposes Better Treatment/Service Academic and Professional Purposes Pride in their Countries Indonesia 1 1 0 0 Thailand 2 2 0 0 Malaysia 2 1 1 1 Singapore 0 0 1 0 Total 5 4 2 1 Table 17 Participants’ Reasons to Actively Display their Chinese Identity in China An interesting anomaly in this category is a MY participant who proudly mentioned his Malaysian Chinese identity to exhibit Malaysia’s cultural diversity. He clarified that he would like Chinese in China to be aware that Malaysia does not only have Malay population and added 82 They assumed that Chinese identity implied cultural affinity between themselves and another party (can be either local Chinese or ethnic Chinese international students). Consequently, their “new friends” would be more eager to interact with them. 61 that he would be more than happy to further explain should local Chinese have more questions about the Chinese community in Malaysia. He took pride in telling stories of Malaysian Chinese: their settlement in the Malay Peninsula, their contribution to the nationalist movement under Sun Yat-sen, who regarded Huaqiao as the “mother of revolution (革命之母)” (Hau, 2012: 181), and their financial support to China during the Japanese Invasion in World War 2. Country Avoid High Expectation Privacy and Avoid Being Seen as Zhongguoren Indonesia 1 0 Thailand 3 2 Malaysia 0 0 Singapore 2 1 Total 6 3 Table 18 Participants’ Reasons to Avoid Display their Chinese Identity in China On the other end of the spectrum, the most popular reason to avoid displaying Chinese identity is to dissociate themselves from other people's expectations, especially local Chinese, that they should have exceptional Chinese proficiency. This expectation caused anxiety among participants both in academic, professional (internship) and personal spheres, as follows: In the academic setting: one TH participant who studied Chinese language and literature recalled a traumatic experience during her pre-university foundation course in China: she was criticized by the instructor in Chinese language class who said that she had never taught any Thai Chinese with such unsatisfactory Chinese proficiency. This incident made her self- conscious about displaying Chinese identity in the academic setting. Afterwards, she only felt 62 comfortable mentioning her Chinese identity off-campus, with close friends, or, if necessary, in class projects regarding Chinese ancestry. Besides, another SG participant who studied economics, though fluent in Chinese, also dissociated herself from Chinese identity because she would like to avoid the expectation that she understood China’s socioeconomic development well. At the personal level: An ID participant avoided mentioning his Chinese identity as he felt that he was looked down upon by local Chinese when they learned that he was of Chinese descent, yet only barely could speak Chinese. This experience is comparable to Ang’s (2001: 23) countless embarrassments of being a Chinese-looking person who does not speak Chinese. Another reason for participants to downplay Chinese identity is to avoid excessive questions and being regarded as a part of Chinese nationals, a situation discomforting to some participants. When asked about her exceptional Chinese proficiency, a TH participant whose parents are Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese and speaks Chinese alongside Thai as her mother tongue always presented herself as “a Thai learning Chinese” to avoid more questions in the conversation. Moreover, an extreme case is a SG participant who deliberately spoke Chinese with a heavy Westerner accent to stop a taxi driver from subsuming him as a “Zhongguoren”. 63 Country Better Attitude/ Treatment/Service Pride in their Countries Feel Out of Place Indonesia 3 0 1 Thailand 1 0 0 Malaysia 3 1 0 Singapore 1 1 0 Total 8 2 1 Table 19 Participants’ Reasons for Displaying their Foreigner Identity Although They Did Not Actively Mention Downsides of Displaying Chinese Identity. As for 11 participants who preferred emphasizing their foreigner identity but did not point out the disadvantages of displaying Chinese identity, the main reason (mentioned by 8 of them from every country altogether) is that local Chinese tend to be friendlier and treat foreigners better than their own people. They would be more attentive, helpful, and tolerant towards foreigners. However, one should note that this situation is more applicable in a non-academic context, e.g., when the participants were getting service or seeking help from strangers. Two examples are: 1. A TH participant recalled her disappointing experience when she sought help from a stranger in a subway to navigate her way. The person did not address her question. Instead, he asked why she did not use the Baidu (百度) map. This situation happened a few more times and led to her conclusion that the strangers probably thought she was also Chinese (Zhongguoren) based on her physical appearance but from other provinces, so they did not want to spend their time helping her. Afterwards, she purposefully mentioned that she was a Thai student when seeking help, and she received help more easily. She added that the Chinese had a good impression of Thais, so it was more beneficial for her to highlight her Thai identity. 2. 64 An ID participant displayed his foreigner identity by pretending he could not speak Chinese at all, when he was about to get fined by traffic police. Later, he adopted this strategy whenever he got into trouble in China. In an academic setting, 2 MY and SG participants highlighted their foreigner identity when they performed well in classes. These two participants studied in different environments. The MY participant studied in an engineering program with very few international students due to the high requirement of Chinese to understand technical terms. Therefore, he proudly highlighted his foreigner identity because he would be praised for his Chinese proficiency when delivering presentations. Meanwhile, the SG participant attended some classes catered only for international students (because it was a Chinese language and literature major), in which she was more comfortable highlighting her Singaporean identity when she performed well. When studying in classes for Chinese students, she rarely mentioned her international student status and behaved like a local student instead. This is because she wanted to avoid hostility from local students, as some of them were not satisfied that international students could enter top universities more effortlessly (from their point of view) and share resources with them.83 Lastly, 2 and 3 ID and SG participants chose to “disguise” themselves as local Chinese for convenience. For example, to avoid getting overpriced items when browsing “black market” or thrift shops or getting excessive questions from strangers. These participants did not see the advantage of displaying Chinese and foreigner identities. In other words, they believed that they would not benefit from being foreigners of Chinese descent too. It is noteworthy that 4 from 5 participants who adopted this strategy were highly proficient in Chinese since before entering university. 3 SG participants could speak Chinese 83 The last ID participant felt out of place in China, so she did not mention her Chinese identity. 65 like local Chinese (at least local Chinese thought they were from Southern China) because at least one side of their parents is/was a former Chinese citizen. Another ID participant grew up in a Chinese-speaking family and received a much more intensive Chinese language education than his fellow Indonesians, as he went to a trilingual school in Indonesia before he moved to Shanghai in secondary school. Overall, less than one-third of the participants actively displayed their Chinese identity, and Chinese proficiency had some impact on their consideration of presenting themselves. The concerns about insufficient or imperfect Chinese proficiency discouraged participants from highlighting their Chinese proficiency. On the other hand, participants who were confident in their proficiency would not have trouble displaying their Chinese identity. In some cases, high proficiency enabled participants to “disguise” as local Chinese to avoid any convenience caused by foreigner status. Terminology of Being Ethnic Chinese: Huaren or Huayi? The terminology of being Chinese is much more complicated in Chinese than in English. While there is no variation of “Chinese” in English, there are three terms denoting “Chinese outside of China”: Huayi (华裔), Huaren (华人), and Huaqiao (华侨). The difference between Huaqiao and the first two terms is clearer, as Huaqiao denotes stronger ties with China. Huaqiao means Chinese citizens who live overseas, “Overseas Chinese” (Suryadinata, 2017: 5). The term also refers to Chinese immigrants who still see themselves as “people of China” (Zhongguoren) (Tan, 2001: 212-213) even though they have settled in foreign countries. In this sense, most of the participants’ grandparents are Huaqiao. This is different from Huayi and Huaren, which both refer to foreign citizens of Chinese origin. 66 In this regard, Suryadinata (2017: 160-162) expressed concerns about the attempt by the Chinese Government to blur the nationality boundary between Huaqiao and Huayi-Huaren in official discourses such as President Xi Jinping’s speech which used the term Haiwaiqiaobao ( 海外侨胞, Overseas Compatriots) instead of Haiwaihuaren (海外华人, Chinese Overseas). Tan (2001: 217) also highlighted the importance of accurately using these terms to respect the feelings of ethnic Chinese outside China and correctly reflect the localization of their identity. Unlike Huaqiao, the difference between Huayi and Huaren is more subtle and subjected to individual interpretation as there are no standard definitions. The term can be used interchangeably, at least from the perspective of Chinese authorities. One example is that when describing Malaysia’s demography, Huayi “其中马来裔 70%，华裔 22.7%...” is used on the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. 84 Meanwhile, China’s Consular Affairs’ website uses Huaren “其中马来人 70%，华人 22.7%”.85 Although the participants have different understandings and preferences in using Chinese terms, either Huaren or Huayi, to describe their ethnic Chinese identity, none of them actively identify themselves as Huaqiao. This reflects the generational shift in Chinese identity, in that they do not see themselves as “sojourners”, unlike, in most cases, their grandparents — who were Chinese immigrants and still do not hesitate to refer to themselves as “Zhongguoren”. Noticeably, 3 TH participants spontaneously admitted that they were confused about the difference between these three terms, so all are interchangeable to them, and they would not feel offended should they be called Huaqiao. One TH participant added, "We are not serious 84 https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676716/1206x0_676718/ 85 http://cs.mfa.gov.cn/zggmcg/ljmdd/yz_645708/mlxy_647012/. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676716/1206x0_676718/ http://cs.mfa.gov.cn/zggmcg/ljmdd/yz_645708/mlxy_647012/ 67 (about this), unlike Malaysians and Singaporeans”. Nevertheless, none of these participants primarily use Huaqiao. ID and TH participants generally do not speak Chinese as their mother language, so they had no preference between using Huayi or Huaren before they went to China. At most, these concepts were introduced to them in vocabulary lists when they were studying Chinese language. This is totally different from MY and SG participants, who unanimously refer to themselves as Huaren when they are in their own countries. This preference is not individual but national. In other words, it is shaped by national standards, i.e., their community leaders or media use Huaren.86 Country Using Huayi in Their Countries Using Huaren in Their Countries Using Huayi in China Using Huaren in China Indonesia N/A N/A 8 0 Thailand N/A N/A 7 1 Malaysia 0 8 2 6 Singapore 0 8 1 3 Total 0 16 18 10 Table 20 Participants’ Preference in Using Huayi or Huaren Before and When Studying in China 86 Singapore’s examples are: 1. Lianhe Zaobao (《联合早报》), Singapore’s largest Chinese newspaper, published a commentary on Singaporean Chinese identity written by Eddie Kuo Chen-yu. The article was titled “《郭振羽：从身份解 构到身份建构——新加坡华人(Huaren)尚待完成的旅程》”. https://www.zaobao.com.sg/forum/views/story20230601- 1400065; 2. According to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s interview with the People’s Daily (《人民日报》) published on Singapore’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ website, the term Huaren was used to refer to ethnic Chinese Singaporean population in a question to him “…新加坡人口中大多数是华人…”. The fact that the term was used in an interview with Prime Minister by China’s official news media outlet and was published on Singapore’s authorities’ s website indicates that Huaren is an official term in Singapore. https://www.mfa.gov.sg/Overseas-Mission/Beijing/CN/Beijing-CN/Mission- Updates/2018/04/Press_20180408cn. Malaysia’s examples are: 1. The term Huaren is used in a Chinese title of the Biennial International Conference on Malaysian Chinese Studies “马来西亚华人研究国际双年会”. https://www.cmcs.my/conference_e.html; 2. The full Chinese name of the political party Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), is 马来西亚华人公会. https://mca.org.my/1/AboutUs/AboutUs https://www.zaobao.com.sg/forum/views/story20230601-1400065 https://www.zaobao.com.sg/forum/views/story20230601-1400065 https://www.mfa.gov.sg/Overseas-Mission/Beijing/CN/Beijing-CN/Mission-Updates/2018/04/Press_20180408cn https://www.mfa.gov.sg/Overseas-Mission/Beijing/CN/Beijing-CN/Mission-Updates/2018/04/Press_20180408cn https://www.cmcs.my/conference_e.html https://mca.org.my/1/AboutUs/AboutUs 68 Overall, most participants (27 out of 32) did not change their habit of using Huayi or Huaren when they were in China. Nevertheless, some of them attached new meanings to the terms. Among these 27 participants, 16 of them (ID and TH participants) did not have the habit in the first place. Moreover, 4 SG participants did not change from using Huaren to Huayi but used Xinjiaporen (新加坡人, Singaporean) instead. Some MY and SG participants primarily used Huaren but would use Huayi to clarify in case other people were confused about what Huaren meant. One MY participant shared that sometimes local Chinese did not understand what Malaixiya Huaren (马来西亚华人, Malaysian Chinese) was. They only knew Zhongguoren and Malairen (马来人, Malay). Another MY participant had the same experience. On the other hand, 4 out of 5 participants changed from using Huaren to Huayi, and the change happened most among MY participants (2 from 4). Both of them used Huayi to demarcate the boundary between themselves and the local Chinese. Huayi as a Vocabulary and Category Huayi is predominantly used by ID and TH participants when introducing their Chinese identity in China. In general, most participants (13 out of 15) from both countries did not attach a special meaning to the term. They approached it from a language or qualification perspective. The idea of Huayi was introduced to them through language learning from Chinese teachers, dictionaries, and internet searches. For example, one TH participant was asked by a local Chinese why she looked like locals. Then, she did a quick Google search for “Thais of Chinese descent”, and Taiguo Huayi (泰国华裔) came up. Hence, she used Huayi. 69 It is noteworthy that even among Chinese teachers, there is no universal definition of Huayi and Huaren. An ID participant’s case illustrates this point. After she started her pre- university foundation course in China, she no longer used Huayi, which was introduced to her by her Chinese teacher in Indonesia. Instead, she used Huaren as taught by her teacher in the foundation course. On the contrary, the only ID participant who used Huaren in China used this term because she learned it from her teacher in China. In these cases, the participants did not have their new interpretation of the term. Beyond language acquisition, one ID and one TH participant used Huayi because of their understanding of different qualifications to fit into the Huayi or Huaren category. The TH participant felt that he was Huayi, not Huaren because his Chinese accent was nowhere near “standard”, i.e., local Chinese’s. In this sense, he considered Malaysian Chinese peers Huayi like himself because of their distinct accents, although they spoke Chinese as their mother language. As for the ID participant, she considered herself Huayi because she was pure Chinese. According to her, Huaren refers to the offspring of Chinese who intermarried with non-Chinese. Huayi as a Distance Marker Except for a SG participant who used Huayi instead of Huaren in China (because the former is more commonly used to refer to ethnic Chinese foreigners, according to language convention in China87 ), the other 4 participants attached a new meaning to Huayi. For them, Huayi has a deeper connotation than just a vocabulary introduced to them through language learning. In 87 This participant commented that “this term (Huaren) is very Nanyang (南洋, literally means South Sea. It is a broad term for Southeast Asia in the context of Chinese migration.”. Consequently, this participant used Huayi instead of Huaren in China. This was not to distance herself from ethnic Chinese community in Southeast Asia but to conform with Chinese language usage in China. 70 most cases, it was used as a “distance marker” to differentiate and distance themselves from the Chinese in China. By definition, the term Huayi denotes geographical distance since it refers to foreign citizens of Chinese descent. Nevertheless, Huayi has a more different meaning to each participant. It is noteworthy that these 4 participants grew up in a Chinese-speaking environment. They were exposed to Chinese before entering school. Hence, it is possible that the more prolonged exposure to the language might be a factor impacting participants’ thoughts on terminology. In other words, participants with higher Chinese proficiency might be more likely to attach new meanings to the terminology. In a TH participant’s case, Huayi connotes emotional distance. A TH participant whose parents hailed from Mainland China and Taiwan used Huayi to indicate that she was different from Chinese in China politically. In fact, she even avoided displaying her Huayi identity unless necessary. She associated Huaren with communism, so she did not want to identify herself with this term. In other words, Huaren is equivalent to or more closely related to Zhongguoren in her perception. In addition, she opined that the Chinese in China were generally rude, making the term Huaren less appealing to her. This view is uniquely individual, as the other 3 participants did not share a negative view of the term Huaren. The ID participant also used Huayi due to her distant feelings toward China, as she had no relatives there. More importantly, she did not favor the term Huaren because it could not indicate her exceptional Chinese proficiency, which is a testament to her hard work over the years. In her opinion, Huaren connotes a closer tie with China and Chinese language and culture. Hence, it is unsurprising that a Huaren can converse well in Chinese since this is an inherent ability. In contrast, it is unusual for her as a Huayi to have such a strong command of 71 the language, which distinguishes her from fellow Indonesian Chinese.88 In this case, Huayi was used to indicate distance and also to signify the effort she put into Chinese language learning. The two MY participants used Huayi instead of Huaren when they were in China, but for different purposes. The first participant preferred Huayi over Huaren because the former clearly marked the boundary that she was related to but not a part of Zhongguoren. In her understanding, Huaren means Huayi in the Malaysian context, but the boundary of Huaren is blurry in China as it can include Zhongguoren as well.89 Therefore, she adopted Huayi to distinguish herself from the local Chinese. Another participant used Huayi because it could signify her connection to China better than Huaren does. By “connection”, she meant her ancestors were from China. She added that the connection to China was ingrained in her brain because her seniors often told her that “we originally did not belong to Malaysia”. To her, Huaren is merely a racial category in the Malaysian context. It differentiates herself from fellow non-Chinese compatriots rather than highlighting her ties to China, as conveyed by the character Yi (裔). Both participants used Huayi but with different focuses: the first participant used it to convey that she was related to Chinese in China yet distant and different. The second participant used Huayi to show that she was distant from Chinese in China geographically yet still related. 88 The similar mindset/strategy was found in a SG participant whose mother hailed from China. She adjusted her accent when speaking Chinese at school. Besides preventing discrimination from classmates, she consciously spoke with local accent i.e., less Mainland Chinese-like, because she did not want her above-average performance in Chinese class to be taken for granted. According to her, if she spoke with her original accent used at home, her teacher and classmates would have felt that it was natural for her to perform better than others because she was born to a Chinese citizen. 89 Moreover, this participant added that she was influenced by the used of Yi (裔) in Chinese language media. For example, Japanese American is translated as 日裔美国人. Similarly, she is 华裔马来西亚人 i.e., 马来西亚华裔. 72 Xinjiaporen as an Indication of Uniqueness As discussed earlier, being in China for a certain period, the participants had new concerns they had never thought of before about how to differentiate themselves from local Chinese. Consequently, some participants developed a new interpretation of Huayi and used it instead of Huaren. As for Huaren, there is no change in its interpretation. Most participants continued using it in China as they were accustomed to this term. However, 4 SG participants did not even mention their Chinese identity, by using either Huaren or Huayi. Instead, they only referred to themselves as Xinjiaporen (新加坡人 , Singaporean), not Xinjiapo Huaren (新加坡华人, Singaporean Chinese), to highlight their uniqueness. This aligns with the observation that SG participants are least enthusiastic about displaying their Chinese identity. According to one participant, neither Huayi nor Huaren could describe him well. He perceived Huayi as a Chinese diaspora90 in the Western world, which he was clearly not. He considered Huaren more culturally Chinese than Huayi. However, when juxtaposing himself with local Chinese and Malaysian Chinese peers on campus, he felt less Chinese in comparison. Hence, he hesitated to categorize himself as Huaren when he was in China. Another participant did not explain why she did not use Huaren in China, but she clearly did not identify herself with Huayi, “I don’t like the 裔字(Yi character)”. In her understanding, Huayi is a vague idea. It implies ties to China, but she is unsure how close the ties are. Hence, she would like to avoid being closely associated with Chinese in China under Huayi label 90 This is his original wording. 73 because it is not something she identifies with. She added that while Huayi and people in Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan were not the same concepts, she considered Huayi more applicable to them than herself due to their closer ties to Mainland China. This participant’s opinion contrasts with Tu’s (2005: 154-155) concept of the first symbolic universe of “cultural China”, which includes Singapore alongside “Greater China”. Moreover, she also holds the view that third-generation Singaporeans like herself are essentially different from second-generation Singaporeans, i.e., those whose parents are/were Chinese nationals. In her opinion, the latter is considered Huayi. Her perception of Huayi as a term closely associated with China was strengthened by her recent experience in Guangzhou after China reopened its border. “I was stunned at the moment”, she recalled her reaction when she saw a question in the arrival declaration form. The question was “是否是华裔？” (which literally means “are you Huayi?”). She could not remember its English translation and was unsure what it meant exactly. Nevertheless, she ticked the “yes” box in the end. In addition to this anecdote, there was an attempt by the Chinese Government to officially strengthen the connection with people of Chinese descent by issuing a “Huayi card” (华裔卡 Huayi Ka) to attract entrepreneurs in the technology industry in late 2015. Nevertheless, the idea was shelved eventually. (Suryadinata, 2017: 217-220) In a similar fashion, experience in China shaped a MY participant’s perception of Huayi. There was a significant number of “controversial” international students on campus who referred to themselves as Huayi. They were controversial because they were born to (former) Chinese nationals. While some of them had lived in their country of citizenship throughout their life before attending universities in China, some only obtained foreign citizenship just a few years before applying to universities in China. Some were born overseas but grew up and 74 received education entirely in China, barely knowing their country of citizenship’s language and culture. In this regard, this participant did not regard this group of people as Huaren, like himself, even though he also said Huayi and Huaren were interchangeable, with the latter being a popular term used in Malaysia. In his opinion, Huaren must be a “real foreigner” of Chinese descent. Reflections on Chinese Identity: Beyond Becoming More or Less Chinese When asked how their experience pursuing undergraduate study in China affected their view on Chinese identity, most participants did not actively state that they identified more strongly with Chinese identity. However, almost two-thirds of them had new perspectives on their Chinese identity. Studying in China impacted the participants with regard to Chinese identity in 4 ways. It enabled them to: speak better Chinese and understand China more, become an “upgraded” Chinese and appreciate Chinese identity’s utility, expand their horizon and reflect on the domestic Chinese community, and lastly, juxtapose themselves with Chinese in China and perceive more differences. Overall, their feeling of being Chinese did not become more intense (e.g., feeling more enthusiastic about practicing Chinese culture, such as worshipping ancestors and gods91), and they also did not feel emotionally more connected to China. Having noticed more differences between themselves and the Chinese in China, they felt even more distant from China. 91 The participants participate in it on regular basis as required by their families. 75 Country Speak Better Chinese and Understand China More Become an “Upgraded” Chinese and Appreciate Chinese Identity’s Utility Expand horizon and Reflect on Domestic Chinese Community Juxtapose Themselves with Chinese in China and Perceive More Difference Indonesia 5 1 3 2 Thailand 3 5 0 3 Malaysia 1 1 4 5 Singapore 2 1 1 6 Total 11 8 8 16 Table 21 Impacts of Studying in China Experience on Participants’ Chinese Identity Speaking Better Chinese and Understanding China More 11 participants did not have a special feeling about being Chinese after completing their undergraduate study in China.92 They did not feel more Chinese nor value Chinese identity as their capital. Within this group, there are two subcategories: those who did not even state that they gained a better understanding of local Chinese and those who gained more insights into Chinese in China but no thoughts on their own ethnic identity. It is noteworthy that out of 11 people, 5 participants are Indonesians. Therefore, it can be concluded that studying in China 92 While these participants did not have any thoughts on their Chinese identity itself, half of them had some thoughts on other aspects such as more acknowledgement of their country’s ethnic policy. Hence, these 4 aspects are not mutually exclusive. 76 has less impact on Chinese identity among ethnic Chinese Indonesian participants, followed by Thai counterparts. Country Number of Participants Who Did Not State that They Gained Better Understanding of Local Chinese Number of Participants Who Gained More Insights into Chinese in China but No Thoughts on Chinese Identity Indonesia 1 4 Thailand 2 1 Malaysia 1 0 Singapore 2 0 Total 6 5 Table 22 Participants who Concluded that Studying in China Enabled Them to Speak Better Chinese and Understand China More 6 participants fall into the first subcategory, and 5 of them mentioned takeaways about language proficiency and living experience. An anomaly is an ID participant who shared that studying in China did not change her complicated feelings about being Chinese in Indonesia, as mentioned in Theo (2016: 191) as well. This participant opined that she still felt “stuck in between”. Before she went to China, she did not feel fully integrated into Indonesia’s mainstream society, partially because of the discrimination she faced in her neighborhood.93 However, she also felt out of place when she was in China. After that, when being in Indonesia, she still felt somewhat “foreign” again when she saw anti-Chinese narratives during the Ahok Incident and the 2019 General Election. “It is still unclear”, she concluded. 93 Being made fun of her “Cina” status by children in the area. 77 3 out of 5 participants mentioned language, and none of them associated higher Chinese proficiency with a stronger sense of being ethnic Chinese. As a TH participant put it, “I just unlocked a new skill”. A SG participant who did not graduate from a SAP school also concluded that being in China only made her speak Chinese better. Similarly, another MY participant remarked that she just learned more “standard” Chinese, 94 such as 洗澡 (take a shower), while she used 冲凉 in Malaysia, which is a less formal word. As for the living experience, a SG participant only appreciated the convenience of life in China, such as cashless payment (Alipay (支付宝)) and the robust e-commerce system (Taobao (淘宝) and Pinduoduo (拼多多)). Another TH participant commented that being in China only made her enjoy Chinese festivals more because of the merrier atmosphere there. The second subcategory differs from the first group in that the participants remarked that they gained a better understanding of Chinese culture, people and China as a country.95 However, they did not associate this insight with their Chinese identity, i.e., a better understanding of Chinese culture did not lead to a stronger sense of being ethnic Chinese. For example, as an ID and a TH participant learned more about Chinese culture through their courses in China, they finally understood the meaning behind some practices and festival celebrations in their families. Nevertheless, this knowledge did not elicit more enthusiasm from them to practice the traditions. 94 In her original word, “更标准的中文” (more standard Chinese). 95 In details, these aspects were mentioned by them: history (especially their migration history), literature, different ethnic groups, etiquette, custom e.g., they are highly concerned about “face” (面子, mianzi, social prestige), do not criticize directly. One ID participant pointed out that he learned about their work ethics and mindset, which he found admirable and different from Indonesians’. Nevertheless, when asked for clarification, he did not explain and responded that it was “susah dijelaskan (hard to be explained)”. Some of them mentioned that they also learned about less appealing sides of Chinese people and China, but they did not want to expand on them. 78 Overall, ID and TH participants altogether account for more than 70% of participants in this “speaking better Chinese and understanding China more” category. This corroborated the previous point that studying in China has less impact Indonesian and Thai participants. Hence, the scepticism from non-Chinese Indonesians, mentioned in Tan (2008: 178), that the “China factor” could cause Indonesian Chinese to pivot to Chineseness is questionable. Becoming an “Upgraded” Chinese and Appreciating Chinese Identity’s Utility 25% of participants felt that their understanding of Chinese language and culture transformed them into another type of ethnic Chinese compared with their fellow ethnic Chinese compatriots who did not have the same experience of studying in China. For some participants, the insight into Chinese language and culture also led to their appreciation of the utility of the Chinese identity, which they regard as a capital. 5 out of 8 participants in this category are from Thailand. All TH participants highlighted the utility of Chinese identity, while the other 3 ID, MY and SG participants did not mention it. They only remarked that they became distinguishable from their peers because of their deeper understanding of Chinese “roots”. In the most extreme case, a MY participant remarked, "My Chinese identity has been gilded96 after returning from China.” She even acknowledged that she felt superior culturally97 compared with her Malaysian Chinese peers who did not go. An ID participant felt more special because he became familiar with Chinese customs in China, such as the drinking and smoking culture, which are not taught in textbooks. Lastly, a SG participant saw herself as different from 96 In her original word “镀上了一层金”, gilded with a layer of gold. 97 In her original word “文化鄙视”, look down upon culturally. This participant studied archeology, and she added that her Malaysian Chinese batchmate who studied Chinese history probably shared the same sentiment because their majors were niche and culture-intensive. 79 her peers because she had firsthand experience in China. Therefore, she believed that she had a more balanced view of China than Singaporean Chinese, who only learned about China through the lens of Western media. A TH participant also mentioned this aspect in her response. She shared that her perception of China, influenced by her family members, had been very negative—dangerous, dirty, inhospitable. However, after she had lived there, those accounts of China were proven exaggerated. She was impressed by how developed Beijing was. According to her, studying in China made her less critical of China and the Chinese than other Thais are. For TH participants, studying in China equipped them with a better understanding of Chinese culture and customs, enabling them to better connect with Chinese from China and elsewhere. Consequently, they appreciated the utility of their Chinese identity, i.e., they found it more relevant to their life. For example, a TH participant became more tolerant of Chinese in China and more comfortable interacting with them (although she still finds some of their behaviour unpleasant). This change, coupled with her Chinese proficiency, turned her Chinese identity into her “unique selling point”, which she deliberately mentioned during her job interviews for a position in a Chinese company to imply that she understood them and could work with them well. An exception is a TH participant whose mother is a Chinese citizen. She did not state that she had a better understanding of Chinese culture and people, probably due to her prior exposure to China and its people when she visited her relatives annually. Nevertheless, having lived in China for 5 years, from pre-university preparatory course until graduation, she realized that being ethnic Chinese was advantageous as she found people there friendlier to people of Chinese descent. She added that she felt slightly closer to the Chinese side of herself because of more frequent interaction with her relatives when she was in China, not appreciation of 80 traditions. Therefore, the study experience, be it course content or interaction with local students, did not strengthen her Chinese identity. Pursuing undergraduate study there only provided a space for her to get more connected to her relatives in China. Expanding Horizon and Reflecting on Domestic Chinese Community Studying in China provided 25% of participants with opportunities to meet their peers, gain new perspectives, and reflect on their countries’ Chinese communities. 98 “Peers” in this context refer to two groups of people: ethnic Chinese from other Southeast Asian countries and fellow countrymen who are not ethnic Chinese. This aspect is most apparent among MY participants as they developed some thoughts on their domestic situation, both appreciative and critical, after interacting with both categories of peers. Country Number of Participants Who Had Reflections from Interactions with ethnic Chinese peers from other Southeast Asian countries Number of Participants Who Had Reflections from Interactions with fellow countrymen who are not ethnic Chinese Indonesia 0 2 Thailand 0 0 Malaysia 2 3 Singapore 1 0 Total 3 5 Table 23 Participants who Concluded that Studying in China Enabled Them to Expand Horizon and Reflect on Domestic Chinese Community 98 This category does not include: 1. participants who reported that they had fewer interaction with non-Chinese countrymen when they were in China; 2. those who had similar level or more interaction but no additional thoughts on it. 81 2 MY participants reflected on different aspects of being Chinese in Malaysia. One participant was inspired by the fact that ethnic Chinese in Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines had no problem conversing in the official language of their country of citizenship. Meanwhile, Malaysian Chinese are not proficient in Malay in general. This comparison reminded him to keep learning Bahasa Melayu (Malay language) with enthusiasm. While he acknowledged the importance of preserving Chinese language and culture, he opined that more Malaysian Chinese should be more willing to learn Malay. He added that he encountered some fellow Malaysian Chinese who were racist and thus had no interest in learning Malay. Having heard stories from other ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian friends, he viewed his Chinese identity in a more inclusive and, in his opinion, progressive way. On the other hand, another MY participant appreciated Malaysian Chinese’s strong cultural identity compared to Singapore. She held the view that Singapore was not good at preserving Chinese heritage, at least in terms of language. By contrast, the only SG participant in this category became appreciative of Singapore’s ethnic policy after she learned that Malaysian friends (who graduated from ICSSs)’ graduation certificates were not recognized by the Ministry of Education of Malaysia, causing them to have limited options in pursuing domestic higher education. She also appreciated the effort by the Singapore Government to promote interethnic interaction through racial quota in HDB (Housing Development Board) housing, preventing an estate from being dwelled in only by Chinese, Malay, Indians or others. While acknowledging her country’s bilingual policy that eliminated language barriers among different races yet still preserved each ethnic group’s identity, this participant could not deny that the city-state’s Speak Mandarin Campaign (讲华 语运动 ), launched in 1979 to facilitate people in becoming bilingual (Lee, 2012: 290), 82 sacrificed Chinese dialects. This realization resulted from her interaction with ethnic Chinese Malaysian cohortmates, in which she witnessed how they were much more fluent in dialects than she and her fellow Singaporean Chinese were. Besides learning from other Chinese communities in Southeast Asia, MY and ID participants also had opportunities to meet non-Chinese compatriots, shaping new perspectives on interethnic relations while studying in China. Some MY participants (usually ICSSs graduates) barely had exposure to non-Chinese fellow Malaysians other than one-off encounters such as buying things and receiving service in government sectors. Hence, this experience in China was thought-provoking to them as they had an opportunity to step out from their “Chinese bubble”. By contrast, some participants did not feel that they had more chances to interact with non-Chinese countrymen when studying in China because they had interactions with non- Chinese classmates during their time at SMJK. Regarding the “Chinese bubble”, a participant who hails from Alor Setar and graduated from SMJK opined that some Malaysians did not live in a “true Malaysia”, especially ICSSs graduates from big cities on the west coast of Peninsula Malaysia such as Kuala Lumpur and Klang because they did not have much interaction with non-Chinese countrymen unlike himself who lived in Kedah. Another participant’s account strengthened the point about the different living experiences of Malaysian Chinese in various parts of the country: she commented that her SMJK, located in Petaling Jaya, was virtually an ICSS because there was only 1 non- Chinese student in her class. After some MY participants inadvertently broke their “Chinese bubble” when studying in China, they developed new thoughts regarding interethnic relations in two aspects: learning about Malay compatriots and reflecting on themselves. 83 Studying in China partially eliminated physical space and language barriers between the participants and Malay peers. It is noteworthy that although they were in the same area of Beijing, 99 the physical space barrier still existed in some way. One participant who problematized the way Malaysian students in Beijing were organized unintentionally along racial lines noted: “I feel that Malaysia is actually divided, and we are even still divided overseas, too. In practice, we do not have a single, united cross-universities student organization, unlike SSA (Singapore Students’ Association) and TSAB (Thai Student Association in Beijing). There are two main Malaysian student associations. We have AMSIB (Association of Malaysian Students in Beijing, 马来西亚留学北京学生会 ), which is predominantly Chinese. Malay students rarely join us. Then, we have…uh…I forgot the name, but it is another association run by students from 北外 (Beijing Foreign Studies University) and 北语 (Beijing Language and Culture University, BLCU). They are Malays. My seniors and friends did try to merge them, but it was not that successful.” According to this participant, who was an exco member of AMSIB, it is a structural problem and microcosm of social reality in Malaysia. AMSIB members use Chinese as a working language as it is more natural and efficient for them, although the outreach publication to the wider Malaysian student community is in English. As for another association, they feel discouraged from engaging profoundly with AMSIB because they think they cannot blend in. This participant added that based on what he knew from his friends who studied in the United Kingdom, this racial division among Malaysian students is unique to Mainland China and Taiwan100 because the percentage of ethnic Chinese students among the Malaysian students’ 99 Most of universities are in Haidian District (海淀区) and a few in Chaoyang District (朝阳区). 100 He was not sure about Hong Kong SAR. 84 population is huge in these locations. Nevertheless, the two associations cooperate from time to time, and their members also usually meet at embassy-organized activities as well.101 It is noteworthy that this reflection on Malaysia’s interethnic relation elicited by segregated arrangement in China happened among Malaysian students in Guangzhou in 2005 as well. (Law & Lee, 2009: 242) They saw the parallel between the administrative policy by Jinan University that separated them from local Chinese students and Chinese-Malay relations in which members of two ethnic groups barely had profound interaction. The language barrier was only partially eliminated because most Malay students were beginner learners. Nevertheless, some Malay students were much more proficient in Chinese. Some participants became friends with them. Hence, they could exchange opinions on society and politics, something they could not do before due to limited Malay proficiency. 102 After interacting with Malay peers, the participants better understood their Malay compatriots, such as their different views on marriage. The conversation also elicited reflection on themselves that the prevalent narratives of “oppressed Chinese” were somewhat exaggerated. While some inequality still exists, they viewed the Chinese’s position in Malaysia less pessimistically. One MY participant even questioned himself, “Why had I never had Malay friends before?”. Moreover, it was heartening for the participants to witness enthusiasm from their Malay counterparts in Chinese language and culture. For example, there were many Malay Malaysian students at BLCU, funded by the Ministry of Education of Malaysia, studying teaching Chinese 101 Another Malaysia participant who joined both associations provided more insights into this division between AMSIB and TMS (according to him, another association is called TMS. However, the author could not find its information on the internet.). His situation is unique as he had to enroll in pre-university foundation course at BLCU to fulfill admission requirement despite his native proficiency in Chinese. Therefore, he participated in TMS. Later after he entered Peking University, he joined AMSIB. Comparing these two associations, he concluded that they had different focus: TMS was less formal and prioritized social gatherings to address daily life problem faced by students, helping them navigate cultural difference and language barriers. Meanwhile, AMSIB organized more professional activities just as job talk with industry insiders. 102 A MY participant opined that not many Chinese Malaysian who graduated from ICSSs like himself were proficient in Malay enough to carry conversation at a level beyond basic dialogue. 85 language as a second language (对外汉语). After graduation, they would become Chinese teachers. Hence, the participants were slightly more hopeful about the future of interethnic relations in Malaysia, anticipating the distance between Chinese and Malay to get bridged due to these initiatives. Similar to their Malaysian counterparts, 2 ID participants had opportunities to interact with non-Chinese Indonesians in a new way because now all of them were foreigners far away from their motherland. After having closer interaction with non-Chinese countrymen, one participant realized that not all locals (non-Chinese Indonesians) were racist, 103 and some “locals” were interested and would like to learn more about Chinese culture. This realization is relevant to Theo’s (2016: 192) finding that non-Chinese Indonesian students who went to China and mingled with ethnic Chinese fellow Indonesians perceived Chindo in a more positive way. They observed the differences between Chindo and the Chinese in China. Thus, they felt less distant from Chindo, seeing them as part of “Indonesians” like themselves. A special case is another ID participant who pointed out that studying in China expanded her network as she got to connect with fellow Indonesian Chinese from other cities. According to her, this exposure is eye-opening as it makes her realize that racial tension truly exists. Living in Bekasi throughout her life, she never experienced hostility from non-Chinese Indonesians towards the Chinese and vice versa. However, after interacting with Chindo from elsewhere, she acknowledged that there were racist Chindo who were reluctant to mingle with non-Chinese compatriots. She specifically mentioned that these racist Chindo were from bigger cities such as Semarang, where more severe violence against ethnic Chinese took place in 1998. This 103 In his original word, “gak semua lokal itu that racist”. 86 knowledge serves as a reminder to herself to cherish the harmony in her hometown and always be open-minded to non-Chinese compatriots. It is noteworthy that while being not racist, she admittedly found more benefit from being friends with fellow Chindo because of business network. She also felt that it was easier to connect to people of Chinese descent regardless of nationality to the extent that it was more convenient than building relationships with non- Chinese Indonesians. Juxtaposing Themselves with Chinese in China and Perceiving More Difference 50% of participants realized that the Chinese in China were so different from themselves than expected or told by their family members. This realization about otherness particularly resonates with MY and SG participants. In this aspect, there are two subcategories: participants who had and did not have complicated feeling about their identity prior to their study in China. Country Number of Participants Who Had Complicated Feeling about Identity Prior to Their Study in China Number of Participants Who Did Not Have Complicated Feeling about Identity Prior to Their Study in China Indonesia 1 1 Thailand 1 2 Malaysia 0 5 Singapore 3 3 Total 5 11 Table 24 Participants who Concluded that Studying in China Enabled Them to Juxtapose Themselves with Chinese in China and Perceive More Differences 87 3 out of 5 participants who felt complicated about their identity are second-generation Singaporeans. The rest are ID and TH participants who grew up in Chinese-speaking families.104 Before going to China, they thought they were “so Chinese” and different from their compatriots. They did not feel much confused but rather felt detached from the society around them. The ID participant felt superior to the “locals” and proud when speaking Chinese with his parents in public. His sentiment is similar to how Totok felt about themselves compared with Peranakans. (Godley & Coppel, 2002: 340, 346). The TH participant also felt strongly about being Chinese in Thailand, especially because her family maintained close relationships with relatives in China through their annual visits. Meanwhile, SG participants felt confused about their identity, especially a participant who was born in China and only converted to Singaporean nationality later. Ho and Fang (2020: 83) concluded from their interviews that PRC immigrants, though gradually integrated, still felt the ties between themselves and China. This participant’s parents are not exceptions. She attributed her complicated feelings about being a second-generation Singaporean to her parents, who always reminded her of their origins in China and imparted a political view, which she found different from the popular narrative in Singapore. Eventually, none of the participants in this group felt a stronger affinity with Chinese identity after completing their studies in China. Instead, they realized they were “not that Chinese” and more different from the Chinese in China than expected. For example, the ID participant juxtaposed himself with the Chinese in China and saw a difference in work ethics. 104 Chinese is not the only language used in their families. However, they used Chinese much more often than other participants’ families did. 88 Similar to an observation about diligence from a participant in Theo’s (2016: 190) study, this participant remarked, “We often said locals (non-Chinese Indonesians) were lazy. In fact, we (Indonesian Chinese, particularly his generation) were so lazy compared with Chinese in China or even older generations of Indonesian Chinese. So, I felt that we were not that Chinese and not so different from fellow Indonesians.”. He holds this view since before he went to China, and his experience there further strengthened his conclusion. The feeling of being more Indonesian than expected after studying in China is shared by earlier batches of Indonesian Chinese students in Godley & Coppel (2002: 340) and Theo (2016: 191). Nevertheless, feeling more Indonesian did not cause him an identity crisis. Instead, he rather saw the fluidity of his Chindo identity (p.192): he could choose to display his Chinese or Indonesian side of himself, depending on the situation. The TH participant also did not feel bothered that she found herself less Chinese in China. The foreigner identity was more beneficial to her as it allowed her to receive help more easily. As for SG participants, they became less confused about their position between Singapore and China after noticing differences between themselves and local Chinese. At the bilateral level, Tan (2003: 771-772) pointed out the limitation of the efficacy of cultural affinity between co-ethnics (Singaporean Chinese and Chinese in China) in the Suzhou Industrial Park project. Similarly, the participants saw differences between themselves and the Chinese in China in terms of language, academics and working culture. For example, a participant considered the Singaporean way of working more efficient than the Chinese’s. Another participant pointed out different teamwork dynamics, as local Chinese students did not value communication and collaboration between team members as much as Singaporeans did. Therefore, it was clearer to them that they were Singaporeans. Nevertheless, one participant 89 noted that the clearer identity did not translate into stronger patriotism. To put it in perspective, she gave an example of the Olympic Games, “If it is a match between Singapore and China, I cannot choose which side to support.” The other 7 participants had never been confused about their identity before they went to China. After spending time there, they also realized that they were so different from the Chinese in China. Moreover, some MY participants became prouder of their Malaysian Chinese identity, a sentiment not found among participants from other countries. Some examples of differences between themselves and Chinese in China mentioned by the participants are the Chinese New Year celebration (Chinese in China do not burn firecrackers),105 less strict attitude about feet (they are not much concerned about feet, unlike ethnic Chinese in Thailand. In this regard, this participant realized that Thai Chinese were influenced by Thai culture106 more than previously perceived), less emphasis on paying respect to teachers on daily basis (local Chinese students barely bow to their teachers), and a less coordinated approach to group project. Besides seeing more differences, MY participants became prouder of being Malaysian Chinese. Some of them were proud of their Chinese identity because it entailed Chinese proficiency and linked them with the wider Chinese communities beyond Malaysia, providing them with many academic and professional opportunities. In other words, they were proud of its utility, i.e., ties to Chinese in China and other Chinese communities. However, after interacting with Chinese in China throughout their study, they took pride in their uniqueness, i.e., “altered” Chineseness (Carsten, 2005: 231), which set them apart from Chinese in China. 105 It is prohibited to burn firecrackers in Beijing due to pollution regulation policy. The habit might vary by regions. 106 it is tabooed to point things with feet because feet are the most inferior parts of body. 90 In other words, they appreciated their Chinese identity in a more distant way from China, and studying in China made them value their national ethnic identity even more. (Tan, 2001) The participants identified the distinctiveness of being Malaysian Chinese in three aspects. First, Malaysian Chinese have a “Kampong spirit”, i.e., a greater willingness to help others. This participant came to this conclusion because he was disappointed with local classmates who were unwilling to help him. Second, Malaysian Chinese are more open to different cultures, as they live alongside people from other ethnicities, shuttling between cultures in daily life. The last point is related to the second aspect: Malaysian Chinese are multilingual and dedicated to preserving their heritage while coexisting with non-Chinese compatriots in harmony. One participant shared that she had this appreciation since before she went to China, and it grew stronger after representing Malaysia’s cultural diversity on several occasions in China. For example, she designed a performance at Peking University’s annual International Culture Festival (国际文化节), incorporating elements of Malay Dikir Barat, Chinese fan dance, and Indian dance. In addition, 3 MY participants opined that studying in China prevented them from becoming “Zhonghuajiao” (中华胶). The participants described Zhonghuajiao as Malaysian Chinese who were excessively “pro-China”. This phenomenon is not unique to older people. All participants commented that there were Zhonghuajiao among their generation, too. One participant mentioned that she had a friend whom she considered Zhonghuajiao. This person had never visited China before. Zhonghuajiao highly admire China’s development and growing impact on international society. At the same time, they are dissatisfied with Malaysian Chinese’s position as “second-class citizens”. Driven by their frustration, they hope the rising China can empower Malaysian Chinese. Thus, Malaysian Chinese should fully support China. 91 In this regard, one participant remarked that “some of them only learned about China through media and lived in their own imagination of China”. Another participant concluded that after realizing how different the Chinese in China and Malaysian Chinese were, he knew it was ridiculous for Zhonghuajiao to believe that the Chinese in China and themselves were “compatriots (同胞)” and expect help from them. In conclusion, although participants were mainly attracted to the rising China by its provision of scholarships, the prestige of institutions, and the usefulness of learning Chinese, their Chinese identity did not become more China-oriented. Hence, Law & Lee’s (2009: 245) finding that it is difficult to create Chinese transnationalism among students in China is still relevant today. In Ong (1999) and Yang (2017), business people of Chinese descent more eagerly aligned themselves closer to Chinese cultural identity to benefit from transnational Chinese business networks. Apparently, Chinese transnationalism appeals to people in business but not much to the participants. In this regard, only mobility between China and other countries is not enough to “resinicize” ethnic Chinese. It depends on the individual’s background. People in business circles might value the similarity between themselves and Chinese in China or elsewhere more than their national ethnic identity. Some participants, not only Malaysians, shared that Chinese identity did not mean much to them because they did not run a business. Furthermore, the impact of studying experience in China on Chinese identity varies by country. It has less impact on Chinese identity among Indonesian and Thai participants, followed by third-generation Singaporean participants. Pursuing undergraduate study in China, second-generation Singaporean participants became firmer in their Singaporean identity. Lastly, Malaysian Chinese appreciated their uniqueness more strongly. This finding supports 92 Hau’s (2012: 193) point that the economic rise of China and Mandarinization of Chineseness could not affect the “multi-sited” claims and belongings of ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia. One should note that while some types of reflection are relatively unique to specific countries, reflection on being ethnic Chinese is subject to individual experience. Some participants did not have any feelings about being ethnic Chinese after completing their undergraduate studies in China, and some of them did not even have any thoughts on their ethnic identity even before they went there. Some participants shared that they had friends who either hated or loved everything in China, while they themselves were more neutral. The participants mentioned some factors that might have affected each student’s thoughts on being ethnic Chinese after studying in China, such as their motivation to study in China. Some participants noticed that those who were self-motivated to go to China and guided by their interest in Chinese language and culture rather than just pragmatic concerns, e.g. finding a cheap place to study abroad, were likely to appreciate their Chinese identity more. Moreover, some participants observed that the level of interaction with local Chinese students also affected their experience. For example, students actively participating in Chinese student-organized activities and association/organization rather than only mingling with fellow countrymen might have deeper appreciation in their distinct Chinese identity i.e., Chinese as a result of acculturation in their countries. They are more likely to realize that while being related to Chinese in China through lineage, they possess qualities that distinguish themselves from the local Chinese around them. 93 CONCLUSION SAME SAME BUT DIFFERENT: THE HETEROGENEITY OF CHINESE IDENTITY Driven by China’s generous provision of scholarships, rapidly growing economy, as well as unique language and culture, more and more Southeast Asian students embark on their undergraduate study journey in China, especially before the COVID-19 pandemic. Many of them are ethnic Chinese students, especially Indonesian and Singaporean students.107 Although Chinese identity did not play a part in their decision to take this path, the fact that they are of Chinese descent adds more meaning to their undergraduate study in China: it is not just studying abroad but (re)visiting the place where their ancestors hail from. Same Same but Different: Demarcating Ethnic Chinese from Chinese in China Before starting their educational journey in China, Malaysian participants were particularly hopeful that their Chinese identity, which entailed Chinese proficiency and familiarity with Chinese culture, would help them blend in with local Chinese students effortlessly. Their expectation was also informed by their older generations’ depiction of Chinese in China as Tongbao (同胞 , compatriots). Malaysian participants’ sentiment was shared by second- generation Singaporean participants who considered themselves “so (China-)Chinese” when being in Singapore. However, the reality of being an ethnic Chinese international student in China was less rosy than expected. More than half of the participants from every country faced difficulty 107 From the author’s observation in Beijing and accounts from participants. 94 interacting with local students mainly due to the domestic students’ unenthusiastic attitude, competitive academic environment, the language barrier, and a different lifestyle. Consequently, the participants realized that they were more different from the Chinese in China than expected. In particular, second-generation Singaporean participants felt that they were “so Singaporean” and, thus, less confused about who they were. As for Indonesian and Thai participants, they mainly only gained more proficiency in Chinese and an understanding of China, which made some of them appreciate the utility of Chinese identity more. In this regard, studying in China did not draw the participants closer to China emotionally: they did not feel “more Chinese”, let alone being a part of China. Moreover, more Malaysian and Singaporean participants were bothered by some Chinese’s, both on and off campus, insensitivity to or misperception of their “ethnic Chinese” identity. According to them, local Chinese merely focused on “similarity”, i.e., Chinese lineage, but did not pay attention to the “difference” between Southeast Asians of Chinese descent and themselves. Therefore, some local Chinese assumed that ethnic Chinese students were Zhongguoren like themselves, i.e., conflating ethnicity and nationality, and supposed that the students were keen to or should return to China. This tendency of some local Chinese to subsume ethnic Chinese into “people of China” heightened some participants’ consciousness to demarcate themselves from Chinese in China. As a result, some of them use Huayi or Xinjiaporen instead of Huaren to describe their identity. Juxtaposing themselves with local Chinese, some Malaysian participants appreciate the strength of Malaysian Chinese identity more, such as their multilingualism and higher cultural sensitivity resulting from their experience living alongside people of different ethnicities. Hence, it can be concluded that they appreciated Chinese identity in a more distant way from 95 China, being proud of their status as an ethnic Chinese in Malaysia, not someone related to China through their bloodline. Same Same but Different: Recognizing Diverse Southeast Asian Chinese Identity Studying in China not only provided a space for participants to contrast themselves with local Chinese but also a venue to meet ethnic Chinese from other Southeast Asian countries and fellow compatriots who are not ethnic Chinese, listening to different stories. Thus, they developed some thoughts regarding interethnic relations, such as a more positive view of non- Chinese, i.e., they were actually not that racist towards the Chinese and how Malaysian Chinese should be more enthusiastic about learning Malay to promote a deeper interaction and better understanding between Chinese and Malays. From a Southeast Asian Chinese studies perspective, China as an increasingly popular study-abroad location is a microcosm of different Chinese communities across Southeast Asia. This study on ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian students substantiates Chun (1996)’s view that Chineseness is diverse, as it has evolved in different countries, and should not be seen as China- centric/oriented. Throughout this study, differences among ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian from different countries were identified in three aspects: ethnic identification, preference and strategies in displaying Chinese identity when they were in China, and views on Chinese identity after completing their undergraduate study in China. Key differences among ethnic Chinese participants are: First, Indonesian and Thai participants hold a more primordialist view of ethnic identification, i.e., attach more importance to Chinese lineage than Malaysian and Singaporean 96 participants, and they believe that ethnic Chinese possesses some inherent qualities, such as a hardworking and entrepreneurial mindset. Second, Malaysian participants were more comfortable displaying their Chinese identity in China than their counterparts. Nevertheless, they were still consciously marking a distance between themselves and the Chinese in China, sometimes by using the term Huayi. In contrast, Singaporean participants were the least willing to present their Chinese identity and preferred using Xinjiaporen instead of Huayi or Huaren in China. Third, Indonesian and Thai participants were less impacted by their studying experience in China. Their main takeaways were higher proficiency in Chinese and a better understanding of China. The impact of studying in China on their Chinese identity is more obvious among Malaysian and second-generation Singaporean participants: Malaysians appreciated their uniqueness more strongly, and second-generation Singaporeans became firmer in their Singaporean identity. Overall, studying in China experience impacted Malaysian participants the most, followed by Singaporeans, particularly second-generation. A possible explanation is that ethnic identity, as discussed in the introduction, is more relevant and important to ethnic Chinese in Malaysia and Singapore, especially the former. Therefore, they were more sensitive and developed more thoughts on Chinese identity after studying in China. This aligns with Pepinsky (n.d.:14) that “ethnic identity can never be order-free.”. In this study, Chinese identity varies in several aspects across countries because it is influenced by the “order”, i.e., the different combination of the level of integration and the state’s attitude towards the ethnic Chinese population. 97 Accounts from ethnic Chinese Southeast Asian former undergraduate students in China that they perceived more differences between themselves and the Chinese in China after studying there and also appreciated the uniqueness of being ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asian nations more indicate that the label “Chinese diaspora”, “Overseas Chinese”, and Huaqiao are no longer applicable to ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia nowadays. They are markedly different from the Chinese in China and do not identify themselves as a part of it. 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