Regmi Research Series, Year 2 M. C. Regmi Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu, Nepal January 1, 1970 This electronic text was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Regmi Reserch (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu January 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 1, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. Nepal, Newar And The Newari Language. ..... 1 2. Nepal And The 1857 Indian Mutiny. ..... 16 3. Jajarkot. ..... 17 4. Land Taxation In Garhwal. ..... 18 5. Fiscal Privileges Of Rajputs And Thakurs, 1863. ..... 19 6. Law On Occupations, 1952. ..... 20 7. Ancient Lalitpur ..... 22 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Nepal, Newar And The Newari Language By Baburam Acharya (" Nepal, Newar Ra Newari Bhasha." Navakunja(Nepali, Monthly), Year 5, No. 1, Jastha 2026 (June 1969). Page 3 Four centuries ago, a peot created the legend that Nepal owes its name to a sage called Ne. At another place, he gave the name of the sage as Nemi.1 Sylvain Levi has expressed the view that the term Nepal was derived from "Nepa" or Valley.2 But such a contruction is contrary to the rules of Sanskrit grammar. Dr. Thomas Young, supported by Sir George Grierson,3 holds that the terms Nepal and Newr have a common origin. On the contrary, according to Prof. Turner, either one of these terms is derived from the other. (Page 4). This, again, is contrary to the rules of philology. The view put forward by Young and Grierson appears to be correct. The original term from which both Nepal and Newr emerged might have been "Nyarba" which belongs to the Murmy or Tamang dialect.4 The fisrt reference to the term Nepal is found in the Arthashastra of Kautilya,5 a minister fo the Mauryan Emperor Chandra Gupta. (321-297 B.C.). Kautilya mentions blankets called "Bhingise", which used to be exported from Nepal to Pataliputra (modern Patna). The Magadhi languages spoken in Bihar at that time did not contain the sound "ra", which was always spoken as "la". In his inscriptions, Emperor Ashok describes himself as a "Laja" instead of "Raja". This shows that "Newar" was pronounced "Nepal" in Pataliputre. Kautilya clearly used this term to refer to a country. 1 Vide Pashupati Puran 2 Le Nepal, Vol. II, p. 66-67. 3 Linguistic Survey fo India, Vol. III, part I, P. 213. 4 Vanssittart, in "Gurkhas", writes, "A Nebra is the progeny born of intercourse between a Murmi and a Newar. The Nerba has the highest social standing among the Atharajat and ranks nearly equal to the Barathamang." (P. 142). 5 Arthaahastra, 2-11-30. Contd.......... 2. No such ancient reference is available to the term Newar. The term was first used by Europeans who visited Nepal in the 18th century. It seems that the term was originally "Nepar", which later corrupted to "Nebar [.......] then to "Newar". The term "Nyarba" has, however, retained the sound "ba" even now. (page 5). It appears to have borrowed the Tibetan suffix "Pa".6 Kathmandu valley appears to have been the original homes of the Nepars. Anand Bhikshu, a disciple of the Buddha, had visited this place7 as a refugee when Kapilavastu was devastated during the last days of the Buddha. (563- 483 B.C). The Jain saint Bhadrabahu too had come here when a famine occurred during the reign of Chandra Gupta Maurya.8 After the death of Ashok, Buddhist Chaityas and Bahals were constructed in Kathmandu Valley. Lichchhavi Kings constructed temples here. Kathmandu Valley, moreover, was the capital of the Lichchhavi, Baish and Malla Kings. It is for this reason that Kathmandu Valley is sometimes called Nepal, although the term Nepal is more widely used to denote all territories ruled from Kathmandu. The geographical area denoted by the term Nepal during the time of the Newars is not clear. Until the time of the Buddh, Vrijji and Malla republics existed in the areas south of Nepal. It may therefore be maintained that the (Page 6) Nepars too comprised a republic at the time. King Ajata-shatru (491-459) of the Sisunag dynasty annexed these two republics to his empire. It was then natural tant monarchy should have emerged among the Nepars as well. Grierson has given much praise to a Vamshavali compiled around the end of the 14th century.9 This work, called Gopal Vamshavali is in the Government Library. It contains a list of 32 Kirat Kings who ruled before the Lichchhavi Kingdom was founded. These Kings appear to be Nepars. In the Sanskrit language, the inhabitants of regions situated to the south- east of India are called Kirats. The Nepars of Nepal too lived in these south-eastern regions.10 6 In the Tibetan language, the suffix "Pa" is used to denore resisdence. An inhabitant of Syar is Syarpa, and of Dhuk, Dhukpa. 7 Le Nepal, Vol. III, P. 188. 8 Le Nepal, Vol. II, p. 65. 9 Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, Part I, P. 214. 10 There exists considerable difference in the meanings of the Sanskrit term Kirat and the term as it is used in our language. In the 15th century, the Sen Kings of Makwanpur described areas occupied by Magars as "Magarat." In the 16th century, the Sen Kigns conquered the hill regions east of the Dudhkoshi river as well as the Tarai regions of Saptari and Morang. The hill regions east of the Dudhkoshi were inhabited by Kirats, who were contemptuously called "Kiruwa" by the Bajis of the Tarai. The Sen Kings, on the analogy of "Magarat", gave the name of Kirat to regions inhabited by "Kiruwa". The term Kirat thus denoted a region and not an ethic community. In other words, Kirats inhabiting the Kirat regions alone are not Kirats. This has given rise to the confusion that the ancient Kirat Kings of Nepal actually belonged to the Kirat ethic community. (See Wright: History of Nepal, P. 10 Contd........... 3. It is strange that the Mahabharat, which started being compiled after the 2nd century A.D., contains on reference to Nepal.11 This work dates back to the last year of the rule of the Kirat Kings of Nepal. The Mahabharat, although it does not contain any direct reference to Nepal, mentions at one place that Bhimsen visited Videha and vanquished seven Kirat Chieftains in the area near the Aindra mountain.12 It is not clear whether this story is correct, but we can use it to understand the contemporary situation. Videha at that time comprised the present Darbhanga, Mahottari and Saptari. Sindhuli-Gadhi is the only mountain near this area. It lies on the main route from central Nepal to Videha. Petty Kirat Principalities appear to have existed in this area at that time. The Kingdom of Nepal and that of the Tharus in the Tarai must have been two of them. The othr five may have been those of Thamis, Khambus, etc in the hill regions. Thus this stiry proves that there existed petty Kirat principalities east and west of Nepal at that time. During the 1st century A.D., the Lichchhevis displaced the Nepars and founded the first Arya kingdom. By the 4th century A.D., these petty principalities appear to have beeb incorporated into the Kingdom of Nepal No clear reference to the boundaries of Nepal during the Lichchhevi period is available. According to the Prayag inscription (circa 350 A.D.) of the Gupta Emperor Semundra Gupta, Nepal denoted the region situated between Kamrup(Assam) and Kirtipur (Kumaun).13 The Tista river forms a natural boundary between Kumrup and Nepal, although this is a matter of speculation. The Changu inscription of the Lichchhevi King Kanndev of Nepal (464-491 A.D.) describes how he crossed the Gandaki river and conquered Mallapuri.14 the Mall Kingdom of Parbat on the banks of the Kali river had not been founded at that time. It thus appears that this Mallapuri was situated in the Karnalli basin. Yaug Chwang, the famous Chinese traveler, who visited Nepal during the first half of the 7th century, states that Nepal covered an area of 4,000 li15 or 1,333 square miles. This shows that Nepal at that time extended at least from the Tista river to Sakhika-Lekh, that is, from Ilam to Pyuthan. King Jayapid of Kashmir invaded Nepal at the beginning of the 9th century.16 He was resisted by King Varmadev of Nepal on the banks of a river beyond the Gandaki. This big river may be the Bheri of the Karnali. But Nepal's decline had at in after the end There is reference in the Karnadigvijaya Parva, but this is clearly a later addition. Sabhaparva, 31-15. Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 8. Le Nepal, Vol. III, P. 14. Bill, Budhist Records of The Western world, Vol. II, P. 80. Rajatarangini, chapter 4, 530-545. Contd........... 4. of the Lichchhevi regime and the founding of the Baish regime in 880. during the 5 centuries of this regime, Tibet gradually encroached on its northern frontiers and it appears that Nepal had already lost the hill regions east of the Sunghlila. The Malla kingdom in the west had already become independent. The Karnat Kings of Simraungrh had founded a new kingdom in the eastern Tarai south of Nepal. The thus comprised only the hill regions from the Singhlila to the sakhika-lekh. For one century before its collapse, the Baish regime suffered from internal conflict and external aggression. In 1380 A.D., the last Baish King, Arjun Dev or Arjun Mall, was doposed by his ministers and replaced by a Rajput Called Sthiti Mall. During a period of 200 years, the kingdom of Nepal split into nearly 30 fragments, including Kathmandu, Gorkha, Lamjung, Tanahu and Makwanpur. Even then, the Kings of Kathmandu, Lalitpur Bhaktapur and Dolakha, which wre situated north of the Mahabharat mountain between the Trishuli and Tamakosi rivers, used to describes their territories as Nepal. This is the reason why the Nepal Mahatmya describes this region as Nepal. Later the kings of Dolakha began to call themselves Dolakhadhipati (lord of Dolakha) and not Nepaldhipati (lord of Nepal).17 The eastern boundary of Nepal thus contracted to the Sunkoshi river. Only the Mall Kings of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur called themselves Kings of Nepal until the end. The Kings of Gorkha, Makwanpur and other principalities regarded their territories as situated outside of Nepal. In 1769 A.D. King Prithvi Narayan Shah of Gorkha founded the present Kingdom of Nepal. Since then, the territories comprising Nepal continued to expand. By 1792 A.D., the entire territory from the Tista river in the east to the Alaknanda river in the west began to be called Nepal. By 1805 A.D., the boundaries of Nepal had reached the Sutlej river in the West. In English maps published in 1811, Sikkim, Kumaun, Garhwal and Simla too have been placed inside Nepal. In 1816, the baoudaries of Nepal again contracted to the Mechi river and the Singhlila range in the east and the Mahakali river in the west. Nepal now denotes the territory situated within these boundaries. The inhabitants of this territory are called Nepalis and the Khaskura or Parbatiya) language, which is the national language, is called Nepali. Nepal owes its name to the Nepar community. But with the passage of time, all connection between the two has been severed. The Nepali language ahd no connection with the language spoken by the Nepars. The term Newr might have been derived from Nepar, but the modern Newars have only linguistic affinities with the Nepars. In other words, the Newari language has evolved from the language spoken by the Nepars. But there is no evidence See coin of Jayandra Singh Dev in Nepal Museum. Contd....... 5. that the modern Newars are the descendants of the Nepars. The general belief that they may be due to the fact that all those speak the Newar language are regarded as Newars, and that no other definition is available. This leads uas to a discussion of the Newari language. Philologists have expressed the view that the Newari language, like the Yakthumbe, Khambu, Sunuwar, Thami, Murmi and other dialects spoken in the hill regions of Nepal, belongs to the Tibet-Burman family.18 There dialects have no relationship whatsoever with Sanskrit, Hindi, Nepali and other Aryan language of India. Of course many words of the Indian Aryan and Tibetan language have infiltrated into the Newari language in the same manner as Arabic, Persian and English words have infiltrated into the Nepali language. But Newari verbs and numerals have no relationship with the Aryan languages. The rules of grammer and syntax too are different. According to Grierson, these are off shoots of the Tebetan language. But the fact is that there is as much difference between the Tibetan and Newari languages as with the Yakthumba and other dialects. These non-Aryan dialects of the Himalayan regions may be divided into two categories, pronominal and non-pronominal, according to whether or not pronouns are put together with nouns and verbs. Thus in the Yakthumba dialecdt of the Tamor- Khola area, the sentence " a man had two sons" is written as follows:- Lochochha Yami Thik-le Nechchhi Ku- sa Biya-Chhi. In this sentence:- Lochchha means some Yami " Man Thik-le " In one. Nechchhi " Two Ku-sa " His sons Biya-chhi " They were Thus the pronouns "Ku" and Chhi" are joined with a noun and verb respectively. 18 Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, Part II. Contd..... 6. In the Khmbu dialect, the same sentence is read as follows:- Tik-Pu Min-Po Sak-Pu Yu-Chu Mo. In this sentence: Nik-Pu Means One Min-Po " Man's. Sak-Pu " two Yu-Chu " his sons Mo " were. Here the pronoun "Yu" is joined only with the noun. In Newari language, this sentence is read as follows:- Chhahma Manuya Nihma Kaya Du. Here pronouns are not joined to nouns or verbs. But the word "Hma" has been added to the numeral (Chha) to denote an animate object. The verb "du" is used also in the present tense. The dialect spoken by Magers, who follow the Hindu religion, by Gurungs, Murmis and Syarpas, who follow Buddhism, and Newars, who follow both religions,are all non- pronominal. The dialects of Yakthumbas, Khambus Dhimals, Thamis, Hayus, Chapangs and other communities who follow neither religion are pronominal. The Sunuwars started adopting the Hindu religion aftr 1829 A.D. At that time, (Brian) Hodgsson found their dialect to be pronominal. But 50 years later, Grierson found that it was non-pronominal.1 This change during such a short period appears to have been the result of intercourse with Brahmans who were religions teachers and spoke the non-pronominal Nepali language. The Tibetan language too is non-pronominal. It is speculated that the Gurung, Murmi and Syarpa dialects have become non-pronominal as result of intercourse with Tibetan teachers. The Munda dialects of the Santhals and other communities inhabiting the hill regions of Bihar are pronominal. Philologists have included these languages in the Tibetan-Burman family. The Sataars inhabiting the eastern Tarai also speak a dialect similar to that spoken by the Santhals. Hence it may be appropriate to designate all the pronominal; dialects currently in use in Nepal as Tibet- 19 Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, part I, P. 199. Contd...... 7. Burman. As stated above, the community speaking Tibeto-Burman dialects is called Kirats in the Sanskrit language.20 the dialects spoken by Magars and other communities were also included in the Kirat group, since they are pronominal. The opinion has therefore been expressed that the Nepar dialects too belonged to the Kirat group. While no specimens of the Npari dialect are available, there can be no doubt that the non-Sanskrit words found in the stone inscriptions in the Sanskrit language left by Lichchhavi Kings in Nepal (Kathmandu) Valley are Nepari. They are all proper nouns. Hrere are some examples of such non-Sanskrit words. The unpublished stone inscription left by Ratan Sangha at Deopatan coantain these words. Dulang Khepung Hyaspring Dungprang Khenam. All these are means of villages. The word "Khripung", which is the name of a village, appears in the stone inscription of Shiva Deva found at Tulachhe Tole in Bhaktpur. This inscription has already been published. The stone inscription located at Taujhya Tole in Lalitpur, which dates back to the period of Jishnu Gupta, contains the names of these villages: Thagwoo, Gangul, Asinko, Khadpring and Kankulang. This inscription too has been published. The words "Katung" and "Phirang", which too are names of villages, are mentioned in the stone inscription (still unpublished) if Shiva Deva at Satungal. This stone inscription also contain the non-Snskrit words "Kattarak" and "Kudhuthre" which refer to taxes. The words "Bhatta", "Map-Choka" and "Pitalja", which too refer to taxes, occur in the stone inscription of Lalitpur dating to the period of Narendra Dev. The proper nouns appearing in the above-mentioned stone inscriptions, which were installed nearly 500 years after the destruction of the kingdom of the Nepar community, are harse-sounding. They might have been move so at the time when the Nepar Kingdom was in existence. Even now, words in the pronominal dialects sound very harsh. As a matter of fact, it is characteristic of every pronominal word to sound harsh. The more the Northey and Morris: The Gurkhas, P. 66. Contd..... 8. dialect ceases to be pronominal, the less harsh-sounding it becomes. Thanks to the impact of the Aryan languages of India, Newari as they are spoken now-a-days is more sweet-dounding than even the Nepali language. This proves that the Newari language was once pronominal, though it is now non-pronominal, and that it was spoken by the Kirat community. Physiognomy is the primary criterion for identifying the race to which any particular community belongs. The Aryans have generally a white a wheastist complexion, are tall, and heavily bearded, have a long and sharp nose, a wide forehead and big eyes. But the Aryans who came from the east gradually lost such physiognomic features as they began coning under the influence of the local climate and environs and started establishing matrimonial relations with non-Aryans. The complexion of the non-Aryan of the south eastern regions vary according to the countries inhabited by them. The complexion of the non-Aryan Kirats inhabiting the Himalayan regions is of a Mongolian type. That is so say, they have a flat nose, with prominent cheek-bones their face is flat, and their eyes are small. They do not have much hair on their face. In the cae of Kirats inhabiting Nepal, however, these features are fully found among some of them and partially aming some others. The second criterion is language or dialect. Those who speak the languages of the Aryan group are identified are Aryans, while those who speak the Kirat dialect belong to the Kirat community. There are, however, instances in ehich communities belonging to one race have forgotten their own languages and adopted those spoken by other races. One example is the Tharu community of the Tarai region. The Tharus have a Mongolian complexion but they speak the Aryan language of India, while the India Aryans are divided into different castes as Brahman and Kshatriya, the Tharus are not so divided. As such, the Tharus are regarded as Kirat community, even though they speak Aryan dialects. Communities aming the Kirats are distinguished by the dialects spoken by them. Byt there is no restriction whatsoever in commenaal or merital relations among members of any community speaking a particular dialect. All membersof the Magar community are equal. The Gurungs are said to be divided into Charjat and Sorhajat. But this division is not of any significance. The murmis are divided into 12 different sub-communities and 18 different castes, but this division is of recent origin. The same is true of the Sunuwrs, who are said to be divided into 10 sub-communities and 12 different castes. The other Kirat communities such as the Themi, the Haua, the Chepang, the Baramu and the Dhimal, have the same equality a the Magars. The Yakthumbas and the Khambus speak different dialects. [.....] belonging to two different communities, they share the same kitchen and establish matrimonial relations among themselves. Contd....... 9. but the Newars, though their mather-tongue is Kirat, practice casteism and untouchability like the Aryan of India. Their physiognomy conatains Aryan features. Hence it is definite that the Newars do not belong to the Kirat community. In order to show how this Aryan community moved into the heartland of Nepal, ceased speaking its pen language, adopted the Newari language, and thus came to be known as Newars, it is necessary to go back into a certain period in te history of Nepal. During the second century A.D., missionaries sent by Ashok visited the heartland of Nepal and started converting Nepars to Buddhis. As it was difficult for old persons from the warm regions of Bihars and Uttar Pradesh to stand the cold climate of Nepal, young Budhist monks and nuns were sent to Nepal. These monls and nuns propagated Buddhism and gradually mixed themselves with the Nepars, thus infusing Aryan blood among them. Tis process continued for along time. The Newars then came to be known as Newars, who ere cultured and civilized. They made considerable progress in the fields of agriculture, sculpture, etc. But having lost their fighting spirit as result of their conversion to Buddhism, the Newars were ultimately conquered by the Lichchivis from Bihar. The Lichchhavis, who had entered into Nepal during the middle of the first century, custed the Newars from seats of power, and drove them off from one Newar settlement after another. The Lichchhavis ruled Nepal Valley for 800 years. The Newars fled and lived among the neighboring Murmis. The Newars, who thus mixed themselves with the Murmis, came to be known a "Nyarwa". Those Newrs who continued to stay in Nepal valley were known as Paharis. But they had to live a miserable life. The number of such Newars still surviving is very small. It is likely that there will be no Pahari Newar in the next 2000 years. They follow Buddhism. But being poor, they cannot invite Gubhaju priests to perform their religion rites. They speak the Newari language. Grierson is wrong in staying that the dialect spoken by them is distinct from the Newari language. He would not have committed such a mistake at all had he got a specimen of the Newari dialect as spoken in Dolakha. The Lichchhacis were described by the Brahmans of Uttar Pradesh as degraded Kshatriyas.21 The Lichchhavis, on the other hand, regarded themselves a sacred as the water of the Gangas.22 As they wre adherents of Hinduism, they brought with them people belonging to such diverse castes as Brahmans, Baniyas, farmers, sculptors, Dums and Dusads. Groups of people continued to migrate into Nepal Valley from Bihar and Utter Pradesh during subsequent periods of time. As they migrated in small groups, instead of in large ones, they forgot their own dialects and adopted the Newari language. Manusmriti, Chapter 10 Stanza 22. Stone inscription of Jaya Dev II, located at Pashupati. Indian antiquary, Vol. IX. Contd...... 10. In the beginning of the ninth century, there was flood of Buddhist migration from Bihar, in the wake of which the entire Lichchhavis because Buddhists and formed themselves into a distinct community. The potters, washermen, and artisans and others belonging to the Tharu community who had migrated to Nepal from Bihar were also assimilated into the Lichchhavi community. Dums and Dusads began to be called Podes and Chyames respectively. At the end of the ninth century, Bainsas from Uttar Pradesh entered Kathmandu Valley, defeated the Lichchavis and established a Kingdom of their own. The new Bains rulers removed Lichchhavis from all political posts and made peasants (Jyapus).23 Having thus been rendered weak the Lichchhavis later began to be contemptuously called as Lichhis (the distorted form of "Lichchhavi"), which means "coward". Lichchhavis were also called Baji (Briji). The Bainsas therefore contemptuously refer to them a Bajiya, meaning a wretched fellow. The Bainsas described themselves as Kshtriyas and claimed theer origin to the Sun- God. Till the last, the Bains Kings steadfastly adhered to the Hindu religion because they were under the influence of the Karnats of the Karnat state established by Nanya Dev in Simraungadh at the end of the 11th century. According to legend, the Newars had orogonally come to Nepal from Simraungadh along with Nanya dev. But this is not true. During the 200 years of the Karnat Kingdom, Nepal was being ruled by Bains Kings. Sometimes there was conflict and sometimes conciliation between the Bains and Karnat Kingdoms, who had common borders. At the time they were on good terms, they exchanged customs and usages, and, moreever, leading officers of the Karnat state permanently migrated into Nepal. Among these officials were Mahjus and Kasjus. Mahajus were ministers who belonged to the royal Karnat family, and the Kasajus who came from the Kayastha community were chief accouting officers. During the 500 years of Bains rule, Buddhism was being propagated in Tibet in fll swing. The Tebetan Lamas entered into Nepal and started converting Gurungs, Sherpas and Murmis to Buddhism. By the end of the twelfth century, Buddhit monks from Bihar where Buddhism was surviving till then also arrived in Nepal and converted a section of the Mongolian community known as Baramu. The Bains kings gave shelter to Buddhists from both Bihar and Tibet. A number of Buddhist Viharas (Bahals) were establish 23 Lichchhavi stone inscriptions are located at Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Handigaun are concentrated in settlements inhabited by Jyapus. Contd....... 11. in Lalitpur and Kathmandu. All but 3 or 4 Bahals that we now see in these two cities were built by Bains Kings. The Bahals then represented the culture of Nepal. The Buddhist monks or Bandas who lived in Bahals were philosophers and physicians. The Bahals served as schools, since lectures on Buddhism were delivered there; and also as health centers, as the Buddhists or Bandas treated people there. Pictures of gods were pointed and their images engraved. Hence every Bahal served as an workshop of art as well. Monks and nuns who desired to lead a wordly life came out of Bahals and became Upasak or Udas. They engaged themselves in trade and handicrafts. However, even inside Bahals, vice used to be rampant. Monks and nuns living together in Bahals indulged in immoral practices, which however, were not treated as a crime. The inhabitants of Bahals refused to bear any arms to fight against their enemies. Instead, they relied on Tantras and prayers. This proved to be the cause of their ultimate ruin. In 1349, Pathn invaders from Bengal razed all Bahals to the ground. The Bains Kings to did not maintain armed troops. This is the reason why these foreign invaders also destroyed the palaces of Bains Kings as well as temples built by them, before returning from Nepal. The (Bains) Kings thereafter started repairing temples. Buddhists among whom there were still several artisans, repaired all the Pagoda and Bahals within 20 or 25 years. But by them the faith of people in Tantras and other ritual had declined, so that the decline of Bahals started. Sthiti Malla, the founder of the later Malla dynasty married the daughter of a Bains Feudal lord, and lived in his father-in-law's house for long time. Later, he became King of Nepal. He regarded himself as a Kshatriya, and claimed to be the cesendant of the Sun-God. The Brahmans accompanying him were probably Sarbariyas. Sthiti Malla retained the Bains ministers or countiers because they had assisted him to ascend the throne. His successor, Jyotirmalla, divided his subjects into different castes and allotted occupations to then accordingly. In the course of such division, he proclaimed the community to which he belonged as Kshatriyas and the priests and teachers accompanying him a Brahmans. By this time, the entire Bainsas had adopted the Newari dialect and made themselves known as "Newas". Nonetheless, they added the word "Singh" (meaning Lion) after their name as a sign that they still regarded themselves as Kshatriyas. Jyotirmalla, however, did not include them in the Kshatriya community. He put them in the category of Vaishya. The Bainsas reluctantly accepted this class division a applied to them. One of the group of priests frim aming the Bainsas was called Acharya (Achaju) and the others as Joshi. Jyotirmall included these Bainsas not in the Brahman but in the Vaishya. Contd..... 12. Jyotirmalla and his successors started the practice of inviting the sons and daughters of Rajputs from Utter Pradesh and Bihar and establishing matrimonial ties with them. Only the off-springs of the married wives of Jyotirmalla began to be called "Malla", while those of his concubines were called "Singh". Even sons-in-law who lived with their fathers-in-law were given the surname of Singh. Gradually, the sons and daughters of Rajputs became courtiers (Bhardars). Anew class of these courtiers came into being as result of the the fact that they established matrimonial relations exclusively with members of their community and did not have commercial relation with other communities. Consequently, they enjoyed a status lighter than that of the Bainsas. Those Bainsas who failed to get the privilege of becoming courtiers took to commerce, such bainsas began to be known as Shrestha. The Achajus and Joshis who performed the functions of priests at the royal palace, were included in the upper class. The other Achajus and Joshis joined the lower caste. This caste division continued well until the end of the Mall rule. The Bainsas belonging to the Bhardar class of the four Kingdoms of Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bhaktalpur and Dolakha had more than10 surnames. But [..] Bharders of Gorkha had 6 different surnames, including Pande and Pantha. They therefore called themselves as Chhathari, while contemptuously calling Bainsas of the lower castes as Panchthar. This practice continues even today. Maithiili Brahmans and Baniyas(also known as Thokade) also arrived in Nepal diring the rule of the later Malla Kings. They too had adopted the Newari language. However, they refused to call themselves Newars. After the destruction of Viharas by Pathans, people had got descended with the monks or Bandas Jwelling there. Householders caused going to Vihar to become monks or nuns. When few Buddhist monks and nuns or Bandas, and the illegitimate children born of nuns who indulged in immoral practices were left in Viharas, King Jyotirmalla made them live a family life, since then the practice of initiating sons and daughters instead of disciples monks or nuns started. Just at this time, a new class of Gurubhaju or Gubhaju originated from among the Bandas,who were Buddhists. This class of people worded a priests for Bandas, Udasas and Jyapus. Bandas continued to be Pujaris (priests). Along with Bainsas and Jyapus, Bhotiyas, Gurungs, Sherpas and Murmis too used to come those Buddhist Viharas in order to be initiated as monks or nuns. Hence one finds Mongolian features among the descendants of Gubhajus. Bandas and Udasas simply on this ground, certain foreign schlolars have made the assertion that the entire Newar community is off Mongolian orogin. This is a false view. Contd.......... 13. Even though Gubhajus and Bandas had opted for family life, the Bahals in which they lived continued to be public property. The rent that was charged from strangers who stayed in Bahals was also known as "Bahal". However, during the past 100 years, Gubhajus and Bandas appropriated Bahals for themselves and started using them as private property. Only Pagodas (Chaityas) remain a public property. Even then, Bahals continue a religion centers. It is compulsory fro Gubhajus or Bandas to perform the sacred-thread investiture ceremony of every member of their families in Bahals. Religious lectures are no longer delivered, nor is any medical of artistic work carried on there. But they have deep faith in their religion. Wealthy traders offer donations for religion purposes more liberally than Hindus. The condition of Lichchhavi or Jyapus who once claimed that they had extended they fame as far as the ocean24 deteriorated during the Mall period. Jyotirmalla included them in the Shudra caste. He placed gardeners, such low-grade artisans as pointer, boatmen, black- smiths, in a class inferior to that of Jyapus. This caste system is prevalent even today. With the end of the Malla rule. Prithvi Narayan Shah and his successors followed the policy of nor recruiting Newars in the army. Consequently, many Chhathari Bainsas became unemployed. However, they did not suffer any losses because they were taken into the civil service. Morever, many of them took to commerce in Kathmandu, the capital of the country. Shresthas and Bainsas, who were engaged in trade in Kathmandu, got a n unprecedented opportunity to amass wealth. But after 1740 A.D.. Indian Marwaris and Baniyas too were granted permission to start commercial activities on a permanent basis in Kathmandu. They eventually gained control of trade in goods imported from India. The Bandas and Udasas were able to trade only with Tibet. They lost control of this trade too when the movement of goods between Lhasa and Kathmanddu stopped as a result of the opening of the Chumbi route after 1883 A.D. This is why Shresthas and Udasas have never been able to stand as competitors of Marwaris and Baniyas, but have become their agents in a way. Even then, Shresthas and Udasas are more prosperous than the Chhathari Bainsas. The Jyapus engaged in farming are living poverty because they had been highly exploited. The fact that the administration during the Shah rule as well as during the Rana regie was military-oriented. On the other hand, was responsible for their condition. They got substantial work in the wake of construction of new houses in Kathmandu according to British models. The construction if such houses was started after the arrival of the first British Resident in Kathmandu in 1816. the then rulers admired British sculpture and paintings, while despising those of Nepali artists. As a result, art could not make any progress in Nepal. 24 Quatation from the stone inscription of Narandra Deva dating back to 645 A.D., which is located at Lalitapur. Contd ......... 14. the dialects spoken by the Mongolian communities do not have a capacity to spead. Magars, Gurungs and other communities migrating from their native areas to any other region forget their dialects after one or two generation. The most recent example is that of the Gurungs of Rumjatar. Not more than 200 years have passed since they migrated to Rumjatar from Lamjung and kaski. But within such a short period they forgotten their original dialect. This is true of the Newars too. Nepal Valley, Banepa, Satgaun and Dolakha are the original homes of the Newars. The main languagr spoken in these areas is Newari. The Mall Kings had propagated the Newari language and renamed it as "Nepal Bhasha". with a view to making it the national language. However,the Parbatiya dialect spread to Kathmsndu, and King Pratap Mall used it in the stone inscription of 1612 A.D. at Ranipokhari. During the 17th century, some Newars in Nepal Valley migrated to Gorkha. They have noe totally forgotten the Newari language and adopted the Parbatiya dialect as their mother tongue. Those Newars who had been driven off from their original homes between 1712 and 1848 migrated to Pokhara, Dhankuta and some other majors towns. Tey too have already forgotten the Newari language or are sthe in the process of doing so. This has been the case also with those Newars who had subsequently migrated elsewhere voluntarily notwithstanding this, the kings of Bhaktapur had dramas written in the Newari language,a nd thus preserved the ancient art of dancing and music. The oldesr form of the parbatiya dialect can be found in these dramas. As such, we can bring about renaissance in the field of art and culture in Nepal in case we can revive the old Newari language. By creation a new (Newari) literature by profusely using new words in the Aryan language we shall only be rendering a blow to the Newari language. Nepali scholars would therefore do well to compile all available old words from the Newari language, and its rules of grammer and mold the Newari language accordingly. In case we can do so, we may be able to preserve our national treasure. Of the 7 million Nepalis who have the mixed blood of Aryans and the Mongols, 300,000 are Newars. Among than,200,000 Newars live in their original homes. One common characteristic among these Newars is civic consciousness, and consequently they have developed a strong consciousness of unity. Newars always prefer to live together, not separately. This is evident from the fact that whether ion urban or in rural areas, their homes are joined together. However, onr had thing common to the Newars in that do not show any interest in traveling beyond their areas. Very few Newar who go to the Tarai or the hill regions for taking up trade or government service move outside their office or markets. They do not show and interest in undertaking trips to remote villages in order to know the condition of people belonging to other communities. This defect in their behavior is now gradually changing. Contd..... 15. the Chhathari Bainsas, who occupy a prominent status among the Newars, suffer from superiority complex. They practice discrimination commensal and matrimonial relations with others. They hold strong caste prejustice. Chhathari Bainsas engaged in government service have a tendency to behave dishonestly whenever they feel any pressure from the government or the their superior officers. They also indulge in usury and even in gambling, and have a penchant for high living. Yet they are not so wealthy as Panchthari Shresthas most of whom are engaged in trade. Panchthari Sthresthas are honest in their dealings. In order to gain the trust of their customer, they behave with them very honestly. Buddhist Newars are even more honest. Among the Udasas who are artisans, there are very few dishonest persons. But one shortcoming from which the suffer is that they do not finish work in time, but deliberately delay it. The Jyapus who do ot engaged in farming are also honest, simple, industrious and patient. Jyapu women are honest and chaste. No Jyapu woman except those who have lost their chastity while working as maid servants in the houses of others has been found to have indulged in adultery. They ae as hard-wirking as their husbands. ******************* Contd...... 16. Nepal And The 1857 Indian Mutiny Proclamations of The Government of Nepal* 1. Any Nawab, Raja, Babu, officer, soldier or ryot fignting against the British Government ot indulging in assault and plunder shall be immediately arrested and handed over to the British Government, if he stes foot on Nepali territory. In case he offers resistance while being arrested, he shall be killed. A treaty has been signed between the British Government and the Nepal Government providing for the extradition of murderers on a reciprocal basis. These will be no departure from the provisions of the treaty signed between two governmerts. Only a person whose death is near will indulge in hostility against the British Government and set foot on Nepali territory. Dated Ashadh Sudi, 1915 (July 1858) 2. Any person who conducts correspondence or maintains friendly relations with Nawabs, Rajas, Babus, soldiers, ryots and other rebels who hostile to the British shall be heavily fined. In case any person who joins the rebels in fighting against the British Government and indulging in assault and plunder, his property shall be auctioned and he shall be imprisoned. Any person who enters into the territory of the British Government and [.......] murder shall be hanged. There will not be slightest deviation from this order. Let all persons, from Subbas to ryots, understand [......] trade, agriculture and other pursuits. Dated Ashadh Sudi 1, 1915 (July 1858). * Regmi Research collections, Vol. 29, 247-249 Pp. Contd........... 17. Jajarkot Jajarkot was the first principality to become a vassal of Kathmsndu. On Magh 25, 1825, Prithvi Narayan Shah wrote to king Gajendra Shah of Jajarkot:1 Throughout your kingdom, your ancestral authority as well as your right to award capital punishmentm or shaving, deprive or restore caste, impose the Chumawan, Godhuwa and Dharmsdhikari levies, grant or confiscate Birta lands and appropriate the prpceeds of Panchakhat and other judi- cial fines, escheats, fines in adulterers (Chak-Chakui), fees for stamping weights and measures, are confirmed to you. When- ever, there is a auccession to our throne, you shall pay a Salmi of Rs 701. Whenever there is succession to your throne, collect customary dues from your subjects. On Magh Badi 14, 1890, the paymet due from Raja of Jajarkot was reduced by Rs 3,000 yearly when he plead: (1) the size fo his family had increased, (2) lands had been damaged by floods and landslides (3) the peasantry had been greatly impoverished and were unable to pay anythings ************************* 1 Naraharinath yogi, Itihas Prakash Ma Sandhi-Patra Sangraha. (A Collection of Treaties In Light on History). P. 4. Contd.......... 18. Land Taxation in Garhwal The Kingdom of Garhwal, which had been reduced to feudatory status in 1849, was finally annexed in Ashadh, 1861. In 1866 , Large-scale emigration of ryots was reported from the Tarai areas or Garhwal. The government realized that emigration had resulted from the oppression perpetrated by its administrativeofficials. (40/13). It therefore reminded them that Garhwal was a newly-annexed territory and therefore no injustice should be practiced there (40/12). With the objects of checking overtaxation, new land tax assessment schedules were introduced in Baisakh, 1866. (40/4). According to these schedules, agriculture lands in the Tarai areas between the Ganga and Jamuna rivers were divided into 3 catagories, Junar, Tapad and Wakhal. Junar meant lands already under cultivation. Tax assessment on such lands were fixed at 50% of each crop. On Tapad lands, which meant newly-reclaimed lands of sulperior quality, the rate amounted to 33 1/3% of each crop during the first year and 50% therafter. On Wakhal lands which meant newly-reclaimed lands of inferior quality, the rate amounted to 25% during the first year, 33 1/3 % during the second year, and 50% during the third and subsequent years. On unirrigated lands, as well as on lands growing cotton, the tax assessment was made in each at the rates of 12 annas and 6 annas for first and third grades. Such lands, if they belonged to Tapad grade, were not treated as a separate ctagory for purpises of Tax assessment. (40/4). Simultaneously,efferts were made to bring new lands under cultivation. Contracts were issued for this purpose, under which certain individuals [..] granted authority top attract settlers from India and made land allotments on seven-year leases. The contractors were required to collect stipulated amount on each Mauja so reclaimed, which was gradually increased every years during the 7 year lease period. (40/10). Officials wrer appointed fro the purpose of directing and supervising such reclamation and resettlement (40/18). Contd............ 19. Fiscal Privileges of Rajputs And Thakurs, 18631 From King Surendra Bikram Shah, To all the Rajputs and Thakurs residing in our country. Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, acknowledging the help rendered in 1911 in the war with Tibet and In 1914 in the battle of Lucknow, has uplifted the status if Khas and made them equal to Chhetris. He has permitted Magars and the Gurungs to be promoted up to the rank of Conlonel, and now they [......] enlisted in the regular army. Other classes of subjects(Prajas) too have [.....] enlisted as soldiers, and companies have been formed of them. He has promulgated a law which prohibites the enslavement of Newars who were traditionally enslaved. Limbus nd Kirats have also been recruited in the area army and a company has been formed of them. Their enslavement has been prohibited Thakuris, Rajputs and other castes have been exempted from payments which they had been making until 1919 of Serma 1 levies in lieu of compulsory labor (Jhara, Khara, Beth, Begari, Hulak), Walak2 and levies payable to Zamindars and local administrators (Amali) from the year 1920 up to 4 annas, 8 annas, 12 annas and 1 rupee respectively. You are directed to present yourself whenever required by us and to carry out the tasks assigned to youDated Kartik Badi 6, 1920 (November) ***************************** 1 Sandhipatra Sangraha, P. 611. 2 i.e. a tax on homesteads Contd........... 20. Law On Occupations, 19521 Section 1 No particular occupation has been assigned to any particular caste. All the four classes and thirty-six castes are free to earn their livelihood by adopting any trade or occupation except such as is prohibited by the Government, unless it cause the loss of their caste. No one shall be prohibited to share kitchen or touch water on the ground that he has adopted particular trade or occupation. Section 2 No person shall harness a branded bull or a cow. No man or woman belonging to any class or caste shall lose his or her caste or shall be liable to any sort of punishment if he or she does or doe not harness any other male or female animal, and plow the field on any day including any festival and the last day of the dark fortnight, out of religious considerations. Section 3 A person belonging to any castes which does nor contaminate water, including the Brahman, may during emergencies, carry on his back any person belonging to any of the castes that contaminates water; and persons other than Brahmans may do not so at any time with their own consent. Kasahis, however, may carry in the Doli, Myana, Chaupala(Palanquins) and even on the back, a person belonging to any caste irrespective of whether it contaminates water or not and also whether it is inferior to his caste, in any condition whatsoever. A person so carrying palanquins shall not be hold to have committed any offense Section 4 If a person arrests and penalties anyone for doing anything permitted under the law or hinders anyone from doing anything permitted hereunder, he shall be liable to a fine ranging from Rs 1 to Rs 10, at the discretion of the Hakim. If such person has exacted some fine alsi, he shall be made to return it. Section 5 A complaint who fails to prove his allegation shall be liable to a fine ranging from 50 pice to Rs 25 according to the nature of the case. 1 Government of Nepal, " [.....] Roji Ko." (On Occupations And Employment). In Muluki Ain (Legal Code) (Part III) ( 1952 ed) Pp.12-13. This law was effective until 12, 1963. Contd............ 21. Section 6 A person who has done domething prohibited under this law shall be liable to a fine ranging from Rs 1 to Rs 50 at the discretion of the Hakim. Section 7 Any complaint alleging that a person has pursued on occupation prohibited by the Government other than those which, besides being prohibited by the Government, is being run as state monopoly or the manufacture or war materials, or that he has harnessed a branded bull or cow, shall be entertained only within 3 months of the actual commission of the offense. A complaint filed after the expiry of this time-limit shall not be entertained. Section 8 Persons of any caste may work as "Kalshyanli" (maid carrying a vessel with holy water) and "Madyauli" (bride's maid) during marriage or other occasion, these being auspicious and of festive occasions. As for carrying "Doli" "Myana" and "Tamdans" (litters and palanquins), all castes may do so, this being a work to be done on paymentof wages. Everybody shall therefore act accordingly ********************** Contd..... 22. Ancient Lalitpur1 Patan is an ancient town. It has been referred to by different names such as Yupagram, manigar, Manigal, Manigla, Manigla, Mangla (probably corrupt forms of Mana-Griha), Lalitapattan, Lalitapuri, Lalitpur, Lalitpat ("tta" soft), Laitabruma, Lalitabruma (long "a" at the end), Lalitakrama, Lalitakrama ( long "a" at the end), Patan and Yala. The name "Patan" emerged towards the concluding period of the reign of the later Mallas. It was not generally in popular use, nor in the Newari and Sanskrit languages. The term is used in a letter written by the King Rajya Prakash Mall to Kaji Kalu Pande of Gorkha in the Nepal language (which was then called Khas-Kura). In an inscription of King Shiva Singh Malla of Kathmanduof 1595, we find Patan referred ti as Lalitapattan (soft "t" sounds). Later the hard "t" sounds became common. That was how the name of Pattan was derived. The term "Lalitpur" appears to have been used even prior to 1379. during the reign of Jaya Sthiti Malla, "Lalitpur" became "Lalitapuri." The word "Lalit" denotes aesthetic qualities and beauty. Lalatpur therefore denotes a beautiful town The town is still known as Patan and Lalitpur. The names:- Lalitabruma and Lalitakrama (with the "a" at the end both long and short in both case remained in vogue until the 18th century. Until about half a century ago, the Judicial Court of Patan was known as Manglabhatta. A stone water spout north of the Patan royal palaceis called "Mangahiti" and the adjacent settlement is called Magal Bazaar. These terms are associated with "Manigla" The Malla Kings of Patan during the late Malla period styled themselves "Manigladhipati". In the inscription found at Bhimsenthan, Lalitpur, [......] Marga Shukla Shasthi, 1737 Vikrama (November, 1680), we find the words "Manigladhipati Maharajadhiraj Shrinivasa Malla;;. Inscripted on a bell at Kwabahal, Lalitpur,we find a corrupt form of "Manigladhipati", viz., "Manigaradhipati Harisimha Deva." King Ranjit Malla of Bhaktapur ruled over Patan asso once or twice, a copper inscription of his time, we find the local Judicial Officer being referred to as "Manglabhatta", while he styled himself "Manigladhipati". This copper inscription is dated circa 1818 Vikrama.(1761). 1 Lila Raj Shrestha, "Prachin lalitpur (Yupagram)." (Ancient Lalitpur), (Yupagram). Gorkhapatra, Magh 16, 2002 (January 29, 1966). Contd....... 23 Variations of this term are: Manigal, Manigal, Maniglaka, Manigar, Manigla, Manigal, Manigwal, Mangal and Manga. Originally, the term Manigla was used to describes the royal palace of Patan. Later, along with the suffix "Ica", it was used to describes the town. This view is confirmed by a book entitled "Bodnicharyavatar a Panjika", written in circa 1134 Vikrama (1087), which is dated the Nepal year 189. An inscription of Shankar Deva refers to "Ramya" (chrming) Lalitpur, also known as Maniglaka. It is thus clear that "Maniglaka" referred to the [......] of Patan. This was the reason why all the later Mall kings ruling over Patan styled themselves as "Manigladhipati". According to Babu Ram Acharya, the terms "Manirgal" and "Manigar are derived from, the Sanskrit " Managriha". It is clear that the place where the great Lichchhavi King Mana Deva (520-561 Vikrama-463-504 A.D.) built a royal palace callded Managriha later came to be known as Manigla. The term "Managriha" is used to refr of Mana Deva, which is dated 561 Vikrama (504). Thankot was at that time called Jayapallika. Many royal orders issued by the Lichchhavi kings after Mana Deva from Managriha are available. The term is still used in an inscription of the Lichchhavi King Bhimarjuna Deva (circa 697 Vikrama-640 A.D.) and the Abhire Chief Bishnu Gupta at Sunaguthi. Inscriptions of the Lichchhavi kings Gana Deva, and Shiva Deva also use the term "Managriha". The use of this term covers a period of 136 years. All this shows that at this time managriha was the royal palace. It is different to say precisely how during subsequent period of 345 years, from 698 to 1043 Vikrama (641 to 986) the term corrupted as Managriha and Manigla. From a study of Newari philosophy, it is evedent that Managriha and Manigla in time became Mangala and Manga. However, the Newari language also uses another term for Patan town Yala, las is clear from the inscription of King Yoga Narandra Malla, Bhupalendra Malla and Bhupatindra Mall at Mulchok at Patan. Ranjit Mall, King of Bhaktapur, (1787 Vikrama (1730) refers to Patan a Yala (with the first "a" nacalized), after the Bhaktapur fashion. From the 14th century of the Vikrama era to date, Patan has been called Yala in popular usage. There is no doubt that Yala was derived from the term Yupagrama. Contd..... 24. The Yupagrama occurs for the first time in the inscription of Dhruva Sangh at Bhadreshwar in the pashupatinath temple area, which is dated circa 589 Vikrama (532), then in one of the Lichchhavi King Narandra Dava at the Golden window Palace, which is dated circa 701 Vikrama (644). Yupagrama was probably situated in the western part of Manigal (Managriha). Orders issued in the name of the people of Yupagrama were maintained at Managriha. Yupagrama in course of time corrupted as Yagla an then as Yala. It is only Yala from among the numerous terms denoting Patan as mentioned above that is used in popular parlance. "Yupa" is a Kirat term the meaning of which is not clear. Ion Sanskrit the term means " a sacrificial post", such as those found at the Kot and near the Ranipokhari at Kathmandu, but whether this meaning has any relevant to the term when used to describe the town of Patan is a matter for further research. The Lichchhavis added the term "Grama" to Kirati place names, such as Yupagrama (Lalitpur), Lembatigrama (Lela), Khopringgrama (Bhaktapur) Koligrama (Kathmandu) and Thambugrama (Thaibo0. the term Yala is thus [.....] from the Kirat "Yupa" ************************ (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: February 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 2, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. ********* Contents Page 1. Political developments In Nepal, 1947 ..... 27 2. Timber Trade in Morang, 1809-10 ..... 35 3. Regulations on Inheritance ..... 45 4. Order To Kipat-Owing Chepangs In Pinda (West No. 1.) 1847 ..... 46 5. Judicial Arrangements For Maithili Brahmans, 1853 ..... 48 7. On Rates of Interest. ..... 49 Regmi Reserch (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. 27. Political Developments In Nepal, 19471 An important statement was made by H.H. the Prime Minister at his Bishalnager palace today. Countries as well as collage students were assembled at the palace to hear the statement. The unprecedentedly important speech had evidently aroused a wave of new zeal in the minds of the people. The speech is as follows:- Courtiers and Gentlemen You are all aware of the measure which we have taken for the welfare of the country and the countrymen from time to time since we took over the reins of administration, you also know that since the day when we shouldered the administration of this country, we have sanctioned a total sum of Rs 752,446.000 (N.C) and Rs 2, 262,400.00 (i.c) in addition to the amount which is allocated annually for the amelioration of the lot of the countrymen. It is our firm hope and conviction that work in all the departments of education, public works, health, municipality, printing, etc. will be batten then now, after arrangements have been made to utilize these amounts in an efficient way. On November 29, 1946, I had promised to disclose the plans which I have in my mind for the welfare of our country. After inviting you all in al gathering here on February 13, 1947. I had also announced tasth I was going to consult my brothers and other relatives and courtiers on introducing political reforms and that I would make known my decisions arrived at after those consultations. You all know that in most of the countries of the world today, the subjects are being associated with the Government as far as possible. Considering that it would be greatly helpful to the welfare of the country and the people if similar arrangements were made in this country too, I am going to discuss the same, which I have already indicated to you. The corporation of all countrymen is required for successfully running such a system of government. For this purpose, it is essential that measures should be taken for propagating education among the people so that they may acquires knowledge about political matters as well as about their duties. Only then this is done will the people be able to cooperate with the government and take part in the development work of the country by properly exercising the rights available to them. I repeat that the main thing required for the purpose is good eduction. If ,with a little learning , we begin to boast 1Government of Nepal, Shri 3 Maharaj Ko Aitihasik Bhashan (historic Speech of His Highness Prince prime Minister Padam Shamsher) Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 1947. Contd............ 28. highly as if we are experts in everything, such a little knowledge would become dangerous, instead of proving helpful in the work of development or progress. For instance, when a handful of foolish persons recently attempted to behave imitation and at the instigation of others, and interfered in matters which they had raised, a senseless commotion and rumor arose in the country. It is the duty of every patriotic and educated person to maintain by every means goodwill and unity among the people of various classess in the country and thereby strengthen the international position of the country andn gain respect for it from foreign nations. But persons thus indulging in rumors have tried to deal a blow at the very independence, the invaluable possession of the country, by fanning discord, enmity and other evil passion among the people within the country. Such acts will not only put obstacles in the real progress in the country, but also result in great loss for the country. You may have understood the fact that no government in the world has ever remained silent over the conspiracy to overthrow the established customs or over attempts to incite the people. We have also to deal, even by means force, with elements attempting to spread insurrection by means of such accusations and propaganda. This is not only a necessity but also the duty of the government. I need not repeat that is the obligations and the foremost duty of every civilized government and people not to allow order and tranquility to be disturbed in the country. Certain criminals appear to be trying to disturb through unlawful methods the peaceful conditions obtaining in the country. But, assured and convinced as we are of the loyalty and commonsense of our people, we, in keeping with our promise, desire to read out to you the main features of the program of reforming the administration and associating the people to a greater extent than now in the administration of the country, as we have already let you know. You may also have heard the speech which I had made while addressing our military and civil officers at the Tundikhel on May 1, 1947. We shall never lag behind in the matter of the country's welfare. At the same time, we shall not do anything which will prove harmful for the country. I am not saying all this for fear of anybody, or out of pressure of any person, since I am fully conscious of the fact that the administration of the country cannot be run through intimidation or terror. Although I feel that this is not the time when I should make such statement, while agitators are engaged in their nefarious activities, yet, in consideration of the interests of the country, I have decided to disclose to you the program which I have in mind. By the grace of Lord Rama and Lord Pashupatinath, whom I thank very much for enabling me to speak on this occasion, my program will be ever helpful in the happiness and prosparity of the country and its people. Contd. ..... 29. The impression that people in our country are not enjoying any freedom is quite wrong. As much consideration was necessary before granting civil rights s prevail in foreign countries to the people, we have made arrangement to invite an expert to advise us on the oxtent of civic rights which may be granted to the people without in any way causing herm to the country and disturbing the national peace. Even in countries where freedom of the press exists, newspapers are fined or closed. People are arrested and detained for making speeches even in countries where freedom of speech prevails. And not more than five persons are allowed to gather at a place even in countries where freedom of association if granted. As some people here, who are ware of much freedom, seem to have felt confused at much freedom, an expert on this matter has been invited to so that they may know their rights and limits. After rules in this regard are drafted after his arrival, I shall inform you of tha same at a proper time. But I would like also to point out that some rights which our people enjoy do not perhaps prevail in other countries. For instance, the government or Birta owners cannot deprive peasants of their tenancy rights so long as they pay rent for the lands cultivated by them may even dispose off, or mortgage, their tenancy rights. The Reform Committee formed by us has started its work since April 29, 1947 and is now drafting regulations on political and other matters. It is our view that work should be done after establishing an assembly of elected and government-nominated members. Discussions are at present taking place on the people who and procedures of this Assembly, the murder of its members and the people who will elected them. In India, a period of ten years was allowed for making all these arrangements and the reform program is being drafted at present. But the advice of the above-mentioned expert will also be available to us in the matter of extending additional powers within 3 to 5 years and prescribing other powers from time to time. We shall grant local autonomy after the establishment of elected municipalities and district boards in Kathmandu Valley and in various districts in the country. The power to be invested in these local bodies and their limits in these matters, their sources of income, etc. shall be determined by the Reform Committee. Arrangements shall be made to set up a separate and independent dudiciary. I have time and again drawn your attention to the importance of education. I am happy to note that all people, taking interest in education are opening schools one by one, as is evident from the opening, with government permission, of 7 schools in Kathmandu Valley from the new session. The government alone cannot do everything. It hhas opened schools and collages to the best of its capacity and has extended and will extend assistance to the people who have opened them. Girl schools too shall be opened, but they must be run in such a way that he modesty and good character of Nepali women are not affected. Contd..... 30 I hear some people alleging that life and property in Nepal are insecure. But there are few countries where life and property has remained so secure as in Nepal during the last century. However, if anything is required to be done in keeping with the circumstances in this matter, we shall do that. Emigrant Nelalis are as dear to us as the people here. We are highly distressed to learn that many of our brethren living in India are passing through distress and worries on account of the disturbances now occurring there. We have therefore entered into necessary correspondence with the Indian Government with a view to providing all possible help from this country for relieving their difficulties. As such measures alone have not proved adquates for coping with the situation, we shall soon make efforts to post consuls whenever required in India and make other arrangements to look after the welfare of our Nepal brothers there. Although there is a policy to the effort that the financial position of the government must not be disclosed to anybody, as otherwise neighbors will show disrespect to it, yet in the future an account of the annual income and expenditure shall be published, last you should bear any misunderstanding as to the real income and expenditure of the country. It is our firm desire as well as that of our brothers and sons, that the people of this holy land, Nepal, should be prosperous and educated and be able to participate fully in the administration of this country. This noble objective cannot achieved immediately. Nonetheless it is our conviction that if we all, by the grace of God, cooperate in this task, being inspired by patriotism, it would not take a long time to achieve this objective, May God grant you wisdom and commonsense. It is our heartfelt hope and wish that you will be able to work for the happiness and prosperity of the country and the people while maintaining the mutual goodwill and good conduct traditionally existing in the country, by properly utilizing this opportunity given by the government. May God do good to you. What I mean is that the people should be happy, healthy, prosperous and for ever be free from troubles. May God Pashupatinath filfull this plan, which may take six months or even a years to turn into reality. I hope that you will properly understand all tht I have said just now. Prime Ministr Mohan shamsher's Speech2 On Poush 24, 2007 (January 24, 1950), Prime Minister Mohan Shamsher made the following announcement:- 2 Grishma Bahadur Devkota, Nepal Ko Rajnitik Darpan (political Mirror of Nepal). Kathmandu: Deshav Chandra Gautam; 1960 39-43 Pp. Contd...... 31. it is 104 years since Prime Minister Jung Bahadur took up the reins of the administration of this country on the orders of the then King, countries and people. The circumstances in which this change occurred are recorded in history. I only want to remaine you that the country had been formed with internal conflict, disorder and anarchy at that time because of maladministration. Peace and stability were restored quickly in the country thanks to the emergence of Prime Minister Jung Bahadur. Even ignoring other notable events that occurred during the last century, it can be said without any fear of contradiction that Prime Minister Jung Bahadur and his successors not only maintained but further strengthened the independence of the country, which is its priceless treasure. They also conferred the benefits of security, progress and a stable government on the country. These are essential for the happiness and prosperity of all communities. Even than, in order that Nepal may make efforts to keep pace with the changing times, and since it is our objectives that the people should be enabled to participate in still greater measure in the administration of the country, the Government of Nepal Constituational Reforms Act was promulgated on April 13, 1948. Enforcements of the provisions of this Act commenced on April 14, 1948. so far nearly 200 Panchayats, at both village and district levels, have been formed throughout the country. Formalities has not been completed for establishing the Central Parliaments. But it was established on September 22, 1948. Many administrative Committees were formed at the first session of the parliament. The difficult task of laying the foundations has thus almost been completed. The people of Nepal have been enabled to march ahead peacefully towards the objective of a free and independent democracy. The success achieved in these measures so far convinces us, after a serious study of the present national and international situation, that since it is our aspiration to associate the people in greater measure in the administration of the country, the pace of political progress can be accelerated without in any way disrupting the situation of the country. With this objective in view and fully depending on the patriotic feelings of the these measures will enable our country to attain its objective":- (1) A Constituent Assembly will be formed as early a possible through general elections held throughout the country on the basis of adult franchise. Contd...... 32. For the attainment of this objective, a census of the entire population of the country is being taken. Voters lists for the Constituent Assembly elections will be compiled as early as possible. This task is no doubt novel and difficult, but we hope that the Constituent Assembly will hold its first session in 1952. Its main task will be to prepare the future Constitution of the country. (2) A Council of Ministers will be established immediately at the center in order to insure that arrangements for the establishment of the Constituent Assembly are not delayed. The Council will consist of 14 ministers, 7 of whom will represent the public opinion and be trusted by the people. The administrative authority of the country will be entrusted to this Council of Ministers, which will function on the basis of the principle of collective responsibility. The Council will formulate its own rules of procedure. It will have authority also in respect to the income and expenditure of the country. The budget system will be introduced with immediate effect. The Cabinet shall make all necessary administrative arrangements in order to promote the efficiency of the appropriate administrative departments. (3) Until the new Constitution, to be drafted by the Constituent Assembly in enforced, the constitutional law of 1947 shall continue to be in force. But the provisions of this through proclamation or these to be made by the Cabinet will have an over-riding effect over the provisions of the law. Accordingly, the following provisions of the 1947 Constitutional Law which remain unenforced shall be enforced as early as possible. (a) Provisions pertaining to the judiciary. That is, provisions relating to the separation of the judiciary from the Executive. (b) Appointment of an Advocate General and an Auditor-General. (c) The formation of a Public Service Commission to select qualified candidates for government service, and similar other matters which will contribute to the efficient administration of the country. About 200 Village and District Panchayats have already been formed and efforts will be made as far as possible for forming the remaining 500 Panchayats too by mid-April, 1953. Contd. ..... 33. (4) (a) As it is our heart-felt desire that these should be goodwill and full and cordial cooperation between the government and the people, persons who have been engaged in armed rebellion since the month of November 1950 amnesty, provided they fully stop it and eschew their policy if violence. However, cold- blooded murders, and those responsible for dacoity and arson shall not be covered by the amnesty. Political prisoners hwo have not been involved in or associated with murder, dacoity and arson may similarly be granted amnesty if they too repudiate such a policy. (b) Political organizations formed by Nepalis living abroad or by all those who give up the policy of violence and follow the path of non-violence shall be welcomed if they are willing to cooperate in the lofty task of insuring the progress and efficient administration of the country. (c) These shall not be any restrictions on the formation of any political organization by Nepalis working inside the country. (5) Everybody must be aware of the circumstances in which we have had to place His Majesty King Gnyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev in the throne of Nepal. But since no friendly foreign government has so far recognized this step, since uncertainty and even intranquility seem to be spreading among the countrymen; over this matter, since hooligans are using this as a pretext to create widespread diaturbances, indulge in dacoity and molest the people, and even for to murder innocent persons; since the Government of India too has given some friendly advice following discussions with it, and since the suggestion has been made that the cause of peace in the country will be definitely advanced if His Majesty (King Gnyanendra Br Bikram Shah Dev) appoints a Regent on the advice of the Nepal Government so as to function during the absence of or until the return if His Majesty King Tribhuwan Bir Bikram Shah Dev on the advice of the Nepal Government in the interests of peace and stability in the country. Accordingly I woukd like to announce that the Nepal Government has accepted the decision of the Parliament and the Bharadari, which it fools to be justified. Contd...... 34. We should like to express our thanks and appreciation to all government servants for faithfully discharging their duties at this time of crisis. I would like to utilize this occasion also for conveying a special message to our beloved brothers in the Armed Forces. "You have upheld the traditional glory which you have gained by displaying patriotism and gallantry even in difficult and perilous circumstances. You have stead-fastly stood behind your Government. My dear brothers, I want to assure you that your well-being and interests will for ever occupy the first place in our heart, as we have been doing so far. Even after the present constitutional changes, we shall continue to remain behind you firmly, honestly and patiently. We also extend our heart-felt thanks to the officers and recruits of the Police Department for having stood firm in their duty and discharged their obligations with loyalty and resoluteness despite the present delicate circumstances. You all need not worry about the future. We are confident that the important reforms which we have announced today will be welcomed by the entire people of Nepal with the same sense of patriotism and goodwill with which we have presented them. We also hope that the entire countrymen will cooperate with the government in the task of attaining the lofty objective set by it, namely, the promotion of the peace and prestige of our beloved motherland. We are also thoroughly convincing that every patriotic Nepali will understand the importance of the additional measures. We have just announced for bringing about reforms in the administration. Should we deem it necessary to effect some changes in these reforms while executive them, we shall do so after consultations, as this lies within our discretionary powers. Let all of your remember that the attention of the entire world is at the moment focused on us. We have to show to the world that the Nepalis alone are capable of guaranteeing the brightest future of their nation. As a matter of fact, it is our sacred duty to uphold and maintain the prestige of our country and our people. We have won immortal fame by fighting on various battle fronts on the side of freedom and justice. There is no doubt that in case we work unitedly to serve the country with firmness, courage, and cooperation according to our respective capacities and positions we shall definitely be able to gain equal fame in the peace front as well. May Lord Pashupatinath and Goddess Guheshwari bless this country and its people so that we may be able to attain the highest ideals which wwe have set for ourselves and so that the reforms which we have announced may contribute to the happiness and prosperity of the community. May the tranquility in this nation, of which every true Nepali is justifiably proud, remain intact, and may the independence of this country remain secure and immortal even amidst the present disturbed situation ! Singha Durbar, Poush 24, 2007 (January 9, 1951) 35. Timber Trade In Morang, 1809-101 The timber comes mostly from the dominions of Nepal. That country produces many fine kinds, valuable for their scent and the polish which they will receive, as well as for being strong an durable, but Sal or Sekhuya (Shorea robusta) is almost the only one in request. In the table of exports and imports, for the sake of uniformity, I have vcalued it at the price for which it is sometimes sold and is nominally valued at the places where the timber merchants reside, which are often at a considerable distance form the frontier. To this valuation there are however teo objections firstly, most of the merchants being mere agents for other residing at Calcutta, Murshedabad, and places where the timber is used, would not sell the timber at any price lower than that for which their principals could sell, the whole expense of delivery to the principals having been already incurred. A stranger therefore arriving here, and being in immediate want to timber, would not probably be able to purchase a quantity sufficient to build a house or large vessel without giving the Calcutta price; nothing indeed can be done at a reasonable price without money advanced before the beginning of the cutting season, at the end of which, part of what has been agreed or will be delivered, but perfectly green and unfit for immediate use. Now as almost the whole labor and expense of the carriage to Calcutta is laid out by the people of his district, the exported timber ought perhaps to have been valued at the price for which it is deliverable at Calcutta, almost all of which returned to this district. Secondly, the whole value stated in the table of imports does not go to the people of Morang, and cannot be charged as a balance against this district, as will appear from the following account of the manner in which the trade of conducted:- The timber which comes down the kosi is mostly purchased by about 35 merchants (Kathaiya Mahajans), who reside in Dimiya and Matiyari near the banks of the river, and are supposed to trade to the extent of from one to ten thousand rupees each. These never go near the forests, but make an agreement with another class of men called Kathaiyas, who for a fixed price engage to deliver a certain quantity at Calcutta, or at whatever town the merchant's correspondent resides. The merchant usually advances two-thirds of the whole of this price by instalments, and the remainder is paid when the timber is delivered at its place of destination. Formerly several Europeans dealt in timber, acting as these merchants; but I believe that they in general lost, and all have now given up the trade. Their loss may be in a great measure attributed to their having completed the purchased here, and sent the timber francis Buchanan, An Account of The District Of Purea In 1809-10. Patna: Bihar and Orisa Research Society, 1928, Pp. 561-570. 36. to Calcutta on their own account. Many loasts were lost and part only of the timber was recovered, while the logs, as they passed the various towns on their route, gradually diminished in size; so that even when the number dispatched was delivered complete, the logs which had left Dimiya of the large size, on their delivery at Calcutta had dwindled down to the smallest. The native merchant avoids most of these frauds by paying only what is [..........] at a certain rate according to its size. The Kathaiyas also reside in the Company's territory, and some of them have a little capital, with which they purchase timber that they sell either it the timber merchant to ready money, or retail on the way to Calcutta, as they pass along with the floats which have been commissioned. A great part of their stock, however, consists in the oxen, carts and boats which are necessary for the exportation of the timber. The Kathaiya about the middle of November goes into the territory of Nepal, and sometimes makes an agreement with the people called Dufadars, who are antives of that country. Each Dufadars engages a gang of workmen (Kularhiyas), and agrees to cut and square the timbers and to place them on the carts of the Kathaiya, on which they are carried so soon as cut the Kosi or to some branch of that river, such as the Tiljuga, which is capable of floating them. At other times again the Kathaiya hires the workmen by the month. From the Tiljuga and other tributary streams the logs are floated with canoes. The Kosi all seasons admits of the boats called Malnis, and the logs are brought near the residence of the merchant so soon as a quantity sufficient to construct a float can be collected. The cutting season lasts from the middle of December until about the middle of April, when the forests become dreadfully unhealthy. The kathaiyas and their servants then retire to conduct their timber to the destined market, and the Dufadars and their gangs retire to cultivate their fields. The timbers are of the five kinds, Chauker, Dokar, Bali, Khambe and Kham. They are always sold by girth, and this is estimated by a cubit called Durgadasi, which is22 inches long. The Chaukars are squared by cutting an equal quantity fro sides, and are 14to 18 cubits long ad from 2 to 4 cubits round. The larger sizes are very rare. The Dokers are flat beams, that is, only two sides are cut away, and therefore they contain much more white wood than the Chaukers, and do not last so long. They are from 14 to 18 cubits long and from 2 to 2 cubits round. In the operation of cutting and squaring the woo-cutters are entirely ignorant of the use of the saw, and work entirely with the hatchet and adze. The Batis are [.....] logs, freed only from the bark, and are intended chiefly for plank. They of the same lengths with the squared timbers, and are from 33 inches to [..] inches in girth, measured one-third of their length from the root end. The Khambas also are round, and are 8 to12 cubits long and from 1 to 1 round. The Khambis are from 6 to 8 cubits long and under I cubit in girth. These two last are chiefly used in this district. 37. I shall now give an estimate of the expense attending various parts of the operation:- One cart requires ten oxen; one pair called Dhuriya, worth 75rs., one pair called Bhrka, 25 rs., three pair called Chhor, 42 rs. The cart, 20 rs. The stock therefore amounts to 162 rs. the feeding for the cattle, consisting of cotton seed, pulse, oil-cake and straw is 22 rs. a month. One driver, 2 rs. a month, 4 under-drives, 8 rs. a month, I messengers, (Bahardar), 3 rs. Oil for the wheels, 8 annas. Ropes 1 rs. 10 kulathoyas or wood cutters, 30 rs. a month. The monthly expense is therefore 67 rs. This gang can bring monthly to the river 12 Chaukars, 5 Dokars and 4 Batis. These are seldom sold at the placeof embarkation, as that it is different to put a fair value on them, but it is said that the 12 Chaukars may be worth 48 rs., the 5 Dokars worth 15 rs., and the 4 Batis worth 4 rs., equal merely to the monthly expense. The cattle, indded, in other seasons do as much work so defrays their maintenance and that of their servants, but the whole of the interest on their value and the sums necessary to keep up their number must be added to the expense of the four months of the cutting season: 142 rupees at 25 per cent., the lowest actual interest given in this country, will amount to 35 rs,. and one-seventh of the value of stock, or 20 rupees, must he allowed fro annual purchases, must be allowed. The total expense of four months will then be:- Rs Stock ..... ..... ..... 65 Feeding cattle ..... ..... ..... 88 Oil and ropes ..... ..... ..... 8 Servants ..... ..... ..... 52 Duty to the Nepal Government At 10 rupees per month ..... ..... 40 Additional duties under various Pretexts (Kharchah) ..... ..... 15 Woodcutters ..... ..... ..... 120 Rs. 388 For this the Kathaiyas bring to the water 48 Chaukars, 20 Dokars, and 16 Batis. Contd...... 38. the expense of bringing down is as follows:- A canoe may be hired at 2 rs. trip, and two men to attend her get 6 rs. Each canoe brings four timbers, so that his 84 timbers will cost on delivery to the merchant as follows:- Rs as p Hire of 21 canoes at 8 rupees ..... 178 8 0 Duty to the Nepal Governmet ..... 42 0 0 220 8 0 388 8 0 609 0 0 cuttining charges ..... ___ Total cost ..... When sold at Dimiya, the following may be the rate of value, although as I have said, a stranger would often not procure any lower than at the Calcutta prices:- Rs 48 Chaukars at Rs 10-8-0 ..... 504 20 Dokars at Rs 5-0-0 ..... 100 16 Batis at Rs 2-8-0 ..... 40 Rs 644 When the timber is brought on baots(Malnis) from near the Kosi, the expense is considerably less; but timber has there become scarce, and being less select, sells lower. Considerable deduction must however be made from the profits, because all the workmen must be paid in advance, and none of them can be induced to work for the whole of what they have receive. From this it will appear that on 644 rupees value the real return to Nepal consists of 120 rupees given to the woodcutters, and 97 rupees paid for duties, in all 217 rupees; but to this we must add the provisions sold both for the men and beast, which may bring the whole to 300 rupees on 644: so that on the value which I have stated in the Tables of imports only about 50 per cent, should be charge to the credit of Nepal. Contd............ 39. When money is advanced to Dufadars, who agree to lead the cart with timbers the Kathaiyas pays 18 annas for each Chaukar, of which 6 annas (are) duties; for each Dokar 4 annas are duties, and 8 annas hire; for each Bati, 2 annas duties and 5 annas for hire. Duty Cuttting Rs. as. p. Rs. as. p. 48 Chaukars ..... 18 0 0 36 0 0 20 Dokars ..... 5 0 0 10 0 0 16 Batis ..... 2 0 0 5 0 0 Rs 25 0 0 51 0 0 The cart then pays only 7 rupees duties for the whole season. This is vastly less than is paid where the cutters are hired by wages, but a great deal of money is lost by the Dufadars taking advances and giving no timber, for although an officer of Nepal is deputed to give justice, the sort of justice that is there administered is not suited for the recovery of debts for the creditors. The whole that can be recovered usually goes to the [.....]. The great advantage here over the woodcutter beyond the Testa is that mush larger timbers are brought out, not owing to the trees of the forest being of a larger size, but to a greater exertion on the part of the worked. This cannot be entirely attributed to the use of oxen and carts, although those contributes to reduce the price of the operation; for in some parts of the forests here, the roads will not admit of carts, and timber of the same size are carried out entirely by men, and the expense is said not (to) be very materially higher, that people of Nepal being much more active than those of the company's territory. The cart is of the common form, but more strongly constructed(than) that in use for conveying other goods. The following estimate was given of the expanse of sending to Calcutta: Rs To 8 Malni boats hire, at 16 rupee ..... 128 To 2 men for each, at 8 rupees each ..... 128 To ropes ..... ..... 16 To 2 Palwar boats to attend ..... 25 Rs 296 Contd..... 40. The prices at which the Kathaiyas agree to deliver the wood to the merchants at Calcutta are about as follows: Rs. a. p. 48 Chaikars, at from 14 to 25 rupees average 16 rupees. ..... 768 0 0 20 dokars, at from 8 to 10 rupees average 9 rupees. ..... 180 0 0 16 Batis,at 5 or 6 rupees. ..... 80 0 0 __________________ 1,028 0 0 Rs Total cost as imported. ...... 609 Carriage to Calcutta. ...... 296 _________ Rs 905 The merchant seldom purchases the Batis. These are usually carried by the Kathaiyas on their own account. The whole of the charges, it is evident, except the provisions which the boatmen may purchases by the way, and that is a trifle, most of what they use being taken with them, is gained by the people of this district, which ought therefore to be credited with an addition of 296 rupees on 609 rupees of the timber which I have stated as exported. The quantity if timber that comes down by the Kosi is not so considerable a thth which is floated by the various branches of the Kankaya into the Mahananda, and which chiefly purchased by the merchants of Arariya and Dulalgunj, with a few in Nehnagar and Bahdrugnj. In that vicinity one-half of the Kathaiyas belong to Nepal, on which account a much larger share of the prime cost must go to the credit of that country. The Kathaiyas there seldom contract to deliver the goods at Calcutta, but sell it entirely to the nerchants of this district, who sent it under charge of their own servants, and are usually miserably defrauded, as I have already mentioned. The duties payable to Nepal are levied entirely on the boast which float the timber out of that country. The timber was stated to be in general smaller than that brought down the Kosi, bir the prices are full as long. Some of the expenses are more moderate. At Arariya it was stated that of the 56,000 rupees worth imported and delivered to the merchant, there was follows:- Contd..... 41. Rs 14,000 worth of Chaukis from 14 to 16 cubits long by 2 to 3 cubits round, at from 18 to 20 rupees a pair. Rs 28,000 worth of Batis from 16 to18 cubits long by 2 to 2 round, at 10 to 12 rupees a pair. Rs 10,500 worth of Batis from 16 to 18 cubits long by 1 to 2 cubits round, at 5 or 6 rupees a pair. Rs 3,500 worth of Khambas, from 8 to 18 cubits long by 3/4 to 1 round, at from 2 to 8 annas each Pieces 1428 5090 3818 11200 Now at the place of embarkation the owners of the carts are said to deliver these at the following rates: Rs. as P. To 428 Chaukars at from 10 to 12 rupees a pair. To 5090 Dokars, at from 6 to 8 rupees a pair To 3818 Batis, at from 3 to 4 rupees a pair To To To To To 7,964 0 0 17,815 0 0 6,681 8 0 11,200 Khambas, estimated on the same Average rate as the above. 2,164 0 0 _______________ Rs 34,625 8 0 Farther, the owners of the carts pay to those who cut and load the timber as follows:- 1428 Chaukars at 3 for a rupee 5090 Dokars at 4 for a rupee 3818 Batis at 6 for a rupee 11200 Khambas, estimated ate the same rate, in proportion to their value Rs as 476 0 1, 272 8 636 5 158 14 P 0 0 4 Rs 2,543 12 8 0 Contd.......... 42. Arariya exports nearly a half of all that goes by these rivers, and by doubling each of the above estimates we may obtain one for whole. It is said that in this part of Morang about 200 cart are employed. They are said to work six months in the year. According to the above estimates, each cart pays to the woodcutter about 25 rupees a year and sells its wood at 345 rupees, leaving 320 rupees for the expense and profit of the owner. Rs as. p. A cart is said to cost 30 rupees, the annual charge on which is ..... 15 0 0 Rs Cost of cattle 2 Bagodha* (Sic) ..... 35 Eight common cattle ..... 100 ___________ Rs 135 ..... 35 12 0 ..... 19 9 0 ..... 2 0 0 ..... 45 0 0 ...... 7 8 0 ..... 72 0 0 ________________________ Rs 194 13 0 A duty of four rupees on each boat loaded with timber is taken by he Government of Nepal, and may amount to 6000 rupees a year, which with 1500 rupees duty on the carts can be well afforded, as the only price given for the timber to the owner of the soil. Some more exactions (Khurchah) are may [......] which will probably increase the amount of the duties to 10,000 rupees. The charges for bringing a load of timber from the place of embarkation to the residence of our merchants are enormous. The boat takes 10 Chaukars worth at the place of embarkation, 55 rupees. The boat hire is 5 rupees; 2 men's wages, 6 rupees; rope, 1 rupee; in all, 12 rupees. The charges to Calcutta are more reasonable: 12 rupees fro a boat, 16 rupees for 2 men, and 1 rupee for rope; in all 29 rupees fro 10 Chaukars. Contd............ Interest at 25 per sent Keeping up the stock at 1/7 Oil, ghi and rope Food for the 2 large oxen Duty to the Nepalese Once chief carter, 4 under-carters and one Herdman at 12 rupees a month. 43. The duties, the trifle paid to the woodcutters, and one-half of the gain on the carts are all for which credit can be given to Nepal, which will fall very nearly a much short of what I have taken as the import price, as the statement on the Kosi. The export price ought also to be raised by the hire given to those who carry the wood to a distant market. Down the Kosi some of the timber called Sisav(see Trees No,87) is annually imported, and the greater part is sent immediately to Calcutta. The quantity is about 2000 timbers, from 7 to 9 Durgadasi cubits ( 22 inches) long and from 2 to 4 cubits round. In general they are round logs, but a few of great dimensions are squared. Their value at Dimiya is estimated at from 2 to 3 rupees a log. The cutter agrees to deliver them at Calcutta at from 4 to 6 rupees a log. They are floated down without the assistance of a boat, being much lighter than the Sal. A very few trees, perhaps 150, of the species of Cedrella, called Tungd at Calcutta and Paungya here, are brought down the Kosi, and sent to Calcutta. The logs are of the same size as those of the Sisav, and are delivered in Calcutta at from 6 to 7 rupees a log. Perhaps 150 logs of a timber called Satsal are also brought down, and exported to the same place. It is more fitted for joiners' work than the Sal. The logs are of the same length with those of the two last-mentioned timbers, but are only from 1 to 2 cubits round. The price for those deliverable at Calcutta is from 4 to 5 rupees. From Bhagalpur are brought some posts, beams and planks, chiefly of a tree called there Sekhuya, which is the Hindi name for the Sal or Shorea robusta. It is all used in the southern parts of the district. Canoes are a considerable articles of import from Morang, and large proportion ofd them remain in the country, but many are exported t various planks down the Mahananda and Ganges. They are exceedingly rude in their shape, and are not opened by fire as those of the eastern parts of Ronggopur; but the tree is flattened on two sides, in one which the excavation is made, so that the transverse section is somewhat thus [.....]. There are two kinds; Sugis, which are sharp at both ends, and Saranggas, which terminate in a blunt kind of goose-tail head and sterm. These last are by far the most common, and by far the greater part of both is made of Sal timber. Both kinds are between 18 and 22 common cubits in length. The Saranggars are from 1 to 2 broad in the beam, at midships, and are worth from 6 to 16 rupees each, where delivered in the Company's territory, near the residence of the merchant. The Sugis are from to 1 cubit wide, and sell from 5 to 6 rs. They are most miserable conveyances; nor is there any of the Saranggas so fine as many procured near Goyalpara, where the timber is probably larger. Contd...... 44. Canoes made of Sal last ten years. The canoes made of Karmain timber last twelve years, and are about 1/16 part dearer. They are of the same sizes with those above mentioned. Very few are procured. Some of the canoes are also made of the Simal ( Trees No. 56) but none of these are exported. Saranggas sell from 5 to 7 rupees each. Every canoe, good or bad, exported from Nepal by the Kosi pays to the government 1 rupees, and probably those sent by the other rivers pay as much. Ploughs ready made are imported from Morang to the divisions adjacent that are bare of timber. ********************* Contd.......... 45. Mahottati District1 "In case a ryot dies without leaving any issue behind, and has no uncle, brother or nephew within 3 generations, his property shall accrue to the government, leaving an amount sufficient for the maintenance of his mother according to the value of such property." Kartik Sudu 10, 1866 (October 1809). Western Hill Region Among Newars living in areas situated between the Ankhua and Gandaki rivers in the western hill region, sons were not entitled to inherit their deceased father's property, nor was a father entitled to appropriate his deceased son's property. In both cases, the property accrued to the state. Orders were issued on Baisakh Badi 7. 1894 (April 1837)2 that the system should be changed and sons and fathers permitted to inherit and appropriate property in the ceases mentioned above. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 40, Pp. 114-115. 26/635. Contd............ 46. Order To Kipat-owing Chapangs in Pinda (Wesr No. 1), 1847 From Prime Minister Jung Bahadur To Gore Mijhar, Dhane Mijhar and all other Kipat-owing Chepangs of panda (Weat No. 1 district). It appears that you have fled into forests (for fear of) troops sent there to search for persons engaged in illicit movements from Nepal (i.e. Kathmandu Valley) and the Tarai. You have represented to the respectable people of Pinda that you have not committed any offense, that you feel afraid of coming back to your homesteads and engaging yourselves in cultivation; and that you will do so if an order assuring you of security is granted. The matter was then reported here. As you are subjects, you should not commit any wrong action. If you do anything the interests of His Majesty, if any persons reports the matter hare and if you connot face interrogation, your Kipat lands may be taken away from you and you may be enslaved along with the other members of your family. Understand this well, and come back to and live in your homesteads. Perform the customary function of attending to the Maula (places where sacrifices are offered during religious festivals) and other functions assigned to you and pay the prescribed taxes and levies. Jestha Sudi 15, 1904 (May 1847) (Regmi Research Collections 33/20) Contd...... 48. Judicial Arragements For Maithili Brahmans, 1853 From Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, To Subba Taksari Dharmananda Jha, Subba Prithvi Lal Jha, Subedar Saheb Jha, Bichari Shyam Lal Jha, Bichari Lal Jha, Bichari Braj Lal Jha, Pandit Basudev Mishra, Pandit Chandra Narayan Jha, Pandit Harsh Narayan Jha, and Pandit Krishnaji Jha. Along with other members of your caste, you have come to out residence at Thapathali and made the following representation to us:- "The Brahmans of our caste have left showing respect to those whom respect is due. Nobdody obeys anything. Everybody is indulging as he likes on corrupt practices which have traditionally been unknown in our community. Your Highness has enforced legislation in respect to all other castes. But our caste has not obtained any such legislation." It appears that the situation has become very had because these is nobody in your caste to prescribe regulations. Henceforth, from Aswin Sudi 15,1910 (October 1853), you 10 persons have been granted authority to prescribe regulations for your caste. Prescribe regulations on a customary basis [......] your caste, which have now been contravened, in sonsulatioins with everybody. Dispose of all disputes relating to caste and commensal relations in your caste, except those relating to homesteads, monetary transactions, subdivision of property, cash, movable and lands, and the five principal offenses. Disputes which you are upable to dispose of or settle shall be heard by the court (Amal). While disposing of disputes, imposing fines and collecting fees from the winning party, collect amount ranging from Rs 5 to Rs 30 at your discreption according to the nature of the dispute. With the proceeds of such fines, worship Goddess Guhyashwari, pray for victory to His Majesty and us and deed Brahmans, in case you do not award justice according to the customs of your caste and show favor and partiality fro anybody, or take bribes and commt injustice, you shall be fined according to law. In case anybody indulges in practices which are not customary in your caste and [.....] not comply with the regulations prescribed by you, expel him from your caste. We shall not entertain any complaint against you in cases where you have ordeed such expulsion on legitimate grounds. Kartik Badi 10, 1910 (November 1853) (Regmi Research Collections, 33/176) * i.e. offenses involving capital punishment, life imprisonment, Shaven of the head and branding for degradation to a lower castes loss of caste. 49. On Rates Of Interest King Ram Shah (1606-1663 A.D.) of Gorkha promulgated the following laws:- 1. Debtors are unable to repay loans in foodgrains obtained by them from creditors. Irrespective of the number of years, (creditors) calculate interest for every year. Interest thus accumulates every year, even though (debtors) are not able to repay their loans for many years. They are thus never able to repay their loans. Consequently, some people in the country are never able to free themselves from their creditors, and always remain in dbt. If (interest) is calculated at one-fifth (20%) every year, ( the total amount) becomes three times (the principal amount) in 10 years. Creditors shall receive three times ( the principal amout) accordingly. Even if debtors are not able repay the principal amount or interest theorem for any number of years beyond 10, credotors shall not charge interest from them for every year after (debtors) become able to make repayment. Creditors shall receive only three times (the principal amount). 2. debtors are unable to repay also loans in cash obtained by them from creditors. Interest thus accumulates every year irrespective of the number of years for which (debtors) are unable to make repayment. They are thus never able to repay their loans. Consequently, some people in the country are never able to free themselves from their creditors, and always remain in debt. If interest is calculated at one-tenth(10%) every year, (the total amount) become double (the principal amount) in 10 years. Creditors shall receive double (the principal amount) accordingly. Even if debtors are not able to repay the principal amount or interest from them for every year after (debtors) become able to make repayment. Creditors shall receive only double (the principal amount). 1His Majesty's Government, Sthri 5 Surandra Bikram Shah Dev Ka Shasan kal Ma Baneko Muluki Ain (The legal Code Framed During The Reign of King Surendra). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, 2022 (1965) Pp. Contd..... 50. it may be noted that these laws only sought to give relief to debtors who were unable to repay their loans for long periods of time. They do not appear to have imposed any control on the rates at which creditors might charge interest from their bonds.2 There is evidence that current rates of interest were much higher that 10% in cash loans and 20% on inkind loans as prescribed by King Ram Shah. King Krishna Shah (1642-1658 A.D.) of Gorkha had obtained a loans of Rs 3.20 from a Brahman; the bond was rewarded by his successor, King Prithvi Pati Shah (1669-1716 A.D.) in 1715 A.D., stipulating interest at 25%.3 Similarly King Rudra Shah (1658-1669 A.D.) of Gorkha stipulated interest at 12 on a loan obtained by him from a Brahman, Pratiman Padhya, in 1673 A.D.4 2The Bhasha Vamshavali, a Nepali chronicle, gives a different interpretation of the measures taken by King Ram Shah, which gives the impression that he actually sought to control current rates of interest. (Aitihasik Patra Snagraha, Part II, P. 51). However, the text of the laws, as translated above, does not appear to confirm his interpretation. It appears safer to base our interpretation in the text of the laws themselves, rather than on the version of a latter-day chronicler. 3Ramji Tewari (et. Al) ( ed), Aitihasik Patra Sangraha ( A collection of Historical Letters). Part II. Kathmandu: Nepal Cultural Council, 2021 (1964). Pp. 50-51. 4Tbid, Pp. 10-11. *********************** (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (private) Ltd, Kathmandu: March 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 3, Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi. ************ Contents Page 1. Law On untouchablilty ..... 52 2. Land Reclamation And Agriculture Development, 1923. ..... 58 3. A British Account Of Gorkhali Rule in Dahradun. ..... 59 4. Regulations On Transportation of Cannon From Kathmandu to Kumaun ..... 64 5. Shamshuddin's Invasion Of Nepal. ..... 65 6. Who Are The Doyas? ..... 67 7. A Firman From The Mughal Emperor ..... 70 8. A brief Political History of The Lichchhavi Period. ..... 71. ******************* Regmi Research (Private) Ltd. Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 52. Law On untouchability1 1. The lowest caste is that of Chyamkhalak, since ( its members) take food left over by all other castes, from Upadhyaa to Pode. 2. the caste of Pode is higher than that of Chyamkhalak, since (its members) take food left over by other castes, but not by the Chyamkhalad caste. The caste of Badi is higher than that of both Pode and Chyamkhalak, since (Badis) do not take food left over by Podes and Chyamkhalak, and maintain themselves by singing, dancing and begging at houses even of castes (contamination by whose touch must be purified) through the sprinkling of water. 3. the caste of Gaine is higher than that of Badi, because (Gaines) do not take anything from the hands of Badis and maintain themselves by singing, dancing, and begging. 4. The caste of Damai is higher than that of Gaine, because (Damais) do not take food touched by Gaines, and do not maintain commensal relations with children begotten by them from Gaine women. 5. Children begotten by Sarkis from Kami women, or by Kamis from Sarki women, belong to the Kadara caste. Damais take water from their hands, but (Kadars) do not do so from the hands of Damais. The caste of Kadar is therefore than that of Damai. 6. Sarkis and kamis do not take water touched by each other. However, they take other fried or roasted food (touched by each other). Customarily, they have not been taking cooked rice or water touched by Kadaras, whi are born on the union of Sarkis and Kamis. The castes of Sarki and Kami are therefore higher than that of Kadara. Henceforth, cooked rice touched by this hybrid Kadara caste shall not be taken (by Sarkis and Kamis), but water may be taken, and nerither Sarkis nor Kamis need undergo expiation for having taken water (touched by Kadaras) 1Government of Nepal, " Pani Na Chalne Jat Ko." ( On Castes Whose Touch Contaminates Water). In Muliki Ain (Legal Code), Part V, (1955 ed). Pp. 105-110. This law was effective until April 12, 1963. Contd...... 53. 7. The leather-working caste of Kulu is higher than these 7 castes, because(Kulus) do not take cooked rice or water from their hands, and have not begotten any children from girls belonging to these 7 castes, and also because (Kulus) have been undergoing expiation in the customary manner in the even of their taking cooked rice and water touched by Damais, Kamis and Sarkis, or of being involved in sexual relations with them. List Of Castes Water touched By Whom Cannot Be Taken And (Contamination by) Whose Touch Must Be Purified Through The Sprinkling Of Water 1. Muslim. 2. Teli of the Tarai 3. Kasai. 4. Kushle. 5. Dhobi. 6. Kulu. 7. Mlechchha. 8. Chudara. List Of Castes (contamination By) Whose Touch (Must Be purified) Through The Sprinkling Of Water 1. Sarki 2. Sunar. 3. Hurke. 4. Gaine. 5. Pode. 6. Kami 7. Chunara. 8. Damai. 9. Badi-Bhat. 10. Chyamkhalak. 8. The caste of Hindu Dhobi is higher than these castes, because (Hindu Dhobis) do not take anything from their hands and do not was chothes belonging to these castes water touched by whom cannot be taken and (contamination by) whose (must be purified) through the sprinkling of water, and , morever, because (Hindu Dhobis) go up to the rooms and stairheads of ( persons) belonging to higher castes. 9. The caste of Kushle is higher than all the castes enumerated above, because ( Kushles) do not take anything from their hands, weep palaces and the houses and courtyards of member of the nobility as well as temples, and maintain themselves by playing upon musical instruments at temples. Contd............ 54 10. The caste of Kasai is higher than that of Kushle, because (Kasais) do not take dooked rice or water from the hands of all the other castes mentioned above, including Kushle, and because all higher castes have started taking cow's or buffalo's milk touched by Kasais. 11. In case any kulu commits sexual intercourse with her consent with any girl, married women or widow belonging to castes ranging from those water touched by whom can be taken to those wearing the sacred thread, both the man the woman shall be punished according to the law relating to sexual intercourse between members of unequal castes whose touvh does not requires the sprinkling of water for purification. In case such sexual intercourse has been committed with a prostitute, one-third of the penalty due in the even to sexual intercourse with a married woman shall be awarded. 12. A fine of Rs 10 shall be imposed in the even of sexual intercourse between Kamis and Sarkis along with commensal relations. In the event of sexual intercourse between Kadaras on the one hand and Sarkis and Kamis on the other, a fine of Rs 12 shall be imposed the man, and of Rs 8 on the woman. 13. In the event of sexual intercourse among castes water touched by whom cannot be used and (contamination by) whose touch need not be purified through the sprinkling of water, a fine of Rs 20 shall be imposed on the man, and of Rs 10 on the woman, and they shall be degraded to the lower caste. 14 in case any person willfully sexual intercourse with any girl, married woman or widow of above the age of 11 years belonging to castes water touched by whom cannot be taken and (contamination by) whose touch requires the sprinkling of water ( for purification), and in case he has not taken cooked rice or water from hands of such sacred thread-wearing caste, irrespective of whether or not he involved other in the talking of cooked rice or water from his hands. The amount of the fine shall be Rs 50.00 in the case of castes other than those wearing the sacred thread who are entitled to a minimum of Rs 40 as wedding expenses ( to be paid as compensation to the husband by the man with whom his wife has eloped), and Rs 25.00 in the case of castes entitled to less than Rs 40.00 as wedding expenses. The prescribed [.....] too shall be collected while granting expiation to those who are involved (in the taking of cooked rice and water touched by the offender). (The offender) shall then be sent to the nearest places of pilgrimage and granted expiation. There shall be no ban on the taking of cooked rice or water touched by him if he has taken cooked rice or water from the hands of the woman, or irrespective of whether Contd............ 55. or not he has done so from the hands of a woman belonging to a caste (contamination by whose touch) requires the sprinkling of the water( for purification) with whom he has willfully committed sexual intercourse, if he has not involved others in the taking of cooked rice and water touched by him, his property shall be confiscated and he shall be sentenced to imprisonment for one year; and if he has thus involved others, his proprerty shall be confiscated and he shall be sentenced to imprisonment for 1 year and 6 months. In case he wears the sacred thread, it shall be taken away from him; and if does not, a ban shall be imposed on the taking of cooked rice or water touched by him, and he shall be joined to the caste of the woman. In case any person reports in advance to a government office or court that he will commit sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to a caste water touched by whom cannot be taken and thus be degraded, or so reports after already committing such sexual intercourse and being degraded before anybody has made the report, without involving others (in the taking of cooked rice or water touched by him), and in case he is not proved to have so involved anybody, his property shall not be confiscated nor shall be be sentenced to imprisonment. He shall only be joined to the caste of the woman and let off. 15. A woman belonging to a caste water touched by whom can be taken who permits a man belonging to caste (contamination by) whose touch requires the sprinkling of water for purification or any other caste touched by whom cannot be taken to commit sexual intercourse with her consent shall be sentenced to imprisonment fro 2 years if she has involved others in the taking of cooked rice or water touched by her, or else to year, and let off after being degraded to the lower caste. A ban shall be imposed on the taking of cooked rice or water touched by her. A woman belonging to a caste water touched by whom cannot be taken and (contamination by) whose touch requires the sprinkling of water (for purification ) to commit sexual intercourse with her shall be sentenced to imprisonment for 3 months and joined to the same caste. 16. In case a woman belonging or joined to any caste (contamination by) whose touch requires or does not requires the sprinkling of water (for purification) and water touched by whom cannot be taken permits sexual intercourse with her and has involved him in the taking of cooked rice or water touched by her, she shall be sentenced to imprisonment for 2 years, and to 1 year in case she has cannot so involved him. In case she has permitted him to commit sexual intercourse by misrepresenting her caste, the penalty shall be double. Contd............ 56. 17. A man who commits sexual intercourse being ignorant (of the caste of the woman) shall be granted expiation. But if he has taken cooked rice without ascertaining the caste of a woman belonging to a caste water touched by whom cannot be taken, he shall not be granted expiation in respect to the taking of cooked rice touched by him. In case he wears a sacred thread, it shall be taken away from him, and he shall be granted expiation only in respect to the taking of water touched by him. (Such person), if belonging to a sacred-thread wearing caste, then becomes a Shudra, entitled to a minium amount of Rs 40.00 as wedding expenses (to be paid as compensation to the husband by the man with whom his wife has eloped). If he belongs to a caste entitled to a minimum amount of Rs 40.00 as wedding expenses, he shall be degraded to a caste water touched by whom can be taken and which is entitled to less than Rs 40.00 as wedding expenses. If he belongs to a caste entitled to less than 40.00 as wedding expenses water touched by whom can be taken, he shall remain in his own caste. 18. In case (a person belonging) to a caste (contamination by) whose touch requires the sprinkling of water (for purification) commits sexual intercourse with a person belonging to a similar caste, and in case the woman is married, action may be taken at the pleasure of the husband according to law if a caste entitled to strike (with a weapon) at the adulterer in accordance with the provisions of the law on adultery. In case (the caste is not entitled) to strike aat the adulterer, or in case the husband does not impose any penalty, and in case a girl or married woman is involved and she has involved her, she shall be punished in accordance with the law pertaining to the caste involved in the sexual intercourse. 19. In case a woman belonging to a caste water touched by whom cannot be taken or (contamination by) whose touch requires or does not require the sprinkling of water (for purification) permits a man belonging to a pure caste water touched by whom can be taken who has not undergone the sacred thread investiture ceremony to commit sexual intercourse with her, falsely stating that she belongs to a pure caste, action shall be taken according to law. Since she has permitted him to commit sexual intercourse before his sacred thread investiture ceremony, stating that she belongs to a pure caste and involved him in the taking of cooked rice or water touched by her, he shall be granted expiation in respect to the taking of cooked rice or water touched by him, because of his ignorance. He shall undergo the sacred thread investiture ceremony and remain in his own caste. Contd. ..... 57. 20. In case a Muslim commits sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to the Kasai, Kushle, Kulu, Dhobi and other Hindu castes water touched by whom cannot be taken, the wedding expenses shall be recovered from him if the woman is married, and a fine of Rs 100.00 shall be imposed if she has been involved in the taking of cooked rice or water touched by him. Otherwise, the fine shall amount at Rs 70.00. 21. In case a Muslim commits sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to the Muslim caste, wedding expenses amounting to Rs 100.00 shall be recovered from him if (the woman) had been wedded formally or through the observance of customary rites. If ( the husband) declines such wedding expenses, ( the adulterer) shall be sentenced to imprisonment for 11 months, in addition to being fined with Rs 100.00. In case a woman who commits adultery with one person and is again taken up (as a wife by another person) after performing wedding rites is involved (in such intercourse), wedding expenses amounting to Rs 50.00 shall be recovered (from the adulterer), and he shall also be fined with Rs 50.00. If the woman has been taken up (as a wife) without performing wedding rites, only a fine of Rs 50.00 shall be imposed ( on the adulterer). The woman may live with any man as she pleases. 23. Action shall be taken as prescribed in the law while recovery wedding expenses in the case of castes belonging to the Tarai water touched by whom cannot be taken and (contamination by) whose touch requires or does nor requires the sprinkling of water (for purification). If the law does not prescribe any action; wedding expenses shall be recovered (from the adulterer) at the rate of Rs 20.00 in the case of castes [......] touched by whom cannot be taken and (contamination by) whose touch does not requires the sprinkling or water (for purification), and of Rs 15.00 If such sprinkling is required; and a fine of an equal amount shall be imposed. In case the woman has not been taken up as a wife after performing wedding rites, wedding expense need not to recovered (from the adulterer), only a fine as mentioned above shall be imposed. Contd.......... 58. Land Reclamation And Agricultural Development, 1923* In early 1923, the Government of Nepal tool: a number of measures to develop agriculture and promote land reclamation and resettlement in the Rapti Valley. An Agriculture Office was established in Kathmandu to implement these measures. It was planned to open 2 demonstration farms, one each in Kathmandu and the Tarai. Arrangements were made to clear forests in the Rapti Valley area (Samari to Ratamate north to south and Dardara to Makwanpur west to east) under the supervision of the Hitaura Forest Office and resettle peasants there under the supervision of the Agriculture Office. Under this resettlement program, preference in the allotment of lands was given to peasants inhabiting the hill areas of Chisapani-Gadhi. Military officers and personnel came next in the order of preference, according to the date of their applications. Arrangements were also made to resettle about 150 peasants from Sindhuli in areas west of the Rapti river, if they did not accept allotments east of the river. Military officers, Talukdars and other respectable persons were entrusted with the responsibility of bringing in settlers. In consideration of such services, each such person was granted 20 bighas of land for himself as Jirayat after reclaiming 100 bighas. The balance of 80 bighas was then registered in the name of the settlers. Each settle received as much land as he could reclaim, according to the size of his family and the availability of land. A maximum amount of Rs 20.00 per bigha at a time was supplied as credit to each settler. Landless peasants who desired to settle down in the resettlement area too were entitled to allotments and credit facilities even if they were unable to furnish any security. Recovery of the loans was started after the third year. Land tax exemption was granted for an initial period of 7 years. Thereafter, land tax was assessed in kind at the rate of one-seventh of the produce from the eight year, and at one-sixth of the produce from the eleventh year. A sum of Rs 1,000.00 was sanctioned for procuring rice and other supplies and selling them to the settlers on a no-profit basis. Rs 100.00 was sanctioned for the supply of quinine and other medicines. * Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 12, PP. 178-187. Contd. ..... 59. A British Account Of Gorhali Rule In Dhradun. A pirthi Narain, king of the small principality of Gurkha in Nepal, occupied Kathmandu in 1768 and died in 1775, when he was succeeded by his son, Sinha Partap Sah. The latter died in 1778 and his son, Ran Bahadur, being a minor the reins of state were left in the capable hands of the [......] Indar Lachhmi. In 1779 the queen regent was murdered by Bahadur Sah, the uncle of the young king. He continued the aggressive policy of his predecessor, and in 1790 the Gurkhas turned their attention to kumaun and after a brief campaign occupied Almora in 1790. Garhwal was their next objective, and though the Gurkhas were effectively checked at Langurgathi, the feeble young raja was persuaded to pay the large tribute of Rs 25,000 a year. In 1803 however the border fights which had not ceased when the nominal peace was concluded between the Garhwalis and the Gurkhas developed into open war. Pradhuman Sah abandoned his capital but made a stand at Barahat, whence he was driven into the dun, closely pursued by the victorious Gurkhas who occupied Dehra in October 1803. Pradhuman Sah then took refuse in the plains and through the good offices of the Gujar raja, Ram Dyal Singh of Landhaura, was enabled to collelct a force of some twelve thousand, with whom he entered the Dun resolved to make one attempt to recover his kingdom. In this he was unsuccessful, and in an action fought in January 1804 at Kharbara near Dehra perished with most of his Garhawali retainers. Pritam Sah, the brother of Pradhuman Sah, was taken prisoner and sent in sutody to Nepal, but Sudershan or Sukhdarashan Sah, the eldest son of the deceased Raja, escaped to British territory, and Parakran Sah took refuse with Sonsar Chand in Kangra. Amar Singh, with his son Ranjor Thapa as deputy, held the administration of both Kumaun and the newly-annexed territory in their own hands during 1804, whilst preparations were being made to extend the Gurkha conquest westward. The notorious rigour of the Gurkha rule almost reduced than Don to a still lingered began to disappear. After a time mahant Bar Sewak was [.....] stated in the Dun and some improvement took place, which was farther [.......] when Hasti Dal was recalled from Kangra and took and action part in the [.....] of affairs. Mr. Williams tell us that: "Raids from Sharanpur and the Punjab had been brought to an abrupt termination by the fulfillment of a threat to burn one village fro every plundering party that entered the Dan *H.G. Walton, I.C.S., dehradun, A Gazetteer, Allahabad: Superintendent Government Press, 1911. 177-183 PP. Contd....... 60. A band of Sikhs once had the territory to se the new government at defiance and, as in the dsya of yore, sacked a village, carrying away several women and driving off the cattle. The Nepalese commandant, receiving intelligence of the outrage, sent two hundred men in pursuit of the marauders whose own dwellings were surrounded and set on fire. Every man, woman or child attempting to escape was massacred in cold blood, except of a few of the handsomest females, whose beauty purchased their life. His signal example had the desired effects. "From Raper's account of his journey to survey the Ganges, in 1808, we gather a few more particulars. He met Hasti Dal Sah at Hardwar and describes him as a man of about forty-five years of ago, of middle stature, pleasing countenance and desirous in every way to aid him. A few days afterwards Kaper was introduced to Hasti Dal's successor, Bhairon Thapa, who is described as the very reverse of friendly and only anxious to impode his progress, though eventually they parted good friends. Raper also notices the excessive rigour of the Gurkha rule in Garhwal and writes:- At the foot of the pass leading to Har-ka-pairi is a Gurkhali post, to which slaves are brought down from the hills and exposed for sale. Many hundreds of these poor wretches, of both sexes, from three to thirty years of age, are annually disposed of in the way of traffic. These slaves are brought down from all parts of the interior of the hills and sold at Hardwar at frm\om ten to one hundred and fifty rupees each." Mr.J.B. Fraser computed the number sold during the Gurkha occupation at 200,000, but possibly this is an exaggeration, where delinquents were unable to pay the fine imposed, the amount of which rested entirely at the arbitrary discretion of the Gurkha officer in charge of the district, he was sold into slavery together with his family. Parents driven to desperation sold their children and, in certain circumstances.; uncles sold their nephews or nieces, sand elder brother their younger brithoers and sisters. Mr. Fraser writes of the Dun:- "Under the Garhwal Rajas it yielded to Govcnment a revenue of a lakh of rupees a year; but the Gurkhalis, having much ruined it, never realized more than Rs 20,00 per annum." On his march thence to the sources of the Ganges the general appearance of the country was that of one that had been subject to all the horrors of war. Deserted and ruined villages lined the road and frequent patches of terrace cultivation now becoming overgrown with jungle alone showed where hamlets had once stood. The Gurkhas next came into contact with the British arms. In consequences of a series of aggressions upon our territory culminating with the [............] murder of a police officer in the Gorakhpur district lord Hastings declined war in 1814, and determined to attack Nepal simultaneously fro as many quarters as possible. Major General Marlay was given the command of 8,000 men in Behar and ordered to march at once on Kathmandu the capital. In Gorakhpur a force of 4,000 men eas entrusted to majot-General J.S. Wood. Contd.......... 61. Major-General Ochterllony was to attack the enemy' position on the [..........,] west between the Satley and the Jumna. To Major-General Gillespie with 3,500 men was assigned the task of reducing the Dun. The operations of the Behar and Gorkhapur columns were characterized by carelessness and failure. General Gillespie and Ochterlony were however men of a different stamp, and it is to the efforts of the latter alone that the credit of the happy issue of the campaign in the Dun is due. The opearations of General Gillespie were most unfortunate but they were not disgraceful, for he showed himself a brave and zealous soldier. H is inscriptions were to enter the Dun and having reduced the forts in the Valley, either to proceed through January and assist Ochtrlony by falling on Amar Singh's left between Bilaspur and Simla or to proceed Westward and take Nahan, then held by Ranjor Singh Thapa, and so separate the Durkha forces. The British force entered the Dun in two columns by the Mohan and Timli pases and united again at Dehra on the 24th October. The enemy was found in the Kalanga fort, on the highest point of a low spur avout three and half miles North- east of Dehra. There were some three or four hundred [..........] Nepalese troops and a number of Garhwalli levies under the [..........] Balbhadra Singh Thapa, nephew of Amr Singh Thapa, the military governer of Gerhwal. Colonel Mawby made and attempt to calpture the fort by assault, but after a few rounds had been fired from two 6-pounds and two howitzers mounted on elephant, the British force retired on Dehra giving up the task as impracticable. General Gillespie arrived on 26th October and took command of the force. A careful reconnaissance of the enemy's position was made, and orders were given for an assault for which four separate parties, numbering in all 1,798 men with a reserve of 939 were prepared. The defences of the fort were not complete but the enemy and done everything possible with the men and materials at his disposal, gaps were filled with stones, stockades were erected along the land of approach, and at a wicket, open but cross-barred, a gun was which placed enfiladed the principal side of attack. The attack began with a bombardment by the British guns, which however were too light to do any execution. The signal was then given for the simultaneous assault by the four storming parties, but either the signal was not heard, or, if heard, was not understood, for only Colonel Carpenter' column and the reserve under Major Ludlow were seriously engaged. The stockades were easily carried, but on approaching the wall the British suffered severely in both officers and men. No scaling ladders were immediately available and the General leading the assault in person was shot through the boart. The command now develop on Colonel Mewly who decided to retire to Dehra and hrese await reinforcements. Five officers were killed and fifteen wounded, of whom seven subsequently died; twenty-seven non- commissioned officers and men killed and 213 wounded. On the 24th November a battering train arrived from Delhi. The fort was shelled, while Contd............ 62. a battery of 18-pounders erected within 300 yards of the wall [...........] pronounced practicable early in the afternoon of the 26th . another assault was ordered, but the storming party failed to effort an entrance and retired with a loss of four officers and 33 men killed, and seven officers and 635 men wounded or missing. Thus the disastrous results of the first attack were repeated, and it was only now discovered that there was no water within the fort, and that the besieged were obliged to supply themselves from a spring at some distance from the walls. Arrangements were at once made to cut off the water, and the fire from the batteries recommend the next day, doing great damage from the unprotected state of the garrison and the shattered condition of their defences. On the night of the 30th November, only three days after the adoption of the measures which would have been equally feasible a month earlier, had they been adopted, Balbhadra Thapa with seventy men, all tth remained of his garrison, evacuated Kalanga. The Gurkhas cut their way through the chain of posts placed to intercept them. And escaped to a neighboring hill closely pursued. The seventy men who escaped from the fort were joined by some three hundred others who had been seen hovering about the neighbourhood endeavouring to find a way into the fort. Major Ludlow was sent after these with some four hundred of our troops and succeeded in attacking their camp by night and dispersing them, killing fifty. The British loss amounted to two officers and fifteen men wounded. In the meantime Colonel Carpenter had taken measures to guard the entrance to the hills at Kalsi and sent Captain Fast with a detachment to occupy some positions above that town, which resulted in the surrender of the fort of Bairat on the 4th December. The following day the troops marched to Rampur Mandi to join the force under Major-General Martindell, who had orders to attack Nahan. Balbhadra Singh Thapa with the remains of his party threw himself into the fort of [..........] and defended himself successfully against a force dispatched agaist him under Major Baldock. He subsequently joined the Gurkha force at Jaithak, and on the surrender of that place entered the Sikh service, where he nad all his followers perished in a war with the Afghans. The Dun force together with that unde General Martindell were ordered to attack Nahan, where Ranjor Singh, the son of Amar Singh Thapa still held out with more than [..] thousand men to support him. On the 24th December Nahan was occupied by [..] British troops, the Gurkhas retiring on our approach to Jaithak, a fort and strong position a little to the north, 1,600 feet above the town and nearly 5,000 feet above the sea. The fort was attacked without loss of time, but unsuccessfully, and the British troops were repulsed with a loss of between four and five hundred men, so that General Martindell attempted no active operations for nearly three months. After this succession of reverses at many points it is satisfactory to have to record proceeding of a different character. Contd.......... 63 At the end of October 1814, General Ochterlony with about six thousand men entered the hills on the left bank of the Satlej, with the view of dislodging the Gurkhas from the strong positions which they hell between Bilaspur on the that river and the outer hills above the Pinjor Dun. The enemy force consisted of about tree thousand men and was commanded by Amar Singh Thapa, the most skilful of all the Gurkha officers and a captian of high reputation in the former wars of his nation. Meanwhile the column operation of Kumaun under Colonel Nicolls had been more successful. On 27th April 1815, Almora was occupied and the British and Nepalese commanders signed a convention. The terms of this convention included the evacualtion of Nahan and Jaithak by Amer Singh. Amar Singh at first held out manfully but in the end, recognizing that his communication with Nepal were severse and weaken by desertations, he surrendered his positions to General Ochterlony. The British thus came into possession of all the territories of the Gurhkas between the Kali and the Satlej and a resolution of Government, [......] the 27th November 1815; ordered the annexation of Dehra Dun to the Saharanj district. 64. Regulations On Transportation Of Cannon From Kathmandu To Kumaun* Ashadh Badi 7, 1862 ************* 1. Local officers (Amalis, Dwares) of areas where cannon sent to Kumaun is held up for more than 2 nights shall be given a warning, so that no such delays may be caused in the future. 2. Demand bridges and ferry services in areas between the Bishnumatio river and Kumaun shall be repaired through the labor of the local people. 40 persons shall be assigned to provide Hulak (portarage) services in every area. Particulars of such personnel at each area shall be reported to the government. *********************** *Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 6, p. 73. 65. Shamshuddin's Invasion Of Nepal* By Dhanabajra Bajracharaya. *************** On Marga 22, 1406 (Virkrama), Sultan Shamshuddin of Bengal invaded Kathmandu Valley. The Gopal Vamshavali), which was compiled nearly 40 years later, during the reign of King Sthiti Malla, contains the following descriptions of this envasion:- "On the full-moon day in the month of Baisakh in 469 Nepal Samvat (corresponding to 1106 Vikrama), King Jayaraj Dev offered Nepal from the east and broke (the image of) Shri Pashupatinath into three three pieces. The whole of Nepal was burnt. Panic swept over the people. (the people of ) Bhaktapur underwent much suffering on the ninth day od the bright half of the monn in the month of Marga, 470 Nepal Samvat (1406 Vikrama)." A stone inscription found at Pimbahal in Lalitpur indicates that is had been destroyed by the Muslim Sultan Shamshuddin and ubsequently renovated by Meghpal in 477 Nepal Samvat (1414 Vikrama). The inscription also states that the Sultan "destroyed the whole of Nepal". Another stones inscription, found at Swayambhu, says, "On Thursday, on the tenth day of the bright half of the monn in the month of Marga, 470 Nepal Samvat(1406 Vikrama), Sultan Shamshuddin entered into Nepal with a large force of Bangalis, and wrought destruction everywhere in Nepal." Swayambhu was renovated 23 years later by Mahapatra Rajaharsh Bhallok. At that time , Bhaktaput was the capital of Kathmandu Valley. The town was thus attacked first. The Muslim armyu thereafter sacked Kathmandu, broke image of Pashupatinath into three pieces, and then radied Swayambhu and set it on fire. Lalitpur met with the same fate. The rules and people of Kathmandu Valley were unable to put up aby resistance. Sultan Shamshuddin left Kathmandu Valley after 7 days. King Paja Dev occupied the throne at that time, but real poer was in the handle of Devala Devi. This arrangement continued even after the Mulsim invaders departed. However, in the "Mediaeval History of Nepal". *condensed from Dhanabajra Bajracharya, "Shanshuddin Ko Akraman." Purnima, 8, Marga 2022 (January 1966 ), 7-133 pp. Contd.......... 66. Luciano Petech writes: "In unhappy Nepal, without a ruler and throne(sic) by discnsions, a thunderbolt fell from the blue sky........... In the meantime the Eastern Suratane Samsadina (Sultan Shamsud-din) came toNepal and ....... the whole of Nepal was ravaged by fire and the people were unhappy..........This happened in 467 Margasira Sukla guru, " (pp 126-119). However, as mentioned above, the invasion actually took place in 470 Nepal Samvt. Petech is therefore wrong in maintainging that "the danger from the Muslim had not yet disappeared. Shams ud-din Ilyas seems to have carried out another raid, which lasted 7 days; the date of this event is 470 Margasira Sukla 9 (=November 19th , 1349)". Mor is it true that Kathmandu Valley......."without a ruler" at that time . King Arimalla had died in Aswin 1401 (Vikrama) and Raja Dev had ascended the throne on Shrawan 1404 (Vikrama),after an interregnum of 3 years. 67. who Are The Doyas?* The Gopal Vamshavali refers to a number of raids conducted by Doyas into Kathmansu Valley. According to one reference, Nara Malla Dev" cut the Doyas with his sword" on Marga Badi 7, 1168 (Vikrama). However, no further particulars of his incident have been given. The Gopal Vamshavali also states that on Jestha Badi 1, 1301 (Vikrama), doyas invaders, led by King Ran Singh, more defeated in the Khandadhar hill by King Anargha Malla Dev. The latter King has not yet been identified. Doyas invaded Kathmandu Valley on Marga Sudi 7, 1302 (Vikrama) also. They came through Kampa (Kapan) up to Bhoyathlali(Bhunthali), both in the Gukarna area of Kathmandu, but were again defeated. However, Doyas to have established htier power in Kathmandu Valley for some time 50 year later. The assisted one side in a civil war that was going on here, and this were able to influence the administration briefly. According to the Gopal Vamshavali:- "In the night of Poush Badi 15, 1356 (Vikrama), Doyas came to fight at Asa- nimam. They fought successfully until Magh Basi 2, and occupied Tipur and Asanimam. On Falgun Sudi 5, they advanced From Khandakhuri, occupied Khalithali, And advance further to occupy Mithili. The next day, they tried to enter into Cunigal, but failed. Seven Doyas were killed at Badyanimam Jaladhuni, and three at Tyankhadol. (Subsequently), they occ- pied Balunkha Jaldhuni and entered into Brahmapur. Tipur then paid a fine, Mandra- Pal raised 6 drammas and 3 drammas per Ropani of land, and 4 drammas from every family, and handed over the procceds to the Doyas, who went back on Chaitra Sudi 7. they had been invited by Pandit Jayaju of Salachhe, Jayashakti Dev pf Banepa and Anaata Malla Dev." *Dhana Bajra Bajrachya, " Doya Haro Ko Hun?" (Who are the Doyas?) Purnima, 4, Magh 2021 (January 1965). 20-31 pp. Contd........... 68. Most of the places mentioned above have not been identified. Tipur was situated near modern Bhaktpur. Ananta Malla was the reigning king at that time. Jaya Shakti Dev was the son of the Crown Prince, Jayditya Dev. It is thus evident that the Doyas were supported by the king and the royal family. Ananta Malla succeeded Jaya Simha Malla. Jayaditya Dev, son of the Jaya Bhi Dev, was ddesignated hair apparent. Crown Prince Jayaditya Dev was senior to King Ananta Malla by 8 years. He was thus able ot wield some influence on the administration. He approached some threat to his position from hios brother, Ananta Dev. Accordingly, he arrested Ananda Dev and imprisoned him at Palanchok. Crown Prince Jayaditya Dev died in Falgun 1349 (Vikrama). 5 months thereafter, Ananta Dev escaped from imprisonment. Jaya Shakti Dev then reached Palanchok and again imprisoned his uncle, Ananta Dev. The Gopal Vamshavali does not mention when and how Anaata Dev came out of imprisonment ubsequently. This shows thth internal conflict was prevailing in the royal family during this period. King Ananta Malla appears to hav e been a man of weak pemporament. He had not been able to control other members of the royal family, or Jaya Shakti Dev, became influential. King Ananta Mall seems to have side with the Doyas through his influence. Again, 10 years, Jaya Shakti Dev invited the Doyas and created panic in Kathmandu Valley. According to the Gopal Vamshavali; the Doyas entered into Lalitpur on Magh Badi 14, 1367 (Vikrama). Thry occupied the area from Thamthibi to Manigal. Brahmans and members of the nobility were imprisoned. Forts and other places were destroyed. The Doyas then exacted a tribute from the people in order to finance thire expenses. Majhyanpat was set on fire. The Doyas gave asylum to Betana Dev, Jaya Shakti Dev, [.....] Chandra and Dhwaka Raut. They had been invited by Jaya Shakti Dev. On Kartik Sudi 12, 1368 (Vikrama), all temples were set on fire and destroyed. The entire treasury at Deopatan(of the Pashupatinath temple ?) was omptoed by the Doyas. Thereafter, they preceded towards Sanga. They killed some people from Banepa to Tari (Tarai?). On Falgun Sudi 8, 1368 (Vikrama), the Doya nobles went back as they were unable to rule here. This shows that the Doyas entered into Lalitpur in 1367 (vikrama) and established their domination. But the nobles and people of Lalitpur did not accept their domination reality. As a result, the Doyas imprisoned the [.....] nobility of Lalitpur and imposed fines on the people. They occupied Lalitpur for mire than 1 year. But they do not appear to have desired to rule here permanently. That is why they destroyed temples and plundered temple funds. Contd...... 69. The Khsa Kings of the Karnali region in the west also had raied Kathmandu Valley. They too did not desire to rule here. They were satisfied only with imposing a tribute. The Doyas followed a similar policy. But there exists a big difference between the raids conducted by the Khasas and by the Doyas. The Khasas set villages on fire, but did not destroy temples or plunder temples funds. On the contrary, hey performed religious ceremonies at the Pashupatinath, Swayanbhunath, Machhindranant and other temples. The Doyas however, destroyed temples and plundered temple fund during their raid in 1368 (Vikrama). King Ananta Malla had already died at that time. He was succeeded by Ananda Dev, the old enemy of Jaya Shakti Dev. It thus apprears that Jaya Shakti Dev invited the Doyas to take revenge agaist Ananda Dev. The question now arises, who were the Doyas?. We have already mentione above that in Magh, 1367 (Vikrama), the Doyas raided Lalitpur. According to another edition of the Gopal Vamshavali, available at the Kaiser Library; persons belonging to Tirhut raided Lalitpur in the same month and year. This indicates that the doya and the Tirhuts were the same. The Gopal Vamahavali) refers to King Nanya Singh Dev of the Tirhut as a "Doya". It also states that Ran Simha Dev, son of Nara Simha Dev, a "Do Thakur", was born on Chaitra Sudi[..] 1240 (Vikrama). There is no doubt that this was the same Ram Simha who invaded Kathmandu Valley in 1301 (Vikrama), as mentioned above. This proves that Nanya Dev and his successors hwo ruled over Tirhut were as Doyas in Kathmandu Valley. These raids have led the compilers of several Vamshvalis to state the Nanya Dev, Hari Simha Dev and other Kings from Tirhut had established then rule over Kathmandu Valley. Pratap Mall and other Malla Kings have committed a similar error by stating in their inscriptions that after the Muslim force had destroyed Simraungadh, Hari Simha Dev had occuipoed and ruled over Bhaktapur, but this is not true. In 1381 (Vikrama), Sultan Chiyasuddin Tughlaq of Delhi returned to Delhi through Tirhut after suppressing a revolt in Bengal. King Hari Simha Dev of Simraungadh thought that the Muslim forces were going to attack his kingdom. He therefore came out to fight [......] . But the Muslim forces defeated Hari Simha Dev and destroyed Simraungadh. Hari Simha Dev then fled to the hill areas of Nepal along with his son, ministers and nobles. He died at Tinpatan in the Dolakha area on Magh Sudi [.....] 1382 (Vikrama). His son and ministers were imprisoned by the nobles of Rajagram,who also appropriated his entire property. Clearly evidence to these events is supplied by the Gopal Vamshavali. It is therefore wrong to state that Hari Simha Dev fled from Simreungadh and ruled over Bhaktapur. 70. A Farman from The Mughal Emperor1 The problem of the Tarai region from the Tanter Pargannas to Parsa had already been solved by lthe belonging of 1771 A.D.2. But the problem of Ambarpur still remain unsolved. Tis solution required the cooperation of the Calcutta Concil of The East India Company. The Concil on its part required the cooperation of King Prithvi Narayan Shah to check the depredations of [...........]. On March 12, 1771, King Prithvi Narayan Shah received a firamn from the Mughal Emperor, Shah Alam II. The firman addressed him as Maharj Prithvi Narayan Bahadur Shumsher Jung. Prior to this, King Prithvi Narayan Shah styled himself as"Shriman Maharajadhiraj Shri Shri Shriman Nirpa4 Prithvi Narayan Shah" or "Shriman Maharajadhiraj Shri Shri Shriman Prithvi Narayan Shah". The title "Shri Shri Ghrimari Maharajadhiraj Shri Shri Shriman Nripa Prithvi Narayan Shah", in a royal order issued to local functionaries in Dolakha, and "Shriman Maharajadhiraj Shri Shri Shri Shri Shriman Prithvi Narayan Shah, in a royal order issued to the inhabitants of that town. The commercial treaty signed with King Jaya Prakash Mall of Kathmandu mentions" Swasti Shriman Maharajadhiraj Shri Shriman Nripa prithvi Narayan Shah Dev." After the above-mentioned firman was received from the Mughal emperor King Prithvi Narayan Shah invariably styled himself " Shri Shri Shri Maharaj Prithvi narayan Shah Bahadur Shmsher Jung." The words "Bahadur Shamsher Jung were removed from the royal titles by King Mahendra in 1962. ******************* 1Babu Ram Acharya, Shri 5 Bada Maharajadhiraj Prithvi Narayan Shah, ( a Short Biography of King Prithvi Narayan Shah). Kathmandu; Principal [.....] Secretariat if His Majesty, Royal Palace, Vol. IV, 2026 (1969). 711-172 PP. 2These regions had been under British occupation since the Kinloch expedition of 1767. 3In Saptari district. Nripa (Sanskrit) means "King". 71. A Brief Polotical History Of The Lichchhavi Period1 By Jagadish Chandra Regmi. The Lichchhavis entered into Nepal during the first Century A.D.2. According to the Gopal Vamshavali, the Lichchhavi defeated the Kirat Kings and began to rule over Nepal. Stone inscriptions are the only sources which provides us with material for a study of dthe history of the Lichchhavi period. However, Lichchhavi inscriptions are available only after 464 A.D. The history of the early Lichchhavi period is therefore not clear. The genealogy of the early Lichchhavi Kings may be traced from the Pashupati inscription of Jaya DEva II and the Changu Narayan inscription of Mana Deva I. The genealogy of the Lichchhavi Kings, as given in the Pashupati inscription of Jaya Deva II, begins from the Sun God. The inscription refers to names of the solar dynasty which are mentioned in the puranas. They are:- Manu, Ikshwaku, Vikukshi, Vishwagashwa, Sagara, Dilipa, and Asamanjasa. The names of Lichchhavi Kings are enumerated thereafter. The names of kings two reigned after the Lichchhavis are omitted, and the inscription then refers to Supushpa. The names of 20 successors of Supushpa are again omitted. The Pashupati inscription thereafter, mentions Jaya Deva I, but not his 11 Successors, and finally mentions King Vrisha Deva. The Changu Narayan inscription begins its genealogy from King Vrisha Deva. Vrisha Deva was succeeded by his son, Shanker Deva. The names lof Dharma Deva and Mana Deva I occur thereafter. Mana Deva I was the first Lichchhavi Kong to mint coins and install stone inscriptions in Nepal. The Chcngu Narayana inscription is the first stone inscription of the Lichchhavi, as well as of Nepal. 14 inscription of Mana Deva's period have ao far been discovered, the fisrt of which is dated 386 Shaka Samvat (464 A.D.) and the last 427 Shaka Samvat (505 A.D.). Mana Deva I thus appears to have ruled fro 41 years. 1Jagadhish Chandra Regmi, Lichchhavi Samskriti (Lichchhavi Culture). Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1969. 1-9 pp. 2In his The Vakataka Gupta Age (P. 130), Ramesh Chandra Majundaer says that the Lichchhavis entered into Nepal during the 2nd century A.D.. However in his The Age Of The Imperial Gupta (p.8), Rakhal Das Bannerjee says that they did not so during the early mediaeval period. Contd..... 72. According to the Pashupati inscription of Jaya Deva II, Mana Deva was succeede by his son Mahi Deva. However, no inscription issued by Mahi Deva has so far been discovered. Since the first inscription of Vasanti Deva (successor of Mahi Deva) is dated 427 Shaka Samvat, it may be assumed that Mahi Deva ruled for a few months between 427 and 428 Shaka Samvat. Vasanta Deva then ascended the throne. 9 stones inscriptions of his period have been discovered. The dates mentioned in them show that Vasanta Deva ruled for 26 years between 428 456 Shaka Samvat (506-532 A.D.) . Vasanta Deva was succeeded by Vamana Deva. Only on inscription issued during his time is available. It is dated 460 Shaka Samvat (538 A.D.). The actual period of his reign cannot be ascertained. He was succeeded by Rama Deva. Two stone inscriptions of Rama Deva's period are available, of which one bears the date 469 Shaka Samvat (547 A.D). The date in the other inscription has been illegible. Gana Dev ascended the throne in 479 Shaka Samvat (557 A.D.)3. On the basis of 8 inscriptions installed during his reign, which bear different dates from 479 to 489 Shaka Samvat 9557 to 567 A.D. 0, he appears to have ruled for a period of 10 years. Then begins the reign of Shiva Deva I. 16 stone inscriptions installed during hios reign have been discovered. These inscriptions indicate that Shiva Deva I ruled for a period of 14 or 15 years (between 590 and 604 A.D.) Almost all the early inscription of Shiva Seva I mention the name of Amshu Varma as "Samanta" or "Mahasamanta". He is described as "Maharajadhiraja Shrisamanta" in an inscript issused dring the last phase of the Reign of Shiva Deva I.4 This may be regarded as evidence of Amshu Varma's growing influence on the administration, Amshu Varma become King after Shiva Deva. The surname "Varma" suggests that Amshu Varma did not belong to the Lichchhavi dynasty. The fact that he was a top-ranking official during the reign of Shiav Deva I also indicates that he was not a Lichchhavi. However, the reason behind the change of dynasty is not known. Nor is any information available with regard to the year when his reign commenced, he used a new era in his inscriptions. Nevertheless, he seems to have occupied in the last inscription of Shiva Deva I ) 3A broken stone inscription dated 479 Shaka Samvat, presumably installed during the reign of Gana Deva; has been discovered at Kotanchol ion Pharping (Abhilekh Sangraha, Vol. 9, p. 3.). 4Banepa stone inscription, R. Gnoli, P. 44. Contd...... 73. Scholars regard Amshu Varma as a member of the Thakuri family, on the basis of the evidence contained in the Bhasha Vamshavalu, which had been compiled during the 18th century. However, no inscription issued by Amshu Varam refers to him as a Thakuri. There is in fact on evidence that Amshu Varma was Thakuri. According to stone inscription, Samvat 29 was the first year of the rign of Amshu Varma.5 Samvat 45 was the last year of his rule.6 It would thus seem that Amshu Varma has ruled for a total period of 16 years. Scholars are not unanimous as regards the origin of the Samvat era mentioned in Amshu Varma's inscription. Foreign scholars are of the coinion that this represents the Harsha era. They consider Amshu Varma to be just a vassal of Emperor Harsha. Indian and European historians of earlier periods have accordingly designated Nepal as vassal state of Harsha. But modern historians do not subscribe to this view. Nonetheless, nobody has yet come out with definite evidence regarding the background and origin of this era. While it is not possible to be exact in explaning the factors leading to the initiation of this era, and idea can be formed about the period during which it originated. As already indicated above the name of Amshu Varam is frequently mentione in the stone inscriptions of Shiva Deva I. Hence it may be assumed that the period of the rule of Shiva Deva corresponds roughly to that of Amshu Varam. 604 A.D., which was the last year of the rule of Shiva Dava, probably corresponds to Samvat 29, the first year of the rule of Amshu Varam. Supposing that the rule of Amshu Varma had commanced in 605 A.D. this Samvat era probably started in 576 A.D. This view corresponds to the subsequent chronology. The Amshu Varma era was used in later stone inscriptions also. Amshu Varma held the tiltle of "Maha Samanta" fro some time, though the stone inscription also describes him as a King with full authority. He had assumed this title because he belonged to a different dynasty and has[.......] the Lichchhavi throne. However, in the stone inscriptions installed after Samvat 39, he has used only "Shri" before his name. toward the end of the reign, he assumed the title of "Maharajadhiraj." A coin issued by him contains "Maharajadhiraj" on the abverse and "Shri Amshu" on the reverse. In the stine inscriptions of Dhruva Deva and Jishnu Gupta, who became kings after him, Amshu Varma is described as "Bhattaraka Maharajadhiraj." 5Bhagwan Lal Indra ji and Gnoli have read the year as Samvat 34 in the stone inscription of Amshu Varma located at Bungmati. The Itihas Shamsodan Mandal has now identified it as Samvat 29. 6Since the portion on Bibhu Vrama's inscription indicating the Samvat ea is wornout, there is doubt whether the date is 45. Contd............ 74 A major chage occurred in the plotics on Nepal after the death of Amshu Varama. In view of the growing influence of the Guptas, Dhruva Deva, who belonged to Lichchhavi dynasty, was obliged to offer the position of joint king to Jishnu Gupta. It os yet unclear how Dhruva Deva became the king. Some inscriptions of Amshu Varma refr to Uday Deva as Heir-Apparent. Accordingly, Uday Deva should have ascended the throne after the death of Amshu Varma. Amshu Varam ahs designated him as Heir-Apperant, even though Uday Deva was not his son, and not even a member of family. It is possible that Uday Deva ruled for a short time adter the death of Amshu Varma. But there is no evidence available to substantiate this hypothesis. According to Chinese sourses, Narendra Deva (Na-Ling-Ti-Po) fled to Tibet after his brother removed his father from the throne. This indicates that it was Uhaya Deva who had been dethroned in this manner. It may also be presumed that Dhruva Gupta, was the brother of Udaya Deva. In any case, the joint rule of the Lichchhavi and the Guptas started after the death of Amshu Varma. 5 inscriptions installed during the joint rules of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva Deva are available. 2 of them bear the Samvat date 48 and 49. the date has become illegible in 3 other inscriptions. The joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva Deva eas followed by that of Jishnu Gupta and Bhimarjun Deva, according to available inscriptions, 3 inscriptions installed during this period have been discovered. The date has become illegible inone of these inscriptions. The two other inscriptions contain the Samvat dates 55 (631 A.D.) and 59 (635 A.D.). There is evidence that Jishnu Gupta alone ruled for some years thereafter. Vishnu Giupta, son of Jishnu Gupta, then established his joint rule along with Bhimarjun Deva. He had obtained his authority from his father. 2 inscriptions dated the Samvt years 64 and 65(640 A.D. and 641 A.D.) have been discovered from this period. At this time, Narendra Deva was living in exile in Tibet, however, he was making efforst to reestablish his authority in Nepal. According to Chinese sources, he enlisted the help of the rulers of Tibet, attacked Vishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva defeated them and thus became King fo Nepal. This event marked the end of the joint Lichchhavi-Gupta rule in Nepal. The Lichchhavi dynasty along began to tuel the country. 12 inscrptions issued during the reign of Narendra Deva have been discoverered. The earliest inscriptions bears the date of Samvat 39 (645 A.D.), while the latest one is dated Samvat 103 (679 A.D.). Narandra Deva thus appears to have ruled for 34 years. Contd........... 75. Narendra Deva was succeeded by his son, Shiva Deva II, 7 inscriptions installed during the reign if Shiva Shiva Deva II have been discovered. The earliest date in these inscriptions is Samvat 109 (685 A.D.),while the latest is Samvat 125 (701 A.D.). Shiva Deva II thus appears to have ruled fro 16 years. He was succeeded by Jaya Deva II. There is only inscription belonging to this period, which is dated Samvt 157 (or 169). 4 other inscriptions, which are now damaged, also are ascribed to him. 2 of them bear the dates of Samvat 137 and 147. On this basis, Jaya DevaII appears to have ruled for 20 years. The history of dthe Lichchhavi kings becomes unclear after Jaya Deva II. The 4 damaged inscription mentioned above refre to Vijaya Deva as Yuvaraj(Hair-Apperant) during the reing of Jaya Deva II. But no inscription belonging to the reign of Vijaya Deva is available. It is therefore difficult to say how long he ruled. Nor is any evidence available in inscriptions to indicate who become king after Vijaya Deva. Vamshavalis, however, list the names of certain kings after Vijaya Deva. Mana Dev II is the last Lichchhavi king mentione in inscription. The inscription which contains his name bears the date of Samvat 180 ( 756 A.D.). This marks the end of the Lichchhevi period, which may be described as the ancient period in thehsitory of Nepal. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research(private) Ltd, Kathmandu: April 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 4, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents 1. Government of Nepal Act 1948 2. Ministers During the Lichchhavi Period 3. Orde Regarding Evidence of Citizenship Status, 1919 4. Nepali Envoy to China, 1792 5. Mustang Rajya, 1790 6. A Glossary of Revenue, Administrative and offer Terms Occuring in Nepali Historical Documents Page 77 96 97 98 99 100 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd fro private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 77. Government Of Nepal Act, 1948* Whereas by virtue of trhe suppress authority veated through the instruments of their sacred Panja-patras by Sree Panch Maharajadhirajas of Nepal, dating from the Samvat year 1903 onwards, delegating all powers of the State upon the contemporaneous Sree 3 Maharajas, And whereas, I, Maharaja Padma Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, am now carring on the administration of the country by virtue of the authority vested in me by the aforesaid Panja-patra, And whereas, it is our fervent desire, through all social, economi and political developments to bring Nepal, this sacred country of Lord Pashupatinath, in line with the advanced naltions of the world and give our beloved motherland her rightful place in the comity of nations, And whereas through the resurrection of our ancient ideals of the Panchayatt and other similar institutions, it is our declared policy to provide for the increasingly closer association of our der people in every branch of administration and thus bring about enhanced prosperity and happiness to our people, And whereas progress in giving effect to this policy can be achieved by successive stages and must be guided by the cooperation received from those to whom new opportunities have been offered and by the extent to which further confidence can be reposed upon their senses of responsibility, And whereas we consider it expedient that immediate steps in this direction should now be taken, I, Maharaja Padma Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, do hereby ordain and promulgate this Constituttional Act in the Thirty-six year of the reign of His Majesty Sree 5 Maharajadhiraja Tribhubana Bir Bikram Shah. *Free English rendering printed by the Jorganesh Press in 1948. Contd............ 78. Part I Preliminary 1. This Declaration may be cited as the "Government of Nepal Act, 2004 " Sambat (1948 A.D.) 2. This Act shall come into force on 1st Baisakh, 2005 Sambat, Provided that if it appears to His Highness that through local circumstances or causes, it will not be practicable or convenient that all the provisions of this Act should come into operation simultaneously on that dates, he may, notwithstanding anything in this section, fix an earlier or later date for the coming into operation, either generally or for particular purposes or areas, of any particular provisions of this Act. All provisions of this Act shall, however, come into force throughout the kingdom before the end of the year 2005 Sambat. 3. The rule or succession relating to His Majesty the Maharajadhiraja Sree 5 and His Highness the Maharaja Sree 3, shall continue as herebofore in accordance with law, custom, and usage in thath behalf and shall for all time be inalileable and unalterable. Part II Fundamental Rights And Duties 4. Subjects to the principles of public order and morality this Constitution guarantees to the citizens of Nepal freedom of person, freedom of Speech, liberty of press, freedom of assembly and discussion, freedom of worship, complete equality ion the eye of the law, cheap and speedy justice, universal free compulsory elementary education, universal and equal suffrage for all adults, security of private property as defined by the laws of the State as st present existing and law and rules to ba make hereunder, 5. Subjects to his physical, mental and economic capacity it shall be the duty of everysitizen to promote public welfare, to contribute to public funds, to be in readiness to labour physically and intellectually fro the safety and well-being of the Realm and bear true allegiance to His Majesty the Maharajadhiraja Sree 5 and His Highness the Maharaja Sree 3 and be faithfull to the State and its constitution. Contd............ 79. Part III Executive 6. Subject to the provisions of this Act, the executive authority of Nepal shall be exercised by His Highness Sree 3 Maharaja either directly or through officers subordinate to him. 7. (a) There shall be a Council of Ministers to aid and advise His highness in the exercise of the executive authority of the State, chosen from among the members of the Legislature. (b) The Council shall consist of such number of Ministers, not being less than five, of which two at least shall be chosen from among the elected members of the Legislature, as His Highness may determine from time to time. (c) The Presidents and Vice-Presidents of Panchayats, who may be ex-officio members of the Legisalture, shall also be regarded as elected members. 8. (a) His Highness the Maharaja or in his absence the cCommader-in-Chief shall preside at meetings of the Council of Ministers. The ministers shall work within the framework of the rules made by His Highness for the purpose and be responsible to him. (b) His Highness shall also allocate portfolios aming his ministers and determine their order of precedence. 9. The ministers appointed by His Highness the Maharaj shall be sworn a members of the Council and shall hold office for a term of four years. Any minister shall vacate his office befoe the expiry of his term only if he- (a) submits by resignation under his hand addressed to His Highness the Maharaja, (b) himself admits or is condemned by sacredt ballot of the Council of Ministes of having committed some grave offence. Provided that:- If he has vacated office under Sub-Section (a) or (b) above, he shall not cease to be a member of the Legislature for the remaining term of his offices. Contd........... 80 10. The Ministers shall be entitled to receive such salaries and allowances, as may from time to time be determined by His Highness the Maharaja. 11. (a) The Council of Ministers shall transect all executive businesses of the State. It shall, however, be its special responsibility to give particular attention to all mattersnot falling within the purview of the Legislature, to lay down the general policy of the State, ascrutinise the budget of the various departments, to give final consideration to the government bills to be placed before the Legislature, and to bring about coordination nd cooperation between the various departments of administration. (b) Within the framework of the policy laid down by the Council of Ministers under this Act, the ministers shall, in their own discretion, administer the department of department under them and shall pepare the estimate of their departments.they shall be responsible to the council for all their acts of their departments and shall also submit to HisHighness such information and explanation as he may require. 12. (a) There shall be an Advocate-General, appointed by His Highness, to give adice to the Government upon such legal matters as may be referred to him bythe Government. (b) He shall have the right of audience in all Courts of the State. (c) He shall hold office during the pleasure of His Highness and shall receive remunerations as His Highness may determine. 13. There shall be set up from among the members of the Legislature, Administrstion Committees to aid and davise the various departments of the Executive and thereby associate the opinion of the Legislature with the policy of the Government. 14 (a) Those Committee shall deal with such departments as may be assigned to them by His Highness, whether these departments fall within the purview of the Legislature or not. (b) A Committee, appointed by His Highness from among the members of the Rastra Sabba, shall choose the members of the various Administrative Committees (c) There shall be at leasr four members in each Administrative Committee, the Chairman of which be the head of trhe department for which the Committee has been constituted. Contd........... 81. (d) The Administrative Committees shall deal with all matters of administrative policies and measures pertaining to the subjects allotted to them. All matters connecte with the normal routine administration of the departments and with appointments, promotions or transfers of officers in the departments hall, however, be the sole responsibility of the minister concerned. 15. All rules ahd regulations pertaining to the working of these Committees shall be framed by the Government. Part IV The Legislature A. the Panchayats 16. There shall be a "Gram" Panchayat for every village or a group of villages, which shall form a unit as specified by rules framed by the Government in this behalf, consisting of five to fifteen members elected by the vote of all adults with neccesay qualifications, hwo will elected thiier Pradan Panch. 17. There shall be a "Nagar" Panchayat fro every town or city or group thereof consisting of ten to fifty members elected by lthe vote of all adults with necessary qualifications, who will elect thier own Pradhan Panch in accordance with the rules prescribed by the Government in his behalf. 18. The Pradhan Panch of each Gram Panchayat and Nagar Panchayat shall elect from amomg themselves and if necessary from among their members fifteen to twenty members who, together with the special representatives as mentioned in the ruels framed by the Governmet in this behalf, shall form the "Zilla Panchayat" in places to be nitified by the Government. It shall elect its own President. 19. it shall be the duty of the Village , Town and city Panchayats, within the limits of the funds at their dispoisal and subject to the control of the Government and ion the case of Village Panchayat, to tht of the Zilla Panchayat as well, to attend to all matters relating to the education, welfare and prosperity and the territory under thir charge, particularly justice, water supply, sanitation, construction and maitainace of roads, drains bunds, bridges and public buildings, grazing lands, basc education, un-employmnet relief through cottage industries and other measures, which are likely to promote the health, safety, education, confort and the social and economic well-being of the people. Contd.......... 82. 20. The Zilla Panchayats will receive from the center the allotted share of the funds for the Zilla concerned. They shall retain half of the fund for their own use and distribut the other half among the Village Panchayts within their respectivce jurisdiction in proportion to the amount contributed by the areas concerned. 21. The Zilla Panchayat shall coordinate the activities of the Village and Town Panchayats within its jurisdiction and shall aid and advise the Bada Hakim of the Zilla on mattes of policy, relating ti the welfare of the Zilla. It shall also perform such oterhduties as may from time to time be assigned to it by the Government. B. Central Legislature 22. (a) There shall be a State Legislature of Nepal which shal consist of His Highness the Maharaja and two Chambers to be known respectively as the Rastra Sabba and the Bharadari Sabha. (b) The Rastra Sabha shall consist of not less than sixty and not not more than seventy members, both elected and nominated, as per Schekule "A" of this Act, provided that ratio between the nominated and elected members be in the proportion of 2 to 3 or as nearly approximating to that proportion as possible. (c) The Bharadari Sabha shall consist of not less than twenty and not more than thirty members, nominated by His Highness to represent as far as possible the chief national interest and activities. (d)The Legislature of Nepal shall be a permanent body not subject to dissolution, but as near as possible one-fourth of the members thereof shall retire every year and new members elected or nominated as the case may be in accordance with the provisions in tht behalf to be fixed up by the President at the beginning of thje first session. 23. (a) The Chambers of the Lesislature shall be summoned to meet at least thwice every year. (b) Subject to the provision of this section, His Highness the Maharaja may in his discretion- (1) Summon the Chambers of either to meet at such time and place as he thinks fit, and (2) Prorogue or dissolve the Chambers. Contd.......... 83. 24. His Highness the Maharaja may in his discretion address or send messages to either or both chambers. The Legislature shall with all convenient dispatch consider any matter it is required to take into consideration in such an address or messages. 25. Every Minister or the Chairman of the Administrative Committee or in his absence the Department Secretary and the Advocate-General shll have the right to speak in and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of either Chamber and any Committee of the Legislature, but shall be entitled to vote only in the Chamber of which he is a member. 26. (a) There shall be a President and a Vice-President of the Ratra Sabha, who shall respectively be nominated by His Highness the Maharaja and elected by the Chamber from among its members. In case of absence or vacancy of the President or the Vice-President nomination or election will take plced as the case may be. (b) (1) the President and the Vice- President may resign their office by writing under their hand addressed to His Highness the Maharaja or may be removed from office by order of His Highness the Maharaja fro reasons be specified under rules to be made for the purpose and any vacancy occurring shall be filled by nomination or electionas the case may be. (2) They shall vacate their office of they cease to be a member of the House. They may be removed from the office by resolution moved by two-thirds of the total number ofmembers of the Sabha and passed by a similasr majority of the members voting. (c) The Commader-in-Chief shall be the Predident of the Bharadari Sabha and the Vie- President thereof shall ne nominated by His Hioghness the Maharaja. 27. (a) Save as in this Act expressly provided, all questions in Chamber or a joint sitting of the Chambers, shall be determined by a majority of the members present and voting, other than the President or the person acting as such, who shall not vote in the first instance but shall have a casting vote in the case of equality of votes. (b) Either Chamber shall have the power to act noteithstanding any vacancy in the membership thereof and any proceedings in the Chamber or joint sitting of the chambers shall be validnotwithstanding that it is discovered subsequently that some person, who was not entitled to do so, sat or voted or otherwise took part in the proceedings. Contd............ 84. (c) If at any time during a meetin of a Chamber of the Lagislature or at a joint sitting of both the Chambers, less than one-fourth of the total nember of member of the Chamber or Chamber is present, it shall be the duty of the President or person acting as such, either to adjourn the meetings or suspend it until at least the required number of members are present. 28. Every member ofd the Legislature shall, beore taking his seat, take an outh of office in the form and manner, prescribed by rules under this Act. 29. (a) No persom shall stand fro membership of both the Chambers. (b) If a member of the Legislature becomes subject to any of the disqualifications mentioned in Section Thirty of the next succeeding section, ot by writing inder his hand addreseed to His Highness resigns his seat, thereupon his seat shall become vacant. (c)If for two consecutive sessions of either Chamber, without the permission of the President thereof, absents himself from all meetings of the Chamber, his seat shall, become vacant. 30. A person shall be disqualified for being chosen as or for being, a number of either Chamber- (a) (1) If he holds nay office under the Government other than an office, declared by rules made under this Act not to disqualify its holder, (2) If has is of unsound mind, (3) If he is an undischarged insolvent, (4) if he is convicted of having violated rules anout elections, made under this Act, provided that the time-limt of his disqualifications shall be fixed by th same rules, (5) If whether before or fater passing of this Act, he has been convicted of anu offence and sentenced to imprisonment for not less than one year by a Court in Nepal provided that Government may, after his discharge, remove the disqualification after five years or earlier, (6) If hea has been dismissed fro civil or military services, provided that Government may remove the disqualification after five years or earlier. Contd....... 85. (b) A person shall not be capable of being shisen a member of either Chamber while he is serving a sentence of imprisonment. (c) The seat of a person charged as per above section, disqualifying him from becming a member of the Lagislature shall remain vacant until final decision has been made o the subject by lthe Court or Authority concerned. (d) for the purpose of this section, a person shall not be deemed to be disqualified under Sections (a), (1),- (1) If he is a Minsiter under the Government, (2) If he holds certain pension or allowances through reasons other than an office of profit or, (3) If he receive small freeholds or concesions for work in the villages, 31.If a person sits or votes as a member of either Chamber when he is not qualified or disqualified for membership thereof, he shall be liable in respect of each day on which he so sit or votes a penalty of Rs 100/- to be recovered as debt to the Government. 32. (a) Subject to the rules and standing order regulating the procedure of the Legislature, and no member thereof shall to any proceedings in any Cort in respect of naything said or any vote given by him in the Legislatures or any commtttee thereof and no person shall be so liable in respect of dthe publication by or under the authority of the Lagislature or any report, paper, or peoccedings. (b) No member of the Legislature shall be liable to any punitive or disciplinary by the President other than being expelled from the Chamber for infringing the rules or behaving in a disorderly manner. 33. Members of the Legislature shall be entiltle to receive such salaried and allowances and therafter as determined by an acr of the Legislature. Contd.......... 86. 34. (a) Subject to the provisions of this Act, any members of the Legislature may ask questions, move resolutions and introduce Bill regarding the welfare and administration of the whole of the Kingdom of Nepal or any part thereof and for the subjects of Nepal, wherever they may be residing, provided that His Highness the Maharaja may disallow the putting of any questions, the moving of any resolution, and the introduction or consideation of any bill, at any stage in the Legislature, if he regards the same as not being in the public interest. (b) Nothing can or shall further be said or done in the Legislature by questions, resolutions or Bills that shall in any way interfare with of affect the succession, position, rights and privileges of His Majesty Sree 5 Maharajadhiraja or His Highness Sree 3 Maharaja as by ancient law, custom and usages established. (c) No questions to the Provisions of this Act with respect to financial and other the personal character of any individual or in respect to the conduct of any judge in the discharge of his duties. 35. (a) Subjects to the provisions of this Act with respect to financial and other Bills, a Bill amy originate in either Chamber through any member of the house. (b) No Bill shall be deemed to have beeen passed by the chambers of Legislature, unless it has been agreed to by both the Chambers. 36. (a) If after a Bill or any other measure has been paseed by one Chamber and transmitted ti other Chamber, (1) the Bill is rejected by the other Chamber, (2) the Chambers have finally disagreed as to amendments to be made in the Bill, or (3) more than twelve elapse from the dare of the reception of the Bill by the other Chamber without the Bill being presented to His Highness the Maharaja for his assent, His Highness the Maharaja may summon the chambers to meet in a joint sitting for the purpose of delivering and voting on the Bill. (b) Any Bill thus passed at the joint sitting of the two Chambers shall be deemed to have been passed by both Chambers. Contd...... 87. (c) At a joint sitting of the two Chambers the President of dthe Bharadari Sahba or in his absence such person as may be appointed for the purpose by His Highness the Maharaja shall preside. 37. All Bill passed by the Lagislature shall become Law only after being authenticated by His Highness, and receiving his formal "Seal". 38. (a) His Highness the Maharaja shall in respect of every financial year cause to be laid before the Chambers of the Lagislature a statement of the estimate receipts and expenditure for that year. (b) This statement shall show separately the following,- (1) the sums required to meet expenditure describe by this Act as expenditure charged upon the revenure of the State. (2) The required to meet other expenditure proposed to be made from the revenue of the State. (c) The following expenditure shall be expenditurer charged upon the revenue of the State,- (1) The civil Lists of His Majesty Sree 5 Maharadhiraja and of His Highness Sree 3 Mararaja. (2) Expenditure on the armed forces. (3) Pay, pension and allowances of public servants appointed by His Highness. (4) Expenditure for the purpose of the discharge by the Government of its special responsibilities with respect to the prevention of any grave menace to the peace and tranquility of the country or any part thereof , the safeguarding of the financial stability and credit of the Government, the protection of the wead and depressed from the oppression and with respect to items of expenditure, if any, that may be classified for being spent at the exclusive discretion of His Highness the Maharaja. (6) Salaries and allowances of member of the Coucil of Ministes, Advocate-General and Auditor-General. Contd............ 88. (7) Expenditure on religious Guths and Trusts. (8) Interests on Loansn and charges on account of Sinking fund. (9) Any other expenditure declared by this Act or any other law too be so charged. (b) Any question whether any propose expenditure falls withen a class of expenditure charged upon the revenure of the State shall be decided by His Highness. 39. (a) So much of the estimates of expenditure as relates to expenditure charged upon the revenue of the State shall not fbe submitted to the discussion or vote of the Legislature, provided that discussion may be allowed in either Chamber on estimates referred to in Section 38 (c) (7), (8) and (9). (b) The expenditure with respect to grants on account of Panchayats shall fall within items to be submitted to the Legislature for discussion, provided that no curtailment shall be made on the estimates submitted. (c) So much of the said estimates as related to other expenditure shall be submitted in the form of demands for grants to the Rastra Sabha and then the Bharadari Sabha and either Chamber shall have power to refuse to assent to any demand or to assent to any demand with such alterations as it might deem necessary. (d) No demand fro agrant shall be made except on the recommendation of Hs Highness the Maharaja. 40. His Highness shall authenticate by a signature all grants made and voded upon by the Legislature and no expenditure shall be deemed lawful so duly authenticated. 41. if in respect of any financial year, other expenditure becomes necessary over and above the expenditure therefore authorized for that year a suplemeantary grant may be obtained from the Legislature in accordance with the process and provisions mationed above. 42. (a) A bill or an arrangement with regard to- (1) Imposing or altering any tax, or (2) Governmet coinage and currency, or Contd........... 89. (3) The borrowing of maney and the undertaking of any financial obligation by the Government, or (4) Regulation about arms and ammunitions shall not be introduced or moved except on the intimation of the Government. (b) Any bill or resolution affecting the religion re religious rites and usages of any class or institute shall deemed to have been passed by the Legislature only if two-thirds of th members present and voting give their assent to it. 43. Provisions shall be made by Government for the smooth and speedy conduct of business in the Legislature, Provived that Government shall give consideration to the question such alteration necessary. 44. All proceedings in the Legislature shall be conducted in Nepal. 45. (a) The validity of any proceedings in the Legislature or the conduct of an officer doing his rightfull duty within the Legislature shall not be subject to the jurisdiction of any Court of Law. (b) Nor shall the validity of any proceedings in the Legislature be called in question on the groynd of any alleged irregularity of procedure. 46. His Highness the Maharaja in Council may promulgated such emergency regularions ar are necessary fro the preservation of law and order in the country or any part thereof. Any such regulation shall be valid for a period not exceeding six months before which these regulations may be annulled by His Highness if he considers that the situation no longer warrants the continuation of these regulations. 47. (a) If, at any time, His highness is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which, for the prevention of disorder and lawlessness in the country, the Government cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Act, he may, by proclamation,- (1) assume to himself all and any of the powers vested by this Act upon any body or authority, (2) declare that such questions as are defined in this Act shall be conducted in the manner prescribed by him in his discretion. Contd..... 90. (b) Any such proclamation may be revoked or varied by a subsequent proclamation. (c) Within six months of such proclamation, His Highness shall summon the existing or in his discretion a new Legislature. Part V Administration of Justice 48. Justice shall be shoap and speedy. Elementary civil and criminal justice shall be administered by the Village Panchayats in such manner and subject to such control and supervision as may be prescribed by law. 49. Justice shall be administered by judge in public Courts, established for the purpose. The Courts shall comprise courts of first instance and also Courts of Appeal. 50. Subject to the provisions of this Act, the constitution and organization of courts, the distributins of jurisdiction and business among the courts and judges, the method of recruitment, terms of service and donditions of service of judges and all other matters relating to administration of jusctice shall be regulated by law. 51. Special Courts may, in extraordinary circumstances be established by His Highness the Maharaja, if he considers that the procedure of ordinary courts would not be adequate to secure the preservation of public peace and other. 52. His Highness shall appoint from among the members of the Legislature, a judicial Committee, which shall consist of not more than 12 members including tow members with special qualification from outside the Legislature. This Committee shall have power- (1) to act the Supreme Court of Appeal in special cases under such provisions as may be made under this Act, (2) to frame rules and regulations for the administration of justice,and (3) to carry out the provisions as specified in Section 67 of this Act. Subject to the provisions of this Act, rules regarding the composition and functions of this Committee shall from time to time be framed by the Government. 53. (a) There shall be a High Court for Nepal.| Contd....... 91. (b) The High Court shall consist of a Chief Justice and such other Judges, not exceeding twelve in nember, as His Highness may frem time to time deem it necceary to appoint. Provided that:- His Higness may, on the recommendation of the Chief Justice, appoint to act as dditional judges of the High Court, for such period, not exceedings two years, as may be required; and the judges so appointed shall, while so acting , have all the powers of a judge of the High Court. 54. Every permanent judge of the High Court shall hold office until he attains the age of sixty-five years: (a) A judge may by resignation under his hand addressed to His Highness resign his office. (b) A judge may not be remove from his office except by His Highness on a joint address by the Legislature, praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehavior or incapacity. (c) A judge may be removed by His Highness on the ground of gross misbehavior or infirmity, physical or mental, if the Judicial Committee of the Legislature on reference by His Highness so recommends. (d) The judges of the High Court shall recive such remuneration as His Highness may fix; but the remuneration shall not be altered during their continuance in office. 55. The High Court shall be a Court of records and have such juricdiction, and such power and authority over of in relation to the administration of justice, as may be vested in by law. 56. The High Court shall have superintendence over all Courts for the time beiong subject to its jurisdiction, and may do any of the following things, that is to say,- (a) Call for returns: (b) Direct the transfer of any suit or appeal from any such court to any other court of equal or superior jurisdiction, (c) Make and issue general rules and prescribes forms for regulating the practice and proceedings of such courts, (d) Prescribe forms in which books, entries, and accounts shall be kept by the officers of any such courts; Contd........... 92. Provided that: Such rules anf forms shall be consistent with the provisions of nay law for for the time being in force. 57. Until steps have been taken in regard to any matter, covered by the provisions of this chapter, the existing laws an regulations in regard to that matter shall continue to be in force. 58. Provisions shall be made by law for the protection of judges and other officers judicially, for acts done or ordered to be done be them in good faith in the discharge of their duties. 59. Nothing contained in this Act shall derogate from the right of His Highness to grant pardons reprieves, respites, or remission of punishments. Part VI Miscellaneous 60. As soon after the commencement of this Act a expedient, the Government shall provide for universal, free compulsory, elementary education, ad technical and higher education will be provided by the State to the extent necessary to prepare candidates for wier opportunities of service of the people of Nepal. In addition, the State will provide as far as possible for the liquidation of adult illiteracy. The aim of educational institutions shall be good moral traning, personal and veactional efficiency and the development of the spirit of nationality, and international friendliness. 61.. The Government shall have the authority to raise loans for the development of the State or in times of emergency, provided that it shall lay this information before the Legislature at its next meeting. 62 (a) There shall be an Auditor-General to be appointed by His Highness the Maharaja and he shall draw such salaries and allowances as His Highness the Maharaja may determine. It shall be his duty to [.......] and audit the accounts of the State, subject to such rules as may be framed in this behalf. He shall only be removed from office in like maner and on like grounds as a judge of the Pradhan Nyayala. (b) The auditor-General shall sbmit to His Highness a report, relating to the accounts of the State for being laid before the Legislatue. Contd............ 93 63. All acts and contracts made by the Council of Ministers in exercise of its executive authority shall be expressed in behalf of the Government of Nepal. 64. (a) The Government will frame rules implementing and elucidating this Constitution, specially with regard to Fundamental Rights, Panchayats, judiciary, Audits, education, recruitment, promotions and transfers for the civil and military services and for the purpose of safeguarding the interests of public servants and the armed forces and for all matter not provided fro in this Constitution. (b) There shall be a Public Service Commission, appointed by His Highness for the purpose of selecting qualified candidates to be civil under the Government. It shall consist of such members as may be appointed by His Highnes for the purpose together with representatives of departments where vacancies may have occurred. (c)It shall be the duty of the Public Service Commission within the rules to be framed under this Act to examine the fitness and qualications of candidates for government services and to submit their recommendation. 66. Where difficultiesw may arise in relation to the working of this Constitution for the first time, His Highness may make such rules and regulations, as may be needed for removing these difficulties and implementing the provisions of this Act. 67. Any dispute about the interpretation of any of the provisions of this Act or rules framed thereunder, shall be referred to thre Judicial Committee of the Legislature which shall give its judgement within two months from the date of reference. This judgement shall be deemed final for all purposes. 68.(a) At the expiration of seven years from the commencement of this Act or if possible earlier as His Highness the Sree 3 Maharaja, in his sole discretion, amy determine, His Hihgness the Sree 3 Maharaja shall appoint a Commission as near half of whom as possible shall be elected by the Legislature for the purpose of enquiring into the working of the Government, the growth of education, and development of representative institutions, Contd....... 94. and matters connected therewith and the Commission shall reports as to whether and to what extent it is desirable to extend, modify or restrict the degree of constitutional advance then existing therein. (b) The Commission shall also enquire into and report on any other matter which may be referred to the Commission by His Highness the Maharaja Sree 3. (c) His Highness the Maharaja Sree 3 shall, on report of that Commission, take such action as may be deemed necessary and desirable for implementing the recommendations of the said Commission. Schedule (A) Composition of Rastra Sabh. 1. Elected Membres:- (a) The Pradhan Panch of the following Zilla Panchayats 42. 1. East No. 1. 2. East No. 2. 3. East No. 3. 4. East no. 4. 5. Dhenkuta. 6. Ilam. 7. West No. 1. 8. West No. 2. 9. West No. 3. 10. West No. 4. 11. Palpa 12. Gulmi. 13. Sallayana. 14. Puithan. 15. Dailekh 16. Doti 17 Dandeldhura 18. Baitadi. 19. Jumla. 20. Chisapani. 21. The Valley proper. 22. Bara-Parsa. 23. Rautahat. 24. Mahottari. 25. Sarlahi. 26.Saptari 27. Siraha. 28. Morang and Jhapa 29. Palhi and Mujhkhand 30. Khajhani and Seoraj. 31. Banke and Bardia 32. Kailali and Kanchanpur. Contd..... 95. (b) The Pradhan Panch of the following Nagar Panchayats: 4 33. Kathmandu 34. Patan 35. Bhaktapur 36. Birganj. N.B The boundaries of constituencies may, taking the areas and population into consideration, be redrawn so as to give equal representation as far as possible, but the number of total east shall in no case vary. (c) List of the interests to be represented in the Rastra Sabha by election and the seats allotted to each. Interests (Constituencies) No. of seats (1) Merchants and traders. Those paying 1 Rs 1000/- or more to the Government as Custom duty shall elect one representative from among themselves (2) Zamindars and holders of Birtas. Those owning Ropanis or Bighas of land or more or those payng Rs or more to Government as land revenue shall elect one represent tative from among themselves 1 (3) Intelligansia. Matriculates or Madhyamas or those with Higher qualifications shall elect at Least a graduate or an Acharya or those Having equivalent qualifications in' Nepali. (4) Government servants. (5) Labours. N.B Rules and regulations concerning Sections (4) and (5) shall be framed by Government. 2. Nominated members. His Hihgness the Maharaja will nominate these. 28. 2 96. Ministers During The Lichchavi Period1 By Dhanabajra Bajracharya. Ancient Sanskrit texts, such as the Manusmriti and the Arthashastra of Kautilya, mention two types of ministers, Mantri and Amatya. A Mantri was a minister who advised the King in affairs of State. The Amatya, on the other hand, help the king to run the administration. No inscription belonging o the Lichchhavi period in Nepal contains any reference to Mantri. However, the term Amatya occurs in three inscriptions. The term Kumaramatya occurs in the Bhansarchok(Patan)2 and Yangalhiti (Kathmandu)3 inscriptions of King Narandra Deva. Kumaramatya assisted the Kumara (Crown Prince) in the discharge of his administrative duties. However, the duties of the Kumaramatya wee not defined properly. An inscription at Sankhu (Kathmandu)4 mentions Dharmarajikamatya. The inscription is broken and hence it is nor possible to understand from it what the duties of the Dharmarajikamatya were. Some inscriptions of the Maurya Emperor Ashok in India mention Dharmamahamatra as a minister in charge of religious affairs.5 It is possible that the Dharmarajikamatya donated a similar functionary in Nepal during the Lichchhavi period. 1Condensed from: "Lichchhaci Kalko Shasan Paddhati." (Administrative System During The Lichchhavi Period). Purnima, 22, Shrawan-Aswin, 2026 (July-September 1969), 111-116 pp; and "Lichchhavi Kalko Shasan Shambandhi Paribhashik Ko Vyekhiya." (definition of Technical Terms Relating to Administration During The Lichchhavi Period), Purnima, 11, 6- 17 pp. 2R. Gnolo, Nepalese Inscriptions, No. 67. 3Ibid, No. 66. 4Ibid, No. 75. 5Dinesh Chandra Sarkar, "Abhilekh Sangraha". (A Collection of Inscriptions) . P. 23. 97. Order Regarding Evidence Of citizenship Status, 1919* From commader-in-chief General Sir Bhim Shamsher Rana, K.C.S.I., K.C.V.O. To Thakali dittha Devi Datta Sedhain of Kerung, Creetings, when the questions of collecting taxes from our ryots who had migrated to Tibet was referred to the Prime Minister), and order was issued to ascertain whether they were in fact our ryots. Some of those who has migrated b (to Tibet) have now come here and agreed to pay taxes. They number 122, including Sandu Bhote and one or two other persons from Manang and 4 persoms from Mustang. They are clearly our ryots, and they approach our offices. They have requested for certificates to prove that they are ryots of Gorkha, because, in the course of their travels for purpose of trade, Tibetans demand Jagat (duties) and other payments from them on the ground thath they are Tebetans. It has noe been possible to summon such other persons as are understood to be ryots of Gorkha, becaue they have left for different area for purposes of trade. When inquiries were made ragaring those who were available, 2 persons said that they had been offered as Gharjuwain ( a son-in-law who lives in the house of his father-in-law as a member of the family) by their parents. You have submitted to us lists of these 2 persons, as well as of other persons who have been proved to be our ryots. ` In Lhasa also, the custom is followed of collecting the Gyanpanzing tax from (Tibetan) ryots living in Olangchung and other places, othr than such half-castes, and a request has been made that they should be permitted to pay this tax. Make inquiries of those regarding whom you have reported that no inquiries have been made because they have gone elsewhere for purposes of trade. If it is prove that they are ryots of Gorkha, compile records containing particulars regarding where they were born inside the territory of Gorkha, where in the Moglan they have settled down and how many years ago, thie name and thie age,collect the Gyanpanzing tax from them yearly at the rate of 1 Kala (Sha) Mohars each and issue the necessary receipts. Such receipts will constitute evidence of the fact that they are ryots of Gorkha. No other evidence need be furnished. So far as the 2 persons who say they have been offered as Charjuwain by their parents are concerned, such an offer alone cannot deprive them of their rights as ryots. Collect Rs 1 from them in Kala Mohars as from other persons. Collect the tax only from those persons who are proved to be our ryots of Gorkha. Do not collect it from those who cannot be proved to be our ryots, so that complaints are received later. Understand this and act accordingly. Marga 12, 1976 (November 27, 1919) *Yogi Narahari Nath (ed), Itihas Prakash Ma Sandhi Patra Snagraha ( A Collection of Trearies In Light On History). Part I. Dang: Falgun 2022 (March 1966). P. 147. 98. Nepali Envoy To China, 1792* From King Ran Bahadur Shah, To Damodar Pande. Greetings. All is well here. We desire the same there. The news here is good. The Chinese Emperor is not insignificant. He is a great Emperor. We could have repulsed them with the blessing of (Goddess Shri Durga) when they came here this time. But it will not be good for the future to maintain hostility with the Emperor. He too desires to conclude a treaty, and that is what we too desire. Tung Thwang has sent a letter asking that one of the four Kajis be sent with letters and present to offer his respects to the Chinese Emperor. Kajis used to be sent formally to conclude treaties with Tanahu and Lamjung. We realize at present that it will not be proper for us not to depute a Kaji to the Emperor. When the matter was discussed with the other Kajis here, they said that Damdhar(Damodar) Pande, the recipient of Birta(land) grants and senior-most Kaji, should go. So you have to fo. If there is any delay, (the interests) of the State will be harmed. You should therefore depart from there. So far as instructions are concerned, you are a Pande of our court. You are not ignorant of (matters) which will benefit the State and bring you credit. You know (susch matters). In this respect,act according to your discretion. Submdt a reply to this soon, within 1 ghadi ( 24 minutes) after you receive this royal order. Delay will be harmful. Dated Thursday, Bhadra Sudi 13, 1849 (September 1792) at Kantipur. ***************** *Sandhipatra Sangraha, pp-cit. pp. 55-56. 99. Mustang Rajya, 1790* Form King Ran Bahadur Shah, To Raja Wangyal Dorje of Mustang. We hereby fonfirm your rule over the territories occupied by you from the time of your forefatbers, adding thereto the territories situated north-east of bandarphat, along with Bharbung-Khola, Tarap-Khola, Lengu-Khola and Chharkagaun, which had been encroached upon and occupied by Jumla. We also confirm the customary lpayments which you have been collecting in Thak, Thine, Barhagaun, Manang, Nar, nisyan and other areas. Jumla, when it occupied your country, used to forcibly collect the Chhyakpoa tax rom those who visited it for trade. We hereby grant you (authority to collect) this tax. Do not creat obstructions when our troops or nobles visited (your country) on any business, when you commense military campaigns in the north and the west, send wholeheastendly your troops and military supplies to join our troops. Attack the territories that are to be attacked, and guard those that are to be guarded. Formally, you used to make Sirto and Mamuli payments to Lhasa and jumla. Continue paying Rs 71 to Lhasa as before. A sum of Rs 929, along with 5 horses, which you used to pay to Jumla, should now be submitted to us at Kantipur on the first day of the month of Magh (January 14) every year. We hereby issue a copper-inscription to this effect. Be faithful to us, and comply with our orders. Rule over and enjoy your territories situated the (Priscribed ) boundaries from generation. Dated Wednesday, Jestha Sudi 5, 1847 (May 1790) at the capital, Kantipur. *Sandhipatra Sangraha, op-cit. p. 671. A Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occurring In Nepal Historical Documents Adai Amil Asmani Baksauni Bepari-Nayak Bhainsi Bhansar Bhainsi-Puchhahi Bhashdhari Bhati-Salami Bhot-Bhansari A royal palace functionary who loode after matters relating to Crown lands The chief revenue officer or functionary of a district or village. Miscellaneous levies and payments such as judicial fines and eschears, which were not collected on a periodic basis. (1) A fine collected from Magar beer-eaters in Sslyan. (2) Fees collecte on Birta land transactions. The head of the merchant community in Patan engaged in trade with Tibet. A contract for the collection of taxes on the sale of buffalo-meat, milk and curd; fines collected for injuires cause by buffaloes from thire owners; fines collected from members of the Kasai communityand their eacheat property; a levy on new-bon buffalo calves; and transit duties on buffaloes, in Kathmandu Valley. A tax levied on buffaloes in the hill regions. Members of religious orders, broadly classified into Sanyasis and Bairagis. A tax collected from Indian mendicants, landlords anf other Persons who visited the Tarai regions of Nepal An official in charge o fthe minting of coins for Tiber; he Exercised judicial authority over Nepali merchants in Tibet. Corrigendum Regmi Resarch Series, Year 2, No. 3,March 1, 1970. Page 53, Line 9 (To be continued) Instead of "..........whose touch must be purified......" Read "..... whose touch need not to be purified......" Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: May 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 5, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. Dom communities ..... 102 2. Revenue Functionaries In The Eastern Tarai Districts ..... 107 3. Defense Arrangements During The Mall Period. ..... 110 4. 114 7. King Bhupatindra Mall ..... 120 8. Newar Traders In Lhasa ..... 123 9. A Grossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occurring In Nepal Historical Documents ..... 124 ***************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd fro privare study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 102. Dom Communities Dom, or Dum, was a generic term used to denote untouchable communities in the far- western hill areas of Nepal. The term Chokhojat,1 in contradistinction, meant castes and communities contact with whom did not result in the ritual defilement of membes of higher castes. Pauni was another term used to denite such untouchable castesas Tamot and Damai in Salyan2 and elsewhere. No information is available to indicate whether the terms Dom and Pauni had a common denotation in Nepal. The following account of Dom communities in the North-west Provinces and oudh in India, written in 1890,3 contains material relevant to Nepal:- Dom, Dmra (Skt.Doma). A race of outcastes which appears in at least two and possibly three forms in these provinces, First the race of wandering houseless thieves and vagrants hwo infest Biahar and the districts of the Benares Division. Secondly, the Dom of the hills. Thirdly the musician class known as Dum or Dum Murasi. As regards the first class they are found in these rovinces in considerable numbers in Gorakhpur and Basti, and to a less degree in the districts further west. They are vagrants, have not evne mats or tents to cover them like the Sansi and Habura. They frequent the jungles but do not hunt or fish. They live by burglary and stealing, while thir women beg and prostitute themselves. In dry weather they sleep under trees and in the rains and chill of winter they slink into outhouses and any shelter they can get. Their characteristic weapom is the banka or curved knife with which they are supposed to split bamboo fro baskents which and begging are their ostensible means of livelihood. Ion cold weather they carry aout at ningh an earthen pot full of hot coals which, when they are closely be set, they fling with great accuracy at their assailants oftem causing severe wounds. 1cf. Order to Subedar Hikmat Adhikari Regarding Collection of Fines For Adultery, Ashadh Sudi 13, 1895 (July 1838). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 27, pp. 576-677. 2Order Regarding Exemption from Fines For Adultery In Salyan. Bhadra Badi 3, 1867 (August 1810). Vol. 39, pp. 326-327. 3William Crooke, An Ethnographical Handbook For the N.-W. Provinces and oudh. Allahabad: North-Western provinces and Oudh Government Press, 1890. pp. 68-72. Contd........... 103. They will eat any sort of garbage and the leavings of any castes, but the Dhobi. They have a tradition that the Dhobis once practiced some great fraud on them when they came into contact first, but the idea is more probably due to the repugnance common to all Hindus towards the Dhobe who is considered defiled by washing the clothes of woman after their confinements. Their ideas of morality are very lax. Prenuptial infidelity, if the paramour be a man of the clan, is permitted; and dthe same os pretty much the case with marrie woman who freely prostitute themselves. While a Dom is in jail his wife is always adopted by another man of the same clan. They divide the country into circles for begging and thieving, e.g., in Gorakhpur the river Rohini used to be the boundary between the clans, if one of another clan trespassed on the district of another, he was promted given up to the police. They are generally small men with a distinctly non-Aryan look, very small black bright eyes and exceedingly dark skin. They never lay asuit in court and never appeal. They are very drunken and have terrible fights amongst themselves chiefly about women, and cuts of the banka knife. It is not easy to classify them because maby of the sub-divisions have risen in the social scale and now disclaim the name of Dom. The regular vagrant criminal Doms are the Maghaya who take their name from the ancient kingdom of Magadha. They have been identified with the Maccocalingae of Pliny.4 The Doms themselves are perhaps the modern representation of the Svapaka eaters of ot feeders of dogs5 of Manu. Attempts are being made to reclaim these Maghaya Doms bothe in Gorakhpur and Bihar, but apparently not with much success. The Mghaya Doms were in former years notorious fro dacoities and road robberies in Gorakhpur and the neighbouring districts, but they have now been in a great measure brought under Police control. In their present condition they present a very close analogy to the Cagots and Caqueux of the valleys of the Pyreness and the plains of Bretagne Poitou and Guime and to the Rodiyas of Coylon described by Sie E. Tennent.6 Besides these are the Kshiwala or Benares Doms who are the most respected. They light funeral pyres and ofter attain considerable wealth from the fee they receive for this duty. They have so risen in the social scale that they will not frie brick- kilns. Next come the Banwad or rope makers who take their name from ban the fibre on which they work. The Hela are supposed to be another Division. They have turned Muhammadans and work a sweepers. The Bansphor, or breakers of the bamboo, work in bamboo, and make baskets and thatches. Akin to these are the Bansbinua or weavers of bamboo, who make sieves and baskets. The Dharkar (dhar, rope: kar, maker) is a reformed Dom, thath is he left off eating dogs, burnin corpses, and other vile occupations and lives by working in read and cane. He plays a long trumpet (singha) at marriages. 4J.w. McCrindle, Indian Antiquary , VI 337 note. 5Manu X, 38, Lassen on Indika of Khesias, Indian Antiquary XI, 321. 6 Ceylon II, 187 spp. Contd.......... The patua (pat, a leaf) makes the leaf platters used at feasts. The Dhapara are apperenlty the same as the Maghaya. Like many low races such as the Ceylon Veddahs7 they have traditions thath they are the degrade representatives of some higher caste. They have been indentified with the Dom Katar or Domtikar Rajputs of Gorakhpur.8 Many places in Gorakhpur such as Domdiah, Domingram, and c., are named from them. Carnegy9 connects them with the Donwar Rajputs. These are similar traditions in Gonda10 of an Oudh Dom kingdom. They are said to have been ousted from the fort opf Domingram by the ancestors of the present Satasi Rajas of Rudrapur and those of Bansi and Unaula. Similarly the hill Doms claim to have been once lords of the country and to have established a leathern coinage.11 Next come the hill Doms.12 They are supposed to be relics of the original inhabitants of the country corresponding to the Dhiyar or are smelters of Jammu, the Betal of the Kashmir valley, the Ben of Ladakh, the Newar of Nepal. In Garhwal they appear to have been enslaved by the emigrant Khasiyas. Under the name of Dum they are described in Jammu13 as "dark in colour, small in limb, and their countenance is of a much lower type than that of the Dogras generally, though one sees exceptions due no doubt to an admixture of blood, for curiously the separation of them from the ordinary daily life of the others does not prevent an occasional intercourse that tends in some degree to assimilate the races." In our Hill the Dom has been recognized as a descendant of the Daayus of the Vada, who held upper India before the advent of the Naga of Khasa races. In Garhwal they are artsans and workmen of various kinds, and have none of the vagrant and predatory habits which characherise the eastern Maghaiyas. The have various sub-divisions; the Koli(who in the plains is a Chamar) weave cloth, keep piga and fowl, and work in the fields; the Tamato or Tamta, who represent the \Thathera of the plains, and work in brass copper and gold and also at agriculture; the Lohar or blacksmith; the Or masons and carpenters; the Dharhi or musician. Next comes the Bhul or Barya, who represents the Teli of the plains makes oil and does field work; the Chuyara like the Kharadi of the plains is a turner in wood; the Ruriya workers in baboos; the Agari, Agariya miners and smelters. 7Idem II, 442. 8Buchanan, Eastern India, II, 453. Archaological Report XXII, 65. sq. 9Notes 24. 10Oudh Gazetteer I, 539. 11Madden, J.A.S.B. 1848, p. 604. 12Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer II, 370 sq. 439 III, 277, sq. 446 sqq. 13Drew's Jammu, p. 56 Contd.......... 105. of whom a tribe of the same name and engage in the same trade is found in south Mirzapur, (they take thie name from Agar Skt. Akara, a mine), the Pahri, Pahriya or Paheri (pahra Skt. Prahara, a trun at watching) village messagers and drudges; the Mallah or Dhunar agricultutres; the Darya village sorcerers; who conjure away hail storms and the like, and receive dues of grain in Jeth (may-June); the Chamar who call themselves Bairsuwa, and never acknowledge the neme of [.....]; the Badi (Skt. Vadin, a [.....................] erroneously identifies with the Bhat). He plays on various instruments and signs ar festivals, begs from door to door, lampoons people who refuse to give him alms and snares fowl and fish; the Hurkaya (so called from Huruk or Huruka a small drum which he carries) never takes to agriculture and wanders about with his woman who dance and sing. In the plains he has a very low position being generally the nameless bastard of some prostitute; the Darzi called also Auji and Suji lives by tailoring and agriculture; the Dholi so called from his beating the drum called dholak by way of incatation to cause spirits and ghosts to enter or leave the person of any one, and so induce tht peson to give money to the performer. The name of Haliya was given to those employed as ploughmen and Chyora to the domestic slave who lived on his master's means and had to obey every order, and eat the leavings. "Their montane and non-Brahmanical origin is sufficiently shown by the names of the deities worshipped by them, Ganshnath, Bholanath, Yasan, Khabish, Goril, Kshetrpal, Saim, Airi, Kalbisht or Kaluwa, Chaumu, Badhan, Haru, Latu, Bheliya, the Katyuri Rajas, Runiya, Balchan, Kalchan-bhausi, Chhurmal. Doms do not wear the sacred thread of the bracelet (rakhi), nor do they have caste marks or wear as a rule the top knot (sikha), and in a rough way they imitate the customs of the [.....] classes, especially those who have rade maney in their contracts with Government. Their offerings to deceased ancestors (shraddha) when made at a;; are performed on the amwas or last day of the Kanyagat of Kuar. The sister's son, younger sister' husband or son-in-law (a curious survival of the rule of female descent) act a Brahmans on the occasion and receive gifts as such. Doms eat the flesh of all animals, use tier skins, and eat food from all classes except the Bhangi, Musalman and Christian. There is on fixed time for marriage. When an elder brother dies the younger takes the widow to wife whether she has children or not, hence the proverb mal bhir adhari ber, talai bhir men onchh, when the upper wall fall they come on the lower wall, when cannot howeve take to wife the widow of a deceased younger brother, and contracts a stain if even her shadow crosses his path. He transfer her to some other opf the brother-hood, but during the lifetime of her second husband, if he or she be dissatisfied, another may take her by paying the cost of her marriage. This may be repeated several times. The prohibited degress are only a daughter, sister, uncle, aunt, brother, and these they cannot eat or smoke with."15 14Brief View, 49. 15Atkinson, Himayan Gazetteer III, 448 Conted............ 106. Play. They sometimes abbreviate the title Mirashi into Mir a though they Nexr come the Dum or Dom Mirasi. The word Mirasi is derived from the Arabic miras, "inhertance", in the sense that this caste are a sort of hereditary bards or minstrels to the lower tribes as the Bhat is to the Rajputs. They are also known as pakhawaji from pakhawaj the tmbrel which they were /_Sayyids. The men are musicians and the woman dance and sing, but they only perform in the presence of females and are reputed therefore to be chaste. They are said to eat with and intermarry with the Dharmi, and both adopt the common name of kalwant (kala, skill, in the sense of "accomplished") or Qawwal (one who speaks well). The instruments they use are generally the small drum (Dholak) the cymbals (majira) or the lute made or gourds (kingri). They are as a rule Muhannadans and are said to have been converted in response to an invitation from the poet Khusru who lived in the reign of Ala-ud-din-daula who ruled the Court of Oudh.17 These seems reason to believe that some at least of the gypsy tribes of Europe are skin to the Maghaiya Dom and a connection has beeb traced between the two languages.18 "The word in all the gypsy dialects of Europe has a two-fold meaning signifying" "man" and "husband" as well as "gypsy". A satisfactory connection has still the be found for it, tht connected with Rama the incarnate Vishnu of the Hindus being discountenanced by the authority of Professor Ascolo of Milan. By a curious and unexplained concidence the identical word Rom or Rome occurs with the meaning of "man" in modern Coptic and according to Herodotus (II, 143) belonged also to the language of the ancient Egyptians. Although this isolated fact in no way affects the general bearings of the question it is worth noting as aa etymological curiosity. It is not improbable that among the primitive element of the Aryan mother tongue may have existed a root re or rom expressive of poer, the survival of which we can discern in the Greek rome strength, the Latin robur and perhaps in the illustrious name of Rome itself.19 There seems however very little doubt that the word Romani is derived from Dom or Domra.20 The dom race has predicted one great auther Nabhaji a Vaishnava who wrote the Bhakta mala or roll of the Bhagats. He lived ion the reign of Jahangir and was a contemporary of Tulasi Das. 16Nesfield, Brief view 44. 17Sleeman, journey I, LXI. 18G.A. Grierson, Indian Antiquary XV, 14 sq, XVI 35 sqq. 19Edinburgh Review, July 1878, p. 140. 20 G.A. Grierson, Indiand Antiquary XV, 14 sq., XVI, 35 sqq. F. H. Groome, Encyclopedia Brittanica, 9th edition Article "Gipsies." C.J. Leland. Academy, 19the June 1875. 107. Revenue Functionaries In The Eastern Tarai Districts The system if revenue collection followed in the eastern Tarai districts at the time of their conquest by Gorkha around the last quarter of the eighteenth century was based on the system introduced in northern India by the Pathan rulers before the emergence of the Mughal Empire. An Indain historian has described the Pathan system of revenue administration in the following words:-1 "During the pre-Mughal period in India the Parganna was an important administrative unit, Because it was here that the government came Into direct contact with the peasant. The main Officials include the Amil, a mushrif also Known as Amin or Munsif, and a Qanungo. The Amil was the chief executive officer and the Head of the Paraganna administration. The Mushrif was the chief assessment officer. The Qanungo maintained records of produce and assessment. The Chaudhari was appointed to represent the peasant and keep the adminis- tration informed of their condition and demands. The village, which was the bais unit of adminis- Tration through its headman. The Patwari kept records of cultivation, produce, assessment and payment of the State demand." The Parganna was a group of villages comprising a unit of revenue administration. The hierarchy of revenue collection functionaries in the eastern Tarai districts during the eighteen and early nineteenth centuries may Schematically be represented as follows:- 1I. H. qureshi, "Islamic Political Theory, Administrative Organisation, Law and Lega Institutions". In K.M. Munshi (ed), The History and Culture Of The Indain People, Vol. 6: The Delhi Sulranate. Pp. 453-454 Contd....... 108. Subba/I jaradar Munsiff Chaudhari Kanugoya (Qanungo) Village Mokadam/Mnadal ------------------------------------ Patuwari Jethraiyat The Subba was the chief administrator of the district appointed by the government. The Munsiff was a district-level official responsible for land measurement, as well as for reclamation and settlement. His responsibilitites included the compilation of revenue assessment records witje the assistances of Chaudharies and other functionaries.2 At the Parganna level, the Chaudhari collected land and other revenues. The same person soukd be appointed as Chaudhari for more than one Parganna.3 The Chaudhari was directed "to look after the affairs of the Parganna, promote settlement and submit accounts of revenues and expenditure.4 He was thus respossible for the collection of revenues on the basis of assessement records prepared by the Munsiff and approved bythe Subba, as well as their disbursement in the prescribed manner.5 The Kamugiye, also a Parganna-level functionary was responsible for the preparation of annual land and revenue records.6 In Mughal India, the Kanugoya (Qanungo) was "the permanent repository of information concerning the revenue receipts, area statistics, local revenue-rates, and practices and customs of the Parganna."7 2Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5. pp. 605-609. 3Vol. 5, p. 461. 4Vol.5, p. 301. 5Vol. 5, p. 428. 6Vol. 5, p. 261. 7Irban Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, p. 289. District Parganna Contd........... 109. In India, the Mokadam was a village-level functionary in charge of settlement operations and the allotment of uncultivated lands in the village. In Nepal, his primary responsibility was to assis in the collection of revenue. Thus in December 1793, local officials in Saptari and Mahottari districts were directed to insure that "Mokadams do not make collections on excess of the prescribed ratwes."9 The Mandar ( or Mamdal) of Morang district appears to have performed essentially the same functions.10 The Patwari was appointed to maintain accounts of revenue assessments and collections at the village level. Often the same person was appointed bothe as Kanugoya and as Patwari.11 Chaudharis, Kanugoyes and Mokaddams were generally appointed on the basis of tier ability to promote land reclamation and settlement and collect revenues.12 The Jethraiyat appears to have been the senior-most ryot of the village, who helped the functionaries mentioned above in their contacts with the peasantry. 8Ibid, pp. 129-133. 9Vol. 5, p. 261. 10Vol. 5, p. 753. 11Vol. 6, p. 453. 12Vol. 5, p. 751. 110. Defense Arragements During The Malla Period1 Even before tier conquest of Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur, the Gorhkalis had subjugated many villages in Kathmandu Valley. Water must be brought from the Bushnumati river near the temple of Shobhabhagavati on Poush Shulka Saptami (seventh day of bright half of the moon in late December or early January) every year to perform religious ceremonies at the temple of Seto Machhindranath in Kathmandu. Several rites have to be performed on the river-bank before bringing water. But in 1822 Vikrama (1765 A.D.), because of the pani created by the Gorkhalis, water from the Bishnumati river was brought sacretky without performing the prescribed rites on the spot.2 This shows that the Gorkhalis had already established thire hold in the Swayambhu area acroee the Bishnumati river by that time. Prithvi Narayan Shah had arrived in Balaju 13 days before his conquest of Kantipur. Why were not the Malla kings able to repulse the Gorhkalis even when the latter were s near? And why was it so difficult for the Gorkhalis ro enter into the capitals of the three Kingdoms of Kathmandu Valley? These days the construction of a bridge on the Bagmati river has facilitated communications between Kathmandu and Lalitpur. Bhaktapur too is not so isolated as it was formally. Kathmandu town is situated on the elevation, so that all streets leading outward from it slope downwards. Similar is the case with Bhaktapur town. Traces of the moat built on the noerthern side are still visible, as are ruins of gates and walls built around the town. Such ruins are found in Lalitpur also. According to a 1510 Vikrama (1453 A.D.) inscription of Yaksha Malla installed on the outer wall if the royal palace in Bhktapur, this king enlisted the cooperation of his subjects to convert Bhaktapur into a strong fort. A maot, and then a wall, were constructed on all sides of the town. There were gates at several points leading the town, each 1Dhanabajra Bajrachaya, "Malla Kalma Desh Raksha Do Vyavastha Ra Tyasprati Praja Ko Kartavya." (Defense Arragements During The Mall Perion And The Obligations Of The Subjects). Purnima, 2, Shrawan 2021 (July 1964). 20-23 pp. 2Shantisafu manuscript available at Machhindrabahal, Kathmandu. According to this anuscripts, King Jaya Prakash Mall deputed tropps to guard the temple attendants while they were taking water from the river. Contd............ 111. of which located a fortress (Lankwath). Streets leading to the town sloped sither downwards of upwards. The entire inhabitants of Bhaktapur town worked on a compulsory basis to defend the town. Default in the fulfillment of such obligations was punished with fines. The inhabitants of each locality were responsible for its security. They cleaned the maot and repaired walls in their area. Each gate-fortress was under an official called Kwathanayak. It was repaired when neccesry with the labor of the local inhabitants. Such repair and cleaning operations were performed on Jestha Shukal Shasthi ( sixth day of the bright half of the moon in the month of May), before the advent of the monsoon.3 The Kwarhanayak was fined 12 dramma in case the operations were not performed satisfactorily in the area under lhis jurisdiction. The fort and its walls were inspected on Aswin Krishna Ashtami (eighth day of the dark half of the moon in the month of October). Any peson who attempted to damage any part of the fort was finee 9 dramma. A fine of I drama was collected for each brick or piece of wood taken our from it. Lalitpur roo was organized like a fort.4 It had a maot along with walls. Trees were planted on the dise of the moat. There were fortresses at different points on the wall. Information about the defense system of Kathmandu in not available, but it may be presumed that the system was similar to that follwed in Bhaktapur and Lalitpur.5 The three kingdoms of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur comprised masy small towns, which too had been organized like forts. The ruins of Nala fort, situated at a distance of approximately 4 miles from Bhaktapur, can still be seen. Nala was under the kingdom of Bhaktapur, but it was repeatedly subjugated by the Gorkhalis. It was therefore necceasary to make arrangements for the security of the town, which is situated on level terrain with hill in the northern side. A wall had been contructed aound the town, which still stands on the northern and north-western sides. Beyond the wall, a moat had been dug on the hills, traces of which are still visible. No such arragemants had been made on the eastern, 3This accasion is now celebrated by Newars as the Sithi festival, wells are cleaned on this day. 4Information about the defense system of Lalitpur is contained in the Kirtipataka, a poem composed by Pandit Kunu Sharma during the rule of King Shrinivas Malla. 5For reference to the wall and gates of Kathmandu town, see Itihas Skmshodhan Ko Praman Prameya, PP 277 and 280, Aitihasik Patra Sangraha, Part 2, p. 32. Contd........... 112. southern and western sides, which comprised territory ruled by Bhaktapur. However, the territory beyond the noethern hilla belonged to Kathmandu. Traces of a fort are visible in Kirtipur, with a moat around it as well as in Lubhu, Pharping and elsewhere. A sone inscription a the Mahalaxmi temple in Thankot; a reproduction of which is available at the Bir Library in Kathmandu, states that the Thankot fort was renovated by Jaya Ratna Singh and other during the rule of King Jaya Rajya Prakash Mall. An inscription installed by King Shriniva Mall of Lalitpur at the Rato Machhindranath temple in 1729 Vikrama (1672 A.D.)6 states that the king may exact labor on a compulasory basis from his subjects in the construction and rapair of forts, wall and bridges as well as war. Default was to be punished with fines , binding with ropes or exile, a appropriate. Even the king was not entitled to grant exemption to anybody from these obligations. In addition, the people were under obligation to pay taxes tto the king, as well as to the royal official (Praman) appointed to administer the area and the local functionary (Dware). The Praman was not authorized to exact anything without payment from the people, nor to increase the nember of troops.7 The Malla Kings did not have a large standing army. Panchas and the common people fought as soldiers when necessary. After they repulsed the enemy, they obtained gifts from the king, which they utilized to perform religious ceremonies at local temples. The king sometimes gave feast to yhe people and fulfilled their demands on such occasions. 6Published in Abhilekh Sangraha; Part. 10. pp. 9-11 7cf. Identical copper inscription issued by King Ranjit Malla of Bhaktapur for Nakadesh and Bode villages. Ibid, Part II, PP. 16-17. Contd............ 113. Around 1787 Vikrama (1703 A.D.), Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Gorkha jointly occupied the fort of Obhu from Bhaktapur and established an outpost at Somalinga. The people of Bhaktapur and such other towns as Thimi, Nakadesh and Bode then drove put the enemy an dreoccupied Obhu. King Ranjit Malla then offered gifts of gold and elephant to several persons.8 People had to work on a compulsory basis also in the construction of irriagation channels, in default of which they had to pay a fine of 3 dams.9 ******************** 8Aitihasik Patra Sagraha, Part 2, pp. 52-57. 9cf. Inscription of King Jitamitra Malla of Bhaktapur. Itihas Samehodhan Ko Praman Prameya, pp. 281-282. 114. The Dolaji System The Dolaji system, under which persons who had no sons could designate a daughter as their heir, was prevalent among Newars in Kathmandu Valley. The daughter thus designated as Dolaji performed the funeral rights of her parents and inherried their property. The Muliki Ain (Legal Code) of 1866-67 contains the following provisions relating to the Dolaji system:-1 1. The son.....of a Dolaji woman shall not be entitled to inherit the property of their father, in case the letter has other sons (born of another woman)..........(However), he is entitled to his lawful share in the property of his mother. 2. In casew the father of a son born of a Dolaji woman has no other sons(from another woman),..........his property shall not be inherited by his brothers. The sons of a dolaji .......... shall be entitled to perform the funeral rites of their parents and inherit the property (of the father). 3.A Dolaji.......shall inherit the property of the person who has designated her as such, not of his brothers. The 1952 edition of the Muluki Ain prescribes:-2 1. ( A person) who has no sons but only a daughter may designate (such daughter) as a Dolaji in the manner prescribed by law, even if he is entitled to adopt a son. The person who takes a Dolaji woman as his wife shall have no claim to her mivable and immovable property. He shall be entitled to inherit his own father's property. 1His Majesty's Government, " Dharma Putra Ko." (on Adoption). Shri 5 Surendre Bikram Shah Dev Ka Shasan Kalma Baneko Muluki Ain. (The Legal code enacted During The Reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, Jestha 2022 (June 1965), 2Government of Nepal, "Dharma Putra Ko." ( On Adoption). Muluki ain (Legal code). Part III (1952ed) Sections 5-8, PP. 101-102. Contd............ 115. 2. In the caste where the Dolaji system is prevalent, in case (a Dolaji) daughter has no issue, so that no direct heir to the propery is available, such property shall accrue to the nearest relative according to law of the family which had designated the Dolajji. In case ( a Dolaji woman) has only a daughter, such daughter amy use the property as a Dolaji herself, but only in case her mother has handed over to her the original Dolaji deed, and executed a separate Dolaji deed entitling her to do so. No relative shall have any claim (to such property). In case no such deed has been executed, 9the daughter of the Dolaji) shall be entitled only to marriage expenses as well as 10% (of the property) as her dowry, while the balance shall accrue to relatives. 3. A Dolaji woman may take up a man of higher pr equal caste as her husband according to her choice. In case she takes up a man of lower caste as her husband, her designation as a Dolaji shall be null and void. Relatives shall then be entitled to appropriate the property. In case a Dolaji woman has neither sons nor daughter, her husband may get her property in case she executes a deed to this effect after she attains the age of 45 years. 4. .......A daughter who is designated as a Dolaji shall be entitled to the entire rights due to the father ..........whi designated her as such. These provisions have been retained in the 1963 edition of the Muluki Ain. But with one minor change that a girl nay be designated as a Dolaji only before her marriage.3 However, there is evidence that tthis only represents a clearer definition of dthe tradional custom, and not a substantive amendmed. After the Gorkhali conquest of Kathamandu Valley in 1768-69, the new government saw no reason in interfering with the Dolaji system. Royal approval was necessary for designating a girl as Dolaji, although this does not appear to have been a Gorkhali innovation. Bhim Laxmi Udas, of Talachhe Tol in Kathmandu, had been dediganated as Dolaji by her father, Bhau Singh Udas, "with the royal palace as witness" through an official of the Chhebhadel office4 on payment of a fee of Rs 51 as 3His Majesty' Government, "Dharma Putra Ko," (On Adoption). Muluki Ain (Legal Code) (1963 ed.), Sections 5-8. pp. 140-141. 4The Chhebhadel was "a tribunal for the settlement of all disputes relating to houses." Brian H. Hodgson, "Some Account of The Systems of Law and Police As Recogmezed in the State of Nepal." (The Journal Of The Royal Asiatic Society Of Great Britain And Ireland, Vol. I 1834, p. 159. Contd........... 116. Panphul.5 This action was contested by lthe relatives of Bhau Singh Udas in the court, but unsuccessfully. In 1879 Vikrama (1812 A.D.), the claimants were fined and the Dolaji was confirmed on payment of a fee (Salami) of Rs 2,000. Bhim Laxmi Udas, the Dolaji, was then permitted to appropriate the entire movable and immovable property bequeatherd to her by her father, perform the funeral rites of her parents and observe the traditional customs and usages of the Family.6 A son born of a Dolaji woman was joined to the caste of his mether, not her father. Sirpati Banda, of Lagan Tol in Kathmandu, has designated his daughter, Subarna Laxmi, as a Dolaji. Subarna Laxmi later married Dhanjay Padhya (Dhananjaya Upadhyaya), obviouslt a Brahman. A son named Dhaju Mani was then born to the cupple. Bhaju Mani requested the government to recognize him as a member of the Banda castes. The government granted the request, on the ground that "according to the traditional custom prevelant in Nepal (i.e. Kathmandu Valley), (the son of a Dolaji woman) joins the caste of his mother." The Dolaji system may be regarded as evidence of the fact tht the Newars were once a matrillinear community. 5lit, betal and flower. 6Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 43, pp. 327-328. 7Ibid, vol. 39, pp. 217-218. 117. Population of Kathmandu Valley, 18561 In 1856, Prime Minister Jung Bahadur conducted the first population census of Nepal. Particulars compiled for Kathmandu Valley in the course of this census on Marga Sudi 8, 1913 (December 1856) are summarized below:- Kathmandu (Urban) No. of Houses No. of Inhabitants 21,000 210,000 3,000 30,000 Particulars Old Newar Houses New Houses Gorkhalis, government Employees, non-governmant Persons, slaves, etc. x 100,000 Total 24,000 340,000 Kathamandu (Rural) Particulars obtained from 91 villages in Gokarna, Changu, Swaymbhu, Deupatan and Tokha:- No. of houses No. of inhabitants 3,513 19,079 No particulars obtained from 91 villages in Teku, Dharmathali, Paknajol, Dhumbarahi, Naksal, etc. Patan (Urban) Particulars Old Newar Houses Gorkhalis, government Employees, non-governmental Persons, slaves etc. No. of Houses 22, 0002 x No. of Inhabitants 154,000 160,000 Total 22,000 160,000 Regmi Research Collections, Vol.1, PP. 842-846 This exclusive of 2,000 houses depopulated as a result of small-pox epidemic. 1 Contd..... 118. Patan (Rural) Particulats obtained from 157 villages Lubhu, Chltlang, Tistung, Palung, etc:- No. of houses No. of inhabitants 9,913 60,257 No particulars obtained from 39 villages in Dhapakhel, Jaulakhel, dhobaghat, Sinamugal, Kirtipur, Thankot, etc. Brahmans (Urban) Particulars Old Newar houses Gorkhalis, government employees, slaves, etc. No. of Houses 11, 5003 X Total 11,500 No. of Inhabitants 92,000 6,000 98,000 Bhadgaun (Rural) Pariculars obtained from 151 villages in Dhulidhel, Khadpu, Chankot, Panauti, Bihabar, Banepa, etc:- No, of Houses No. of Inhabitants 5,181 32, 503 3This is exclusive of 500 houses depopulated as a result of a pox epidemic. 19. Gleanings From The Gorkhapatra Payment Of Debts of Members Of Rana Family Gorkhapatra, Ashadh 16, 1971 (June 30, 1914) On Ashadh 13, 1971 (June 27, 1914), His Highness the Prime Minister (i.c. Chandra Shamsher Jung Bahadur Rana) paid off the debts of all members of the Rana family from his personal treasury. Ranas whio had lived frugally and had not incurred debts received Rs 1,000 each. Minor children of Ranas too received Rs 1,000 each. The total anount thus disbursed is said to have amounted to approximately Rs 300,000. Installation of Telephone Lines Gorkhapatra, Ashadh 20, 1972 (July 4, 1915) Telephone lines have been installed from the Tundikhel, Kathmandu, to Birganj over a distance of 72 miles. Passports To Visitors From India Gorkhapatra, Jestha 17, 1984 (June 3, 1927) Previously, passports to visitors from India were issued in Birganj. Now a railway link has been established between Birganj and Amlekhganj. Passports m,ay now be obtained at Amlekhganj. The following public announced was issued on Baisakh 30, 1984 (May 13, 1927) in this connection:- Previously, passports wese issued to visitors from India to Kathmandu, Nepal, at Birganja if ti was proved tah they were genuine visitors. As railwaylines have been laid between Birganj and Amlekhganj, genuine visitors can get passports at Amlekhganj. Henceforth, the Passport Office at Amlekhganj will issue passports to Nepali citizens, to Indiana who hve shops and tradingv establishment in Kathmandu or are employed by the Government, and to pilgrims in accordance with appropriate legal provisions. The Birganj District Headquarters Office too will issue such passports. Persons other than those mentioned above should file an application with the Birganj Disctict Headquarters Office if they want to get passports to visit Kathmandu. The Birganj District headquaters Office shall issue passports to such persoms only is so deemed proper. 120 King Bhupatindra Mall1 By Bhola Nath Poudel Bhupatindra Malla was one of the famous Kings of Bhaktapur, Many momuments still extent in that town bear testimony to his love of architecture. Bhupatindra Malla was also an expert administrator. Bhupatindra Mall was born on Kartik 23, 1731, Vikrama (November 8-9, 1674) to King Sumati Jitamitra Mall and queen Lalmati. Available evidence indicates that Jitamitra Malla associated Bhupatindra Malla in the administration of the kingdom as soon as the letter came of age. A Sudi coin minted during the reign of Bhupatindra Mall bears the date Bhadra Badi 11, 816 (Nepal era). This shows that the coin was minted on the occasion of the coronation of Bhupatindra Malla. During the coronation of King Ranjit Malla also, coins had been minted indicating the date and month in full. In Falgun 816 (Nepali era, 1752 Vikrama) a treaty was signed between Jitamitra Mall and Yognarandra Malla.2 This shows that Jitamitra Malla was occuping the throne of Bhaktapur on Aswin 11, 1753 (Vikrama). Howver, Bhupatindra Malla appears as King even five years previously. An inscription dated 811 Nepali era (1748 Vikrama), found at Dathuphale in Thimi states that King Bhupatindra Malla constructed a rest-house as well as water spout in accordance with the commant of his father, Jitamitra Malla. The Tarabhalti Subharnava, available at the Bir Library, which as written in the Nepali era 812 (1749 Vikrama) mentions Bhupatindra Malla as King. Similarly, a copy of the Yogavali belonging to Bhupatindra Mall also available at the Bir Library, mentions him as Maharajadhiraj in Kartik 816 (Nepali era). These references make it clear that Bhupatindra Malla had occupied the position of a King even before he formally ascended the throne. Jitamitra Mall appears to have done so in order to give his son experience in the administration of the kingdom. 1"Bhupatindra Malla." Purnima, 9, Baisakh 2023(April 1966) . 23-29 pp. 2Aitihasik Patra Sangraha, Part 2, pp. 17-22. Contd........... 121. In Lalotpur a conflict had arisen between Srinivas Malla and hid son lla and hid son Yognarandra Malla. The conflict was resolved only after Srinivas Malla abdicated in favor of Yagnarendra Malla. Jitamitra Malla regarded Srinivas Malla with respect. The was present at the abdication of Srinivas Mall. This is probably the reason why Jitamitra Malla gradually conferred administration power on this son, Bhupatindra Malla. Bhupatindra Malla had therefore already become an experienced administrator when he formally ascended throne throne in 1753 Vikkrama. No Chautara (Prime minister) or other official was able to during the reign of King Jitamitra Malla, was not able to [......] his power after Bhupatindra Mall become king. In fact, no other official was able to retain his power long during the reign of Bhupatindra Malll. Hakufa, an illegitimate member of the Mall royal famly, become Chautara for some time. But he could not attain the lposition enjoyed by Bhagiram. On the beginning, Bhupatindra Malla was assisted by his uncle, Ugra Malla. But even Ugra Malla had not been able to exercise such influence over Bhupatindra Mala. Thus, as a result of the wise step taken by Jitamitra Mall, no political conflict occurred during the reign of Bhupatindra Malla. At that time, the fhree Malla kings of Kathmandu Valley were each trying to obtain the assistance of the other to suppress the third. King Yognarandra Malla of Lalitpur was of an aggressive disposition. He thus came into frequent conflict with Bhupatindra Malla. However, Bhupatindra Malla never succumbed to the pressure of Yognarandra Malla. On the other hand, Bhupatindra Malla was able occasionally to exercise influence over Yognarandra Malla with the help of other kings. In 1758 Vikrama, a treaty had been signed between Yognarandra and Bhupatindra Malla. The treaty provided that in case Lalitpur sought assistance from Kathmandu without consulting Bhaktapur, the four kingdoms of Bhaktapur, Gorkha, Makwanpur and Tanahu should collect a fine of Rs 40,000 from Lalitpur. It shows Bhupatindra Malla had been able to exercise influence on Yognarandra Malla with the help of the other dings. It also indicates his desire to prevent a collusion between Kantipur and Lalitpur. However, 18 months later, Bhupatindra Malla signed a treaty with King Bhaskar Malla of Kantipur against Lalitpur. According to this treaty, Kantipur should have leave the side of Bhaktapur, and should be given priority in assistance. The treaty provided for a pledge of 36,000 mohars. Similarly, Bhaktapur undertook not to open roads for Lalitpur with out the consent of Kantipur. Because of all these reasons, Yognarandra Malla was displeased with Bhaktapur. On Bhadra 29, 1762 Vikrama, Yognarandra Malla himself led a ford ro occupy the Well-known fort of Obhu in Bhaktpur. The forces of Lalitpur besieged Obgu on 3 sides. Even then, the fort did not surrender. Yognarandra Malla directed the battle from Changu. He did not go back to Lalitpur even during the Dashain festival. Bhupatindra Malla therefore shifted to Banepa along with his son. Meanwhile, Yognarandra Malla died suddenly in Changu. Contd............ 122. he had been poisoned bu somebody belonging to Bhaktapur. After the death of their king, the forces of Lalitpur called off the siege and returned to Lalitpur. Thus Yognarandra Malla had to loss his life in the course of his conflict with Bhupatindra Malla. At that time, there was rivalry among the 3 Malla kings of Kathmandu Valley on the question of procuring elephants from the Tarai in association with Makwanpur. Bhupatindra Malla did not lag behind in this field. According to the Vyayanirdesh, a copy of which is available at the Bir Library, Bhupatindra Malla conducted elephants-catching operations in Falgun 828(Nepali era, 1764 Vikrama) in the company of King Manik Sen of Makwapur. The Taleju Kisidutayavidha, a copy of which is available at the Bir Library, mentions that King Bhupatindra Malla cought an elephant in Makwanpur and offered it to the Taleji in 834 Nepali era (1771 Vikrama.). Bhupantindra Malla constructed several forts with the coopeation of his subjects. According to the Vyayanirdesh, he led the foundation of a fort in Poush 827 Nepali era (1763 Vikrama). It also mentions that he renovated the fort of Kolapa in Bhaktapur in Kartik 830 Nepali era (1766 Vikrama). Following the example of his father, Bhupantindra Malla trained his son, Ranjit Malla, in the affairs of the administration. An inscription available at Kwalakam Tole in Thimi, dated 841 Nepali era (1778 Vikrama) refers to the reign of King Bhupatindra Malla and Ranjit Malla. Similar references are available also in an inscription found at Tachapa Tol in Bhaktapur, and a copy of the Vidyavilap drama available at the Bir Library. A coin minted during the reign of Ranjit Malla bears the date Baisakh Sudi 15, 842 (Nepali era). According to a document in the possession of Chandraman Joshi, Panajit Malla ascended the throne on this date. This makes it clear thath this was tha date when reign of Bhupatindra Malla came to an end. 123. Newar Traders In Lhasa1 From King Rajendra, To Laxmi Sundar, With effect from Baisakh Badi 1, 1885 (April 1827), we appoint you as Naike of Newar traders and merchants in Lhasa, replacing Shiva Newar with due loyalty, obtain Rs 1001 as emoluments fro the men (working) with you, as well as for yourself. Collect customary payments from the Thakali,2 as wella s from the traders, merchants and ratail shop-keepers belonging to the Battiskothi3 (in Lhasa). Discharge your functions justly, keep the traders and merchants pleased and satisfied. Appropriate one-sixth of whatever is collected, and ramit the actual balance to us. Sunmit accounts every year and obtain clearance. Do not commit injustice and do not harass traders and merchants. Prove true to your salt and always remain prompt regarding matter which will benefit us. Baisakh Sudi 1, 1885 (April 1, 1817) ******************* 1Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 43, p. 90. 2The head of the Newar merchantile community in Lhasa. 3lit. 32 commercial establishments. The Newar mercantile community in Lhasa was collectively because of the 32 commercial houses said to have been first established there during the reign of King Pratap Mall of Kathmandu. (1641-1674 A.D.). 124. A Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occuring In Nepal Historical Documents (Continued) Bhusawan ..... A lecy collected in the eastern Tarai districts to Districts to provide husk fro the landlord's cattle, Often incorporated into the governmental tax Assessment. ..... A levy collected on marriage in the eastern Tarai Districts. ..... A village headman in Ruikhola and elsewhere in north-western Nepal ..... (1) A village functionary in Ruikhola and elsewhere in north-western Nepal (2) A member of the Limbu village council in the far-eastern hill districts. Chak-chakui ..... Fines imposed on members of Bhote, Chepang, Darai, Majhi, Hayu, Danuwar, Kumhal, Sarki, Kami, Sunar, Shunar, Hurke, Damai, Badi, Bhat, Pode Chyamkhalak and other castes for adultery withih their respectve castes. Chauda Chira ..... A payment collected by heads of monasteries in the Eastern Tarai districts from visiting Indian priests. Chaudinghisa ..... Duty on silver imported from Tibet. Chauga(Chyanga) ..... A coarse variety of homespun cotton cloth. Chari ..... Pasturage tax in the Tarai districts, Chaudhari ..... (1) A landlord of Zamindar in the Tarai districts (2) A functionary responsible for revenue collection at the parganna level in the Tarai districts. Bihadani Budha Budhyauli Contd.......... 125. (3) Headmen of Newar communities in the hill districts. Chaurahi ..... A levy imposed on sacred thread investiture Ceremonies in the Tarai districts. Chhit-Chhap ...... A tax collected from dyers and printers of cloth. Chumawan ..... A levy collected to finance the sacred thread Investiture ceremony of a royal prince. Chuni ..... Ryots whise names were listed in the tax Assessment records. Chhebhadel ..... The Chhebhadel according to Brian Hodgson, was Tribunal for the settlement of all disputes relating to Houses which did nor possess criminal jurisdiction. The chief of this office Chhibhadel collected taxes and payments as well from the inhabitants of Kathmandu, as well as from traders visiting the town from outside. He was in charge of the supply of fuewood to the royal palace. He also caught cattle, goats, sheep and horses which were let loose in the fields and handed them over to the royal cattle sheds. To be continued (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: June 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 6, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. Property Rights of Widow ..... 127 2. Royal Dynasties During The Lichchhavi Period ..... 135 3. Remarks On A Tour Through Nepal In May ,1876 ..... 136 4. Judicial Customs In Nepal ..... 144 5. A Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Occurring In Nepali Historical Documents ..... 148 ************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Priave) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale of display. 127. Property Rights Of Widows Traditionally, in Nepal a widow was entitled to inherit her husband's property as long as she remained chaste. The diceased husband's relatives were entitled to inherit only "whatever, is left of the property after the widow's death."1 This suggests that there was no restriction on the right of a widow to sell the property left by her husband. Legislation relating to the property rights of widows was condified for the first time in 1853. A full translation of the "Law on Inheritance and Property Rights of Widows", contained in the 1866-67 edition of the Muluki Ain (Legal Code) is as follows:-2 1. In case a widow had remained chaste and maintained her livelihood throght agriculture or otherwise (subsequently) starts living as the wife of another man; she shall not be entitled to take away property, goods, cash, cattle, slaves, etc acquired during the period when she had remained chaste to her former husband. The entire property shall across according to lae to her legitimate children (by her formar husband) and other conarceners. 2. In case a woman who has become a prostitute has one or two children from her first husband, as well as from her second and third husbands, and similarly has children shall entitled to a share in the property (in the case of sons) and marriafe expense (in the case of daughters) of thire respective fathers according to the Law. Any (property) aquired by the mother after she become a prostitute shall be shared as inheritance or marriage expenses by her children from all her husbands. The court shall charge a fee of ten per cent of (the value of the inheritance) thus realized. 1Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 38, p. 540 and Vol. 43, p. 40. 2His Majesty's Government, Sri 5 Surandra Bikram Shah Dev Ka Shasan Kalma Baneko Muluki Ain (Legal Code Enacted during The Reign of King Surendra Biram Shah Dev). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, 1965. "Bidhuwa Ka Amsha Dhan Ko." (Propety And Inheritance Rights of Widows ). PP. 128-130. Contd....... 128. 3. In case woman who have not attained the age of 45 years have committed illicit sexual intercourse or been degraded from their caste, and have sold, gifted or donated lands, money, goods, slaves and other property, realizing that they will not get anything if the matter was reported, such transaction shall not be regarded as valid even if these had been concluded before their illicit sexual intercourse was reported. In case such sale was witnessed by a coparcener and by either the (local) court (Adalat), the (local) police station (Thana) or the (local) council (Amal), it shall be regarded as valid even if the fact that the woman had started living as the wife of another man had not been reported. In case none of them had witnessed the sale, and in case it is proved that 9the woman) had sold, gifted ro donated (the property) and then started living as the wife of another man, the transaction shall not be regarded as valid. 4. If the husband of a woman dies and the widow has remained chaste, then, irrespective of whether she has obtained her share (in the husband' property) and is living separately or is living in the joint family without subdividing (the property), she shall not be entitled to sell or otherwise dispose of her share of houses, lands and slaves until she attains the age of 45 years. Sales or mortgage of houses, lands and slaves concluded because she does not possess sufficient means of livelihood shall be regarded as valid if it has been witnessed by coparceners. In case coparceners do not (agree to) become witnesses (to such transactions), she shall be entitled her to maintain herself, or to make reasonable gofts ot donations, with the Adalat, Thana or Amal as witness. Women of above the age of 45 years shall be entitled to sell, gift or donate thie share (in the husband's property) of Jiuni (property given to her for maintenance) and Pewa (personal property given to her by her husband) as well as their share houses, lands, money, goods, jewelry and other property as she likes. (Such transactions) need not be witnessed by her coparceners and by the Adalat or the Amal. 5. women of any caste who have no husbands and have not attained the age of 45 years shall be entitled to gift their share (in the husband's property) or their Jiuni of Pewa in the form of lands cattle, slaves and other property after allocating 10% thereof tc finance her funeral expenses in the even of series illness of while becoming Satis. Such gifts, as well as the title of the recipient (to the gifted property) shall be regarded as vaid. They may, if theu so like, allocate more than 20% ( of such property) to finance ttheir funeral expenses. Even if they remain alive, such gifts shall not be invalidated, Contd.......... 129. 6. In case widows who have no sons are living in the jointly family without subdividing the property do not want to live in this manner and demand their share of the property, and in case their fathers-in-law, mother-in-law, brothers-in-law, co-wives, sisters- in-law, nephews and sons of co-wives ask her to live in the style in which they are ;iving and make gifts or perform religious function as they do, and have actually been fulfilling such assurances, such widows shall not be entitles to obtain her share and live elsewhere. They must continue to live in the joint family. But if (the relatives mentioned abovc) have not maintained her in the same style as they themselves are living in, and have not let her make gifts or perform religious functions as they themselves have been doing, or have already subdivided the property and been living separately, or in case there are only co-wives, (such widows) may obtain their share of the property according top law and utilitize it in living separately. 7. In case the fathers-in-law, mothers-in-law, brothers-in-law, co-wives, sistes-in-law, nephews, and sone of co-wives of widows who have no sons ask her to live in the joint family and make gifts an perform religious functions in the same manner a they have been doing, and not so leave the joint family to live with their parents or other relatives, and in case (such widows) do not agree to do so,(but) leave the joint family to live with their parents or elsewhere, they must hand over (to have joint family) whatever goods, jewelry or other property they have taken away. If she icurs debts while lioving elsewhere, the joint family need not repay such debts. The 1952 edition if the Muluki Ain contains the following law this subjects:-3 1. From Tuesday, Shravan Sudi 5, 1957 (August 5, 1900) a widow shall be entitled to dispose of property to which she has a rightful claim as follows:- 3Government of Nepal, Muluki Ain (Legal Code), Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 1952. "Bidhawa Ka Amsha Dhan Ko." (Property And Inheritance Rights of Widows). Part III, pp. 98-99. Contd............ 130. (1) A widow who has attained the age of 40 years may dispose of as she likes wtjout the consent of sons one-third of movable property to whioch she has a ringtful claim, as well as as immovable property of the time of her husband if she has her own or co-wife's os sone or any brother-in-law born of her husband's own mother, and she has been maintained by them in the same style as in the days when her husband was living. In case she has not attained the age of 40 years, she may do so only with one-fourth of the property. In case she can secure the consent of sons, she may do so with the whole of the property. In case she has not been maintained int the same styles as in the days when her husband was living, and in case she has attained the age 40 years of age, she msy dispose of the entire movable property and half of the immovable property, or else with half of the movable property and one-third of the immovable property even without the consent of co-parceners. (2). In cse there exist only coparcenes within three generations, and in case her own or her co-wife's sone do not exist, and the coparceners have maintained hfer with respect in the same manner as during the life time of her husband, she cannot, if she has attained the age of 40 years, dispose of the entire property without the consent on such coparceners. She shall be entitled to dispose of only of only nine-tenths of movable property and half of the immovable property without their consent. In case she has not attained the age of 40 years, she may thus dispose of half of movable property and one-third of immovable property without consent of coparceners. In case she has not been properly maintained, she msy, irrespective of wether or not she has attained the age of 40 years dispose of the entire movable property and nine-tenths of the immovable property a she likes. In case coparceners within three generations do not exist, then, irrespective of wether or not she has attained the age of 40 years, she may dispose of (movable and immovable property) as she likes without having government offices or couts witness (the transaction). (3). In case there is any movable property earned by the grand-father, she may dispose of half of the immovable property which she is entitled to dispose of as provided for therein. In case she has Daijo or Pewa property, she may dispose of both movabe and, immovable assets without the consent of coparceners, even if she has sons. Contd.......... 131. (4) In case income from immovable property is sufficient to maintaining her all the year round, she may dispose it on only after fulfilling the legal conditions priscribed in the foregoing clauses. In case income from immovable property is not sufficient to maintain her all year round, she may, dispose of all movable and immovable property as the likes, provided she has attained the age of 40 years otherwise, she may dispose of only the entire movable property and immovable property to the value of Rs 500 without the consent op Coparceners. (5) In case, after the disposal of the property with all legal formalitites completed, it is reported that she has started living as the wife of another man, the provisions of Section 9 of the law on Gifts and Donations shal ne applicable. 2. In case a widow starts living as the wife of another man, she shall not be entitled to take with her any of the movable or immovable property which had accrued to her when she was chaste to her former husband as well as that earned by herself. It shall accrue to coparceners. 3. In case any person refuses to give what is due from him and uses force, she shall be liabvle to pay the amont involved and charged 10% or 5% thereof. 4. In case a person claims that what is not due and forcibly appropriates it,he shall be liable to pay the amount involved and fined with 10% thereof. 5. In case a person claims what is not due, he shall be fined with 5% of the amount claimed. 6. Where a fine is imposed, the 5% charge shall not be collected. In case a person wins the cae without having to pay a fine of 10% or 5% charge, he shall be granted a judgement in his favor on payment of Jitauri fee amounting 1% of the fine according to the nature of the case. 7. Any person who claims more or offers less than what is due, shall be fined with 10% of the amount so claimed of offered. 8. Where a time-limit is prescribed in the law, action shall be taken accordingly. In case anything is given or accepted in contravention of this law, no complaint shall be entertained unless filed within 2 years. 9. the term of imprisonment under this law shall not exceed 6 years. Contd............ 132. The 1952 Muluki Ain contains the following provisions relating to the property rights of widows:-4 23. A married wife who becomes a widow and is entitled by lae to a full share of property because she has remained chaste shall receive the share due to her husband. 31. A childless widow who is living in a joint family without subdividing the lproperty shall not be permitted to obtaine her share and live separately as long as her relatives maintain her in the same style and ler her make gifts and perform religious functions in the same manner as themselves, unless she is more than 30 years of age. In case (her relatives) do not do so, she may obtain her share of the property and utilize it living separately even if she has not attainded the age of 30 years. (But) she shall not leave the lands accruing as her husband's share and live at her paternal home or elsewhere. 32. In case a widow who is maintained by her relatives in accordance with the provisions of he law does not accept this and, instead of living at he home, lives at her paternal home or at the home of any relative, she shall not be entitled to hershare of the property unless she comes back to live in the himeof her husband, even if she has attained and age when she is entitled to obtain such share according to law. The debts incurred by a widow during the time she was living elsewhere need not be paid off by the persons who are entitled to inherit her property. A widow who has not attained the age of 45 years may take away goods, slaves an othe wealth to her parenatal home only if she signs a document stipulating that she will hand them ever whenever her coparceners so desire and not claim that she has spent them. Otherwise, she shall not be permitted to take (such goods, slaves and other wealth0 away. She shall leave them in the custody of her coparceners. The 1963 Muluki Ain does not have a separate law on the property rights of widows. It has, instead, a law on the inheritance rights of women, which is as follws:-. 4Sections 23, 31 and 32 of "Amshabanda Ko" (On subdivision of property), pp. 85 and 87. 5His Majesty's Government, Muluki Ain (Legal Code). (1963 ed). "Stri Amsha Dhan Ko." (On Inheritance Rights of women), pp. 138-139. Contd............ 133. 1. Girls, married women or widows may use movable or immovalble assets acquired by them in any way they like. 2. Girls, married women or widows may use the entire movable and assets, and half of the immovable assts, acquired by them as inheritance, a they like even without the consent of anybody. The entire immovable assets mau be used as they like, with the consent of the father, or else of brothers living in the undivided family in the case of girls, of the husband in the case of a married woman and of the sons, if any, in the case of a widow. A girl who has no father or brothers living in the undivided family, and a widow who has no sons, shall not use more than three-fourths of the ommovable assets as they like, without the consent of a relative within three generations, if any. 3. Undsecured loans contracted by such women shall not be realized from out of immovable assets which cannot be used as they like in accordance with the provisons of Section 2 of this law. 4. Movable or immovable assets gifted to women by their friends and relatives on the father's or maternal grandfather's side, and any increment made or occurring thereto, is considered Daijo. Movable or immovable assets gifted in writing by the husband ro by relatives on the husband' side with the consent of all co-parceners, or by other friends and relatives on the hsuband's side, and any increment made or occurring thereto, is considered Pewa. 5. A woman may use her Daijo and Pewa assets as she likes. After her death, in case she has wiiled (such assets) to anu person, the provisions of the will shall be complied wih. In case there is no such will, the assets shall accrue to sons living jointly with her, if any; or else sons who have separately from her; or else to the husband; or else to her unmarried daughter; else to her married daughter; or else to the sons of her sons; or else to her daughters' sons or else to the nearesr relative. 6. In case conjugal relations are broken in accordance with the provisions of the law on conjugal relations, or in case a widow fails to remain chaste to the (deceased) husband, the share obtained by her from the husband's side and any increment made or occurring thereto shall not accrue to the woman, but to the nearest relative. 7. In case a woman gifts, donates or sells, otherwise transfers property which she is entitled to, other than her Daijo and Pewa, to any person, and subsequently spoils heself through illicit sexual intercourse with such person, the transecrion shall nnot be recognized as valid. The person who has a valid claim thereto may have it restored. Contd....... 134. 8. Complaints shall be entertained only if filed within two years after illicit sexual intercourse is exposed in matters pertaining to Section 7 of this law, and after performance or occurance in other matters. ******************* Contd...... 135. Royal Dynasties During The Lichchhavi Period1 By Jagadish C. Regmi. Nepal was under Lichchavi ruel from the beginning of the Christian era to the 8th or 9th centuries. The Lichchhavi royal dynasty occupied the throne nearly the whole of this period. However, available inscriptions also mention the Gupta, Mundri, and Dakshin royal dynasties having ruled over Nepal during this period. The sole reference to the Mundri royal dynasty is contained in the Chagunarayan inscription (circa 604 A.D.)2 of Shiva Deva. This is an order addressed to the inhabitants of Gundimaka village,f which was probably located in the Changu area where the inscription was fisrt discovered. It describes the boundaries o fthe local Kotta.3 The boundaries mention lands belonging to the Mundri and Dakshin royal dynasties in the eat an the north respectively. There is no doubt thath the Mundris royal dynasty was different from that of the Lichchhavis and that it ruled over Nepal at one time. On the basis of phonetic similarity, if may be speculated that king Aramudi, who once fought against Kashmir, belonged to this dynasty. The Changunarayan inscription also refers to the Dakshion royal dynasty, as we have already mentioned above. The Jyabahal (Jaisidewal) inscription of 613 A.d.,4 and the Gnyaneshwar inscription of King Jaya Deva II (?) dated circa 73 A.D.5 contain reference to this dynasty. The latter inscription mentions administration offices mentioned by it, thus possibly indicating that this dynasty was ruling at that time. It appears tht the term Dakshin (south) was used to indicate the area where a royal dynasty different from that of the Lichchhavis waas in power. It is noteworthy that reference to this dynasty are available fro a 130-year period between 604 and 733 A.D. 1Jagadish C. Regmi, Lichchhavi Samskriti (Lichchhavi Culture) Kathmandu: Ranta Pustak Bhandar, 1969, pp. 10-12. the section dealing with the Dupta royal dynasty will be translated in the next issue of Regmi Research Series. 2R.Cnoli, Nepalese inscriptions, p. 46. 3i.e. local administrative headquaters. Jagadish C. Regmi, op. cit. pp. 377-380. 4Gnoli, op. cit. p. 55. 5Abhilekh Sangraha, Part 5, pp. 16-17. ********************** Contd..... 136. Remarks On A Tour Through Nepal In May, 18761 Traveling by palanquins one day in May, 1876, from the British boundary of the Champaran district of Bihar, during the nght, we reached the edge of the belt of the Nepali Tarai forest, at that point just ten miles broad; then , mounting horses, wew rode through the ferests and valley of the lower range of hills, a diatance of thirty-five miles,by an excellent cart road, to the foot of the Sisagarhi Hill, which we immediately ascended by an extraordinary sharp and difficult incline, and on the crest found ourselves on a fortified hill-top, where we stopped fro the night. Next morning, crossing the Sisagarhi Range, we descended into a valley, and then ascended the Chandragiri Range, which commands a view of the valley of Nepal, the surrounding mountains, and the snowy ranges beyond, al together a noble prospect. Then we descended into the valley, and were thence driven carriage to Kathmandu and the Residency. The thirty-five miles of distance through the Tarai and the Low hills must be done at one march, between sunrise and sunset, in order to avoid the malaria, which is much dreadedm especially in the hot season. With the ponies we had it took us seven hours; but, if one hade time to lay out one's own horses, it might be done in four and a half hours. The Nepali Government took great pains with the road as far as the foot of the Sisagarhi Hill; but they, no doubt purposely, left the road over the hills of Sisagarhi and Chandragiri as difficult a possible, regarding the very stiff ascents and descents as part of their matural fortifications, on which they so much [.....] In Nepal itself we stayed a full week; rode all about the valley; visited the several cities and the numerous Hinduand Buddhist temples and other architectural remains; saw the king, the Minister Jang Bahadur, the principal officers, and the troops; and ascended two of the neighbourong mountations, from the summit of one of which we were rewarded, after some hours of hard walking in heavy weather, by a view of the snowy ranges, of which there were actually counted no less than ten. We received the most hospitable kidness and much interesting and useful information from the Resisdent, Mr.s Girdlestone, and the greatest civility and attention from the Nepal Government. Indeed, Mr. Girdlestone's political ability and special experience rendered his conversation most interesting and instructions. 1Sir Richard Temple,Journals Kept in Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkim And Nepal. London: W.H. Allen and co, 1887. Vol. II, 249-262 pp. Contd........... 137. The valley scenery of Nepal is, of course, very pretty and good, but it is not at all comparable to that of Kashmir, the glory of Nepal being in its architecture rather than in its scenery. Still the scenery sets off and enhances the effect fothe architecture by affording a blue background tipped with everlasting snows. The Nepali Hindu temple architecture is strikingly picturesque,-perhaps uniquely picturesque in India,-being modeled on that of the Chinese pagodas, - storey piled upon storey, with copper-gilt finials, minute wood-carvings, and purple-enamelled bricks. It is all the work of the original Mongoloid Newar dynasties, violently displac a century age by the semi-Aryan Gorkhas, whose modern temples are only a feeble reflex of the structures at Benares. The typical Buddhist buildings are second-rate specimens of the northern Buddhist architecture, without any of the character and originality we are accustomed to admire in the Sikkim-Bhutan-Tibetan style. The cultivation of the Nepal Valley is blessed with unequalled advantages, and is carried on with the utmost industry. In May we found a waving harvest of wheat awaiting the sickle, and I was told tht almost all these lands hade already yielded an equally good rice harvest within the agricultural year, and that many of the fields would yet yield special crops, pepper, vegetablea, and the like. In short, most of the lands yield two harvests in the year, and some yield even three! The chemical quality of the soil must be excellent, but one special cause of the faritlity frm the artificial irrigation from the countless streams and streamlets from the neighbouring hills. There are, however, no lakes, such as those which adorn Kashmir. The houses of the people-even of the rural peasantry-have brick walls and tiled roofsm being altogether much more substantial than the dwellings of the corresponding classes of the plains of India. The surface of the valley is difficult for roads, and consists of layes and plateau-like platforms,one above or below the other; nevertheless, it is traversed by many strongly-made causeway radiating from Kathmandu in all directions. The champaign area of the valley is taken to be 250 aquare miles, the length being twenty-five miles,with an average breadth of ten miles2. Its population is very dense, the whole country-side being dotted over with villages and cottages. The number is not really known, but has been estimated to be 400,000 souls,-an apparently impossible number. That, however, it must be very large, is borne out by the fact that, excellent as the cultivation is, the land does not afford food enough for the people, a considerable 2This would seen to be about the true area, though every writer varies. Briaen Hodgson has 16 by 16=256sq. m. ; Dr. Oldfield, 15 by 14=220 sq. m.; Dr. Wright, 16 by 9=154 sq. ; Dr. Allen and Mr. Fergusson, 12 by 9=108 sq. m. Contd............ 138. food supply having to be yearly imported from the plains,-an important circumstance politically, of which the Nepalis are wel aware. There is, indeed, the suburban population of four cities, including Kathmandu, which cannot be less in all than 120,000 souls;3 and of from 250 square miles, one-fourth,-say sixty-five square miles, -be deducted fro streams, roads, ravines, and c., there are left 185 square miles,-on which it is possible that a dense suburban and rural population of 800 to 1,000 to the square mile may subsist. Altogether it is probable that the population of the Nepal Valley can hardly be less than 300,000 souls. The valley is destitute of the superior kinds manufactures, save those which pertain to weapons of war; but there are all the signs of health, vogour, contentment and alanrity in the general aspect of the people; and altogether, if its cultivatiionm irrigation, communications, habitations, works of the art, and social organization be taken into consideration, the Nepal Valley affords a monument of what can be accomplished by the unaided genius and industry of the natives of India. It will have been observed tht Nepal has been above treated as a small valley, and this is strickly and accurately the case; though, from being the military and political centre, it has given its name to a great Himalayan domination adjoining British territory fro over a length of 500 miles. This originally ruled by a number of petty dynasties springing out of them. Some of these dynasties, however, were of a mixed race, coming from Aryan Rajput fathers and aboriginal mathers, and among them was the dynasty of the Gorkha tract. The Gorkha district, fro " Gorkha" is the name of a place rather than of a nation, is siruate near the junction of several branches of the well-known river Gandak within the Himalayan region, there called collectively Trisulganga. It is inhabited, as above described, by half-caste Rajputs have the hardihood of their mternal ancestors, inhabiotants of the hills, together with the higher qualities of their paternal ancestors the Rajputs the plains. They do little in the way of cultivation, bu are addictedto martial pursuits, and thus the Gorkh dynasty gradually beat doen, or [..........] all the surrounding dynasties, and overran all the mountainous country which now constitutes the Nepali domination. Among the first of the defeated dynasties was that of the Newars of the Nepal Valley itself, which is quite the gen of the whole country; and it was the Newar rule that made the Valley what it is. The Newars were [..] 3Often estimated indeed, at 165,000: thus, Bhatgaun, 50,000; Kathmandu, 50,000; Patan, 60,000; Kirtipur, 5,000 Contd............ 139. /_Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal bur Gorkha superior to the Gorkha people in the culture and civilization, though inferior in organizations and arms. They made, however, a protacted resistance to the invaders from Gorkha, during the course of which they asked aid from the British. This was in the early days of pur rule, and a British expedition was sent, which became prostrated by Tarai fever and failed. After that the Newars cuccumbed, and Nepal became Gorkhali, a sthe phrase is, meaning dependent on Gorkha. The seat of Government was transferred from Gorkha to /_ continues to be the patria-i.e. the mother state, from which the principal men still come, and the best troops are still drawn. Hence it is that, though the military and administrative center in in Nepal, the political centre is still at Gorkha; and, of the Nepal Valley were tto be occupied by an enemy, the heart of the domination would be untouched until Gorkha was taken. This is an important political consederation. In scientific circles, the jealousy with which the Nepali Government guards its territory against the approach of knowledge has long been notorious. Nothing, however, will dissuade tha Nepalis from the belief tah topographical surveys, geographical examinations, and botanical collections, are either the precursors of political aggression, or else lead to complications which end in annexation; and so the exclusi\on of the Nepali domination from the gaze of science is religiously maintained. The Nepali Government is fond of stating its subject population at five millions of souls, including all the hills and the strip of plains along their southern base: but there are so date fro such a statement, wich, according to our general knowledge of the Himalayn regions, must be greatly in excess of the truth. Besides Nepal itself, there are valleys in the territory, such as those of Gorkha, Pokhara, and so on, which are well inhabited, and so is a portion of the submontane strip; but with these exceptions the are os very thinly populated. In the trade between Nepal and British territory the former sends articles which either are [.......] or of secondary necessary, whereas she receives either food-supply or other necessaries, a fact to be nated. The revenues are stated by lthe Nepali Government to be one hundred lakhs rupees, or one million sterling. In this there is probably some exaggeration. The Resident, however seemed to think that the expenture could not be less than three-quarters of a million, and might have been more; and as there was no doubt, some inference may hnace be drawn as to the fiscal resources. The army serving with the colours has an effective strength of 20,000 men. We saw 12,000 men reviewed at Kathmandu, but there are irregular troops scattered in the interior; and as the military system is one of every short survice, it happens that nearly all the able- bodied men of the whole country have been trained to arms. Under certain circumstances, the military strength, represented by 20,000 men, might be multiplied many times. Contd............ 140. in the valley near Kathmadu there are arsenal and magazines,with ordance,/ including siege guns, stores, thousands of stands of arms, small aarm ammunition, and the like. It is remarkable that for all this they depand on indigenous manufactures, a circumstance which, however creditable to their patriotism, must detract greatly from the military value of these things. There are no fortresses in Nepal, and he Government say that is trust is not in fortifications made by mortal hands, but to the natural fortresses with which the Make of the mountains has endowed the country. How far this trust is justified by topographical fact is a point on which shall have some remarks to offer presently. As to the effective value of the Nepali troops, I may say that it may be at once allowed that theyare much the best troops possessed by any native state in India. Of the infantry, the maternal, as regards fighting men, is excellent, hardihood, endurance, activity, cheerfulness in emergent trouble, being their known qualities, and such being the case,it is probable that they would display a high degree of courage. In mountain warfare their national qualities, with the addition of what may be termed their foreign drilland discipline, would make them admirable troops; but they are inefficiently officered in the higher grades, all the military commands, divisions, brigades, and even colonelcies being given away to the relations and adherents of the Minister. Not only in general respects, but also in details of newest improvements, an imitation, or attempt at imitation, of the British system is made: and the drill and exercise-as seen on a parade ground, are truly excellent. Field exercises and manoeuvres, too, are much attempted, but it is doubtful weather they are efficiently pferformed. As already stated, the rifles are manufactured in Nepal, and are made after the Enfield model, by hand not by mechnery. Thus manufactured, they cannot be really efficient. As regard the mounted branch of the service, there is absolutely no ccavalry worthy of the name, and a [..........] mounted officer rides a pony, not a horse; nor could the Nepalis ever command the supply of any appreciate number of horses. This is an important circumstancem if ever the military strength of Nepal has to be measured. In the artillery the guns are mainly dragged by man, which is much [.....] best plan fro service in the hills. I saw the men\ mouting and dismounting their little guns, which they did in a very smart and handy manner. The very small amount of artillery drawn by horses in a sircumstance to be borne in mind, if Nepali power is ever to be exerted in the plains, for the absence of horses fro artillery would appear at first sight to be a fatal defeat. The Nepali Government has, however, a very large stock of elephants, and doubtless would reckon on that for the carring of guns. There is a large supply fo ordance of variokkus calibers, also made in Nepal Contd........... 141. In every infantry regiment a certain number of the men are trained to gunnery, but this would not avail in action according to modern warfare. The Nepali Contingent, in the support of the British troops in the Oudh Campaign of 1858, did faily well, and the native infantry regiments of our own, which are recruited within the Gorkhali dominations, have always been famed as among the vert best troops in our survice. In the war with Nepal in 1815 the bravery and stubbornnaess of the Nepali soldiary called forth the respectful commendation of the British officers, but in their last war with Tibet, the Nepalis by no means got the best of it, as the Tibetans were assisted by the Chinese, and the exhaustion if Nepali resources which occurred on that occasion is still greatly remembered. They, indeed, still speak with respect of some vranches, at least, of the Chinese army, and that does not indicate a very formidable standard of military prowess. On the whole, it is probable that, notwithstanding all their merits and tier aptitude for particular sorts of warfare, the Nepali army would be quickly destrotyed if opposed in the open field to a civilized enemy. If the present army of Nepal, 20,000 strong, were to be drawn up in the open country, adjoining their own Tarai, in front of a small mixed British force of, say 5,000 men, armed and equipped with the newest appliances, and led by a commander who was at once a tactician and a strategist, they would be routed in a few hours. The fortitiude of these mountaineers, and their tincture of foreign discipline, would be of no avail against military skill and science, and the resources of modern armament. I mention this latter point because; however absurd the idea may appear to some, the Nepalis imagine that they would hold their own in the hills against the British, and think that they might not improbably be successful in a general contest, and, in the event of the British power being shaken, could press onward acrossf the plains of Bengal to the seaboard. Their trust is in their natural fortifications of mountains; their ambition towards the rich plains and the sea-borne commerce. The Nepalis regard themselves as a Himalayan power placed between Empires, the Chinese and the British, and except by general report, they do not seem to take any special cognizance as yet of other powers. It is to be hoped that we may never allow them to have occasion fro doing so; for; though externally they are very polite to us, it is a different sort of politeness from that of the ordinary Native States, and one cannot help sseing that they have what Shake speare would have called "a high stomatch". It os nearly certain, as a matter of historical restropect, that, if its had not been for the rse of the British power, the Sikhs and the Gorkhalis would have divided between them the vast territory now comprise under the designation of the Bengal Presidency, and the Nepalis are doubtless aware of this. Contd............ 142. ` the Minister, Jang Bahadur, created a Maharaja by the King of Nepal, was thoroughly loyal to us from conviction, from personal sentiment, from the teaching of experience, and from associations in the past; and, although plots were now and again hatched against him, he was universally believed to have a life-tenure of supreme power in Nepal, as the Gorkhali King, styled Maharajadhiraja, or Independent Monarch, did not take part in public affairs, though his person and office were regarded by the nation as sacred. Jang Bahadur quite commaded the devotion of his relatives, and they had the chief appointments in the armu. He, however, retained in his own hand the ultimate control of the military as well as the civil administration. His civil government was reported to be givorous and successful and generally just, but it was nevertheless understand that he was incessantly obliged to take care of himself against intriguers and murderers. /_cultivated and partly If a revolution in Nepal were to occur, I hardly see how it could affect British interests, provided that there were general peace in India at the time: but if we were ourselves in difficulty at such a memnt, of if there were disturbance going on elsewhere a revolution in Nepal might, perhaps, be awkward. It is to be remarked, however, that if we were to be under the necessary of punishing the Nepali Government, which we may trust will never occur punishment could be easily inflicted; fro between or frontier and the lower ranges of the Nepali Himalayans there intervences a long strip of flat territory, some 500 miles in length and of varing breadth, but never exceeding twenty-five miles perhaps. It is partly/covered with rich forests, and could be easily seized and help by us. Indeed it affords, from its situation, extraordinary facilities for such an operation, and the blow would be immediately and severely felt by the Nepalis. Besides desire their distress at the loss of territory in the very quarter where they most desire expansion, they would fear the cutting off of some of their food-supplies, and of many necessaries which they receive by trade. It is to be hoped that such a decisive stroke would suffice as demonstration of British power, even in grave contingencies. Morever, it is probable that the Nepal, who must be well aware of all this, would never provoke it. If, however, it were to become necessary to appraoach Nepal itself, that would be a much more serious business. Situated as we are in India, it necessary for us to think of these possibilitites beforehand though we hope that they may never be realized, and it is far more pleasat to think of the loyal conduct of Nepal for many years, the usefull assistance she rendered in 1857 and 1858 affording an [.....] of the good service she may yet render us, and to mark the good charater [.....] her people bear in british territory, whether serving in the army, or whether emigrating as colonists and labourers into our hll districts, where new industries are springing up. Contd....... 143. The religious of Nepal with Tibet form a constant subject of conservation with the Nepal officers. There is some trade with Tibet, not apparently of much importance either as regards the articles of commerce of the routs transversed, and there are disputes on the border constantly occurring, the nature of which is not precisely ascertainable. For some years an agent of the Nepali Government was stationed at Lhasa, but having, it was alleged,been much ill-treated, he was withdrawn shortly before 1876. it is, however, indirectly advantageous to British interests that a Nepali Agency should be maintained at Lhasa, as by means of it we could obtain information. On the whole, I could not make out the situation of Nepal with respect to the eastern part of Tibet, which is the really important part of that probably mind the Nepalis in the least, except as depandants of ours. There are at least two passes practicable for troops between Nepal and Tibet, but, as lines of political and commercial communication with Lhasa, they are not nearly so important as our own routes by Sikkim nearer home. Contd............ 144. Judicial Customs In Nepal Brian H. Hodgson writes:-1 "The law of castes is the cornerstone of Hinduism. Hence the innumerable ceremonial Observances, penetrating into every act of Life, which have been erected to perprtuate This law; and hance the dreadful inflictions With which the breach of it is visited. Of All breaches of its, intercourse between a Hindu and an ourcast of different sexes is The most enormous; but it is not, by many, The only one deemed worthly of punishment By mutilation or death. The codes of Manu and other Hindu sages are full of these strange enormities; but it is in Nepal alone ...... That the sword of public justice is now wielded to realize them. It is in Nepal alone, of all Hindu States, that two-thirds of the times of the judges is employed in the discu- ssion of case better fitted for the confe- ssional, or the tribunal of public opinion, or some domestic court, such as the Panchayat of brethren of fellow-craftsmen; than for a kings court of justice." If the accused person did not confess hios guilt, and circumstantial evidences was lacking, the case was diposed of through Nya, or trial by ordeal. Hodgson's description of this system is as follows:-2 1Brian Houghton Hodgson, "On The LaW And Legal Practice Of Nepal, as regards Familiar Intercourses between a Hindu and an outcast." The Journal Of The Royal Asiatic Society Of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. I, 1834, 47-48 pp. 2Brian Houghton Hodgson, "Some Acoutn Of The System Of Law and Police, as recognized in the State of Nepal." Ibid, pp 221-222. Contd...... 145. "The names of the respective partiws are described on two pieces of paper, which are rolled up into balls, and then have puja offered to them. From each party a fine or fee of one rupee is taken; the balla sre then affixed to staffs of reed, and two annas more are taken from each party. The reeds are then entrusted to two of the havildars of the court to take to the queen's Tank; and with the havildars, a bichari of the court, a Brahman, and the lparties precced this ther, as also two men of the Chmakhalak (or chmara) caste. On arriving at the tank, the bichari again exhorts the parties to avoid the ordeal by adopting some othe kode of settling the business, the merits of which are only known to themselves. If they continue ro insist on the ordeal, the two havildars, each holding one of the reeds, of one to the east and the other to the wesr side of the tank, entering water abvout knee deep. The Brahman, the parties, and the Chamakhalaks all at moment enter the water a little way; and the Brahman performs puja to Varuna in the name of the parties, and repeats a sacred text, the meaning of which is that mankind known not what passes in the mins of each other, nut that all inward thoughts an past acts are known to the Gods Surya, Chandra, Varuna and Yama and that they will do justice between the parties in this cause. When the puja is over, the Brahman gives the tilak to the two Chamakhalaks, and says to them, "Let the champion of truth win, and Let the false one's champion lose." This being said, the Brahman and the parties come out of the water, and the Chmakhalak separate, one going to each place where a reed is erected. They then enter the deep water, and at a signal given, both immense themselves in the water at the same instant. Whichever of them first rises from the water, the reed nearesr to him is instantly destroyed together with the scroll attached to it. The other reed is carried back to the court where the ball of paper is opened and the name read. If he scroll bears the plaintiff' name he wins the cause; if it be that of the defendant, the latter is victorious. The fine called Jit-houri is then paid by the winne, and that called harouri by the loser; besides which, five rupees are demanded from the winner in return fro a turban which he gets, and the same sum, under the name of Sabhasuddha (or purification of the court), from the loser. The above four demands on the prties, viz, Jithouri, harouri, pagri, and sabhaduddha are governemt taxes; and, exclusive of these, eight annas must be paid to the mahamas of the court, eight annas more to the Khardar or registrar. In this manner multitudes of cause are decided by nyaya (ordeal) when the parties cannot be brought to agree upon the subject matter of dispute and have neither documentary, nor verbal evidence to adduce." Contd.......... 146. Edwin T. Atkinson has described several other forms of trial by ordeal in Kumaun and Garhwal during the period when these areas were under Gorkhali rule. He writes:-3 PP. 26-628:- The administration of justice was on no regular system, each of the officers exercising jurisdiction according to this position and the number of men at his disposal to ensure his orders being obeyed. Throughout Kumaun and Garhwal all civil and petty criminal cases were disposed of by the commandant of the troops to which the tract was assigned, while cases of importance were disposal of by the civil governer of the province assisted by lthe military chiefs who happened to be present at his headquarter.4 But the commandants were frequently absent on active duty and delegated htier powere to Bacharis, as their deputies were styled, who either farmed the dues on law preceedings at a specific sum or ramainded accountable for the full receipts.5 Their method of procedure was that common to their predecessors and most Hindu states and was simple in the extreme. A brief oral examination of the parties was conducted in presense of the court, and in case of doubt the section of the Mahabharata known as the Harivansa was placed on the head of the witness, who was then required to speak the truth. Where the evidence of eye-witnesses was not procurable or the testimony was conflicting as in the case of boundary disputes, recourse was had to ordeal. There forms of ordeal were in common use: (a) the gola-dip, in which a bar of red-hotiron was carried in lthe hands for a certain distance: (b) the karai-dip, in which the hands was plunged into burning oil, and like the former the evidence of innocence was that no harm resulted; and (c) the tarazu-ka-dip, in which the person undergoing the ordeal was weighed against a number of stones which were carfully sealed and deposited in some secun place and again weighed the next morning, and if the person undergoing this ordeal proved heavier than on the preceding evening, his innocence was considered established. Even the mahant of the sacred temple of Ram Rai at Dehra had submit to the karai-dip ordeal when charged with murder, and being severely burned was obliged to paya heavy fine. The judgement was recovered on the spot and witnessed by lthe by-standers and then handed over to the successful party, whilst the other was mulcted in a heavy fine proportions more to his means than the importance of the case. Panchayats of councils of 3Edwin T. Atkinson,The Himalayan Districts Of The North-Western Provinces Of India, Allahabad: North-Western Provincs and Oudh Government Press, 1864, Vol. 2. pp. 626-628. 4Trail in Kunaun Memoir, 27. 5. Garhwal was divided into three commands, As. Res, XI, 499. Contd.......... 147. arbitrators were frequerntly had recourse to , especiely in case of disputed inheritance and commercial dealings, and these , too, were frequently disposed of by lot. The names of the parties were weitten on slips of paper of equal size, shape and material, and were then laid before an idol in a temple; the priest then went in and took up one of the papers, and the name recorded The following forms of ordeal are also noted by trail :- "The tir-ka-dip, in which the person remained with his head submerged in water while another ran the distance of a bow shot and back, was sometimes resorted to. The Gorkha governors introduced another mode of trial by water, in which two boys, both unable to swim, were thrown into a pond of water and the longest liver gained the cause. Formally poison was in very parocular causes [..........] to as the criterion of innocence; a given dose of a particular root was administrered, and the party , if he survived, was ablolved. A further mode of appeal to the interposition of the deity was placing the sum of money, or a bit of earth from the land in dispute, in a temple before the idol; one of the parties volunteering such test, then with imprecations on himself if false, took up the artole in question. Supposing no death to accur within six months in his immediate family, he gained his cause; on the contrary he was cast in the event of being visited with any great calamity, or if afficted with severe sickness during that period." ************************* To Be-Continued. 148. A Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occuring In Nepal Historical Documents Dafdari ..... A revenue functionary in western Nepal and Kumaun. The duties of the Dafdari were "not to let lands assigned to the Army remain uncultivated, correct doble entires of such lad assignments,.......... collect revenure and transmit the proceeds to the local administrator ..........reclaim weste lands and submit accounts every years." Dahi Bhansar ..... Revenue from curd vendors in Katmandu Valley. In Kathmandu, it amounted to Rs 250 in 1805, Rs 321 in 1833 and Rs 420 in 1906, when the tax was abolished. A tax called Dahi-Dasturf was levied in some parts of the eastern hill region also. Dalali ..... Duties collected on goods when they reached the market. Such duties were collected in some parts of India also during the mid-18th century. Danda-Kunda ..... A generic term used to denote judicial fines. Dhalwa ..... Care-takers of State irrigarion channels in Kathmandu Valley. Their emoluments, called Dhalwa-Pathi, consisted of a levy of 4 manas of paddy per ropani of irrigated land. Dhami ..... A Shaman or medicine-man. They were appointed by the State in some Tarai and inner Tarai districts to lood after the people and keep the gods satisfied. Their main function was to check the depredation of wild animals, particularly tigers.[..] Danda was a fine imposed on a Dhami whose god (Devata) caused suffering to others. Dokan ..... Shop; a levy of shops. Contd.......... 149. Dware ..... (1) A local revenue collection official, in Salyan, Lamjung, Manag and elsewhere. (2) An official appointed at the royal palace to collect certain levies. (3) A village headman in Kathmandu Valley. Fakirana ..... A levy collected in Kathmandu Valley and elsewhere, the proceeds of which were assigned to Fakirs (Muslim mendicants). Fattemubarak ..... A tax collected from traders in Kathmandu Valley to commemorate its conquest by King Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768-69. Fatah means victory and Mubarak means felicitations in the Arabic language. In 1903, foreign commercial houses in Kathmandu Valley were exempted from payment. Fouzdar .. A district or local functionary responsible fro revenue collection and other functions in the Tarai. In Saptari and Mahottari district administration appears to have been been in the hands of Fouzdars until1785. they were responsible fro the appointment of local and village level revenue function aries. They allotted waste lands for cultivation and provided loans and oterh facilities ti settlers. They made necessary disbursements in the district and submitted accounts to Kathmandu. They had authority to recruit troops in the event of foreign aggression and to keep military installations in a state of constant preparedness. They ofter discharged these functions in the capacity by contractors called Subbas. Dang was under a Fouzdar until 1816. Gadimubarak ..... A levy collected on a country-wide basis to finance the expense of a royal conoration. Contd....... 150. Ganjahar ..... An official appointed ti collect market and customs duties in the market town of the Tarai. Chargani ..... A generic term used kto denote taxes and levies collected on homesteads. Ghiyai ..... A tax lecied on cows grazed in the forests of Sheoraj in the western Tarai. It was abolished in 1808 on the ground that it was collected nowhere else in the kingdom. Ghiukhane ..... A tax assessed and collected in cash on Khet (paddy) land in Kathmandu Valley and some hill districts. Ghod-Mahal ..... duties charged on the purchase, import, export or registration of houses Godan ..... (1) A tax levied all over the country to finance the ritual gift of cows on special occasions at the royal palace. Such a tax had been levied at the time of the assassination of Ran Bahadur Shah in 1806. (2) The fine paid by a person who committed on offense involving loss of caste to the Dhamadhikar (Chief Religious Authority) as a taken of expiation. Goddhuwa ..... A tax levied to finance the wedding of a royal princess. Contd....... (S.B.M.) Regmi Reserch (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: July 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 7, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. Abolition of the Sati System ..... 152 2. Judicial Custome in Nepal ..... 154 3. The Gupta King of Nepal ..... 157 4. The Origin of Changu Narayan ..... 167 5. Forest Protection measures During the Nineteenthe Century ..... 171 6. A Glossary of Revenue, Administrative and Other Terms Occurring in Nepali Historical Documents ..... 173 ********** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 152. Abolition Of The Sati System On june 28, 1920, Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher enforce legislation abolishing the Sati system in Nepal. According to the Muluki Ain (Legal Code)*:- Those who fulfilled the requirements of the law had so far been permitted to become Sati. The matter was discussed in an assembly of (the royal) preceptors and priests, member of the nobility, officials and scholars and the screiptures too were consulted. (These discussions) showed that celibacy is as much as a virtue as the obligation (of a woman) to become a Sati after the death of her husband, even in the case of woman who have remained in full chastity and who sincerely desire to become Sati, (self-immolation as Sati) is forbidden if they are pregnant or in menstruation, or have minor sons or daughters. In the case of other (woman) too, Sati is not an absolute obligation, for no sin accrues to them iftheu do not become Sati. (Self-immolation as Sati) is restored to only to gain desired objectices, such as the attainment of heaven and other enyojments. But such objectives can be attained not only by those who become Sati, but also by those who remain in celibacy. Those who are led to become Sati through the persuasion of others are not entitled to the merit of this act. Instead, they will have ti underfo retribution for their sin. This is understood to be the teaching of the scriptures, and this is what the scriptures tell. Prior to this, legislation had been enacted to enable (woman) who had remained really chaste to become Sati if they so desire. (Howeer), because of the influence of the age, people persuaded woman who did not have a proper knowledge of the scriptures to become Sati even if they did not sincerely desired to,with the objective of inheriting 9the woman's) property, or to fullfull any other objective. Since woman cankot understand the meaning of the scriptures, they were misled in this manner and accordingly became Sati. But woman who become Sati in this manner do not gain the merit due to a (genuine) Sati. Instead, sin accrues to them, according to the scriptures. Although persuasion takes a long time, only a few woman in this age are prepaed to become Sati. Ti is not possible to distinguish among woman who have remained chaste and sincerely desire to become Sati and those who have been persuaded by other of become Sati. It has therefore been reported that because of the influence of the age, (the Sati system) may be of benefit to one or two woman, but is harmful to many. *"Jyan Sanbahdhi Ko" (Law Relating To Human Life). Muluki Ain (Legal Code), part IV (1955 ed.). Section 63, pp. 66-68. Contd....... 153. (Morever), 9the practice of Sati) is not an absolute (obligation), but is, and has been considered to be, meant only to gain desired objectives. The virtues of chastity can be preserved even by practicing celibacy, instead of becoming Sati. (The Sati system) may be beneficial in some respects, but is harms a greater nember (of women) than it benefits. It has therefore been considered thaa it will be better to abolish the Sati sustem than to retain it. Accordingly, all laws heretofore enacted to permit the Sati system are hereby repealed. From this time, the Sati sytem has been abolished all over theKingdom of Gorkha. In case any (woman) requests permission to become Sati,the members of her family and other relatives, as well as the Jimidar, Talukdar, respectable persons of the village and all others, and in case the request has been made to a government office,(its officials), shall explain the aforesaid provisions to her, and stop her(from becoming a Sati). In case this is not done, and any woman is permitted to become Sati in the future, and living person is accordingly burnt to death, punishment according to the law relation to murder shall be awared to (the person) who grants permission 9the any woman) to become Sati), as well as to those who burn her or assist (in this act). In case (any person) has attempted (to persude a woman to become) Sati and thus burn her with motive of inheriting her property, he shall not be entitled to appropriate such inheritance, even if the woman dies and (her property) accrues to him as inheritance. (Sati property), he shall then accrue to the nearest relative after him. Contd.......... 154. Judicial Customs In Nepal During the 18th and 19th centuries, the government of Nepal appears to have utilized the services of local Panchas in the dispensation of justice. The following references may be of interest in this connection:- 1. On Magh Sudi 11, 1868 (January 12, 1812) the Panchas of Dhorlikharka (Dhulikhel?) were directed to adjudicate in a dispute between Krishna Singh Newar, a teant, and his landowner regarding the former's occupancy rights in a plot of land by the latte. They were directed to sent both parties to Kathmandu if they were unable to settle the dispute themselves.1 2. In Mahottari, local revenure functionaries, Birta owners, etc were directed on Kartik Sudi 10, 1866 (November 1810) to punish guilty people only after confession was attested by local Panchas.2 3. In Nepale, Kathmandu, the local Dware (revenure collection functionary) was directed to obtain a confession from a n illegitimate son of one Garudadhwaj and the daughter of Garudhwaj's legitimate son, who had co-habited with other, in the presence of local Panchas.3 4. In Thimi, a case relating to cmmensal relations among some Newar families in Phujal (Gorkha) was dearn by the local officials (Amali) and local Panches on Magh Sudi 14, 1904 (December 1847). The Government direted that such matters shoulf be disposed of among Newars in the hill region sin the place where the offense was committed, and not outside.4 5. Regulations promulgated for Doti district on Magh Badi 14, 1883 (November 1826) directed the establishment of an Adalat at Silgadi to dispose of complaints agaist local officials, government contractors and Jamindar. Punishment was to be awarded as decided upon by Panchas and Bicharis (Judges).5 1. Regmi Research Collections Vol. 28, P. 48. 2. Ibid, Vol. 40, P. 116. 3. Ibid, Vol. 40, P. 40 4. Ibid, Vol. 33, P. 40. 5. Ibid, Vol. 43, P. 457 Contd............ 155. These reference make it clear thath Panchas did not acctully dispose Justice, but only acted like a Jury. In Jumla, every offense was customarily punished with a fine of Rs 5, irrespective of its nature. An order issued on Poush Badi 4, 1873 (December 1816) abolished this practice and decreed that fines should be heavier for major offense, and lighter for ones.6 in the hill areas east of the Arun river, King Ran Bahadur Shah had prescribed the rates of fines for the Yakha and Khambu communites for different offenses as follows:- Infanticide Incest Intra-communal adultery (Chak-Chakui) Injury involving bloodshed Rs 15 Rs 15 for man Rs 12 for man Rs 12 for woman. Rs 5. These rates were made applicable to the Majhi and Kumhal commubities also in thi region on Shrawan Badi 10, 1867 (July 1810).7 The general rule was that adultery with a woman of higher caste was a punishable offense.8 The nature of the punishment awared fro such offenses varied according to caste status. The following table will make this clear:- Caste Status Female Punish ment Ref erence Male Male Female Slave Magar Death Enslavement 36/128 Slave Brahman Death Not mentioned 36/220 Slave Sunar Death Enslavement 42/389 6. Ibid, Vol. 36, p. 338 7. Ibid, Vol. 39, P. 298. 8. Ibid, Vol. 36, p. 220 contd............ 156. Damai Brahman Death N.M. 42/161 Damai Kumhale Death N.M. 40/81 Damai Brahman's Slave Death N.M. 42/457 Damai Kami Enslavement Enslavement 34/141 Sunar Brahman Death N.M. 39/221 Sunuwar Kami Death Enslavement 34/143 Kami Magar Death " 42/192 Magar Kami Death N.M. 39/274' Sarki Khas Death N.M. 36/309 Sarki Slave Death N.M. 42/175 Karki Brahman Death N.M. 36/309 Tilanga Bhote Cutting of genitals N.M. 42/21 Brahman Brahman Confiscation N.M. Puratattwa Patra (married woman) of property less of caste, exile Sangraha, Part 2 p. 108. Brahman Brahman (widow) Fine N.M. 43/263 Khatri Jaisi Cutting of genitals N.M. 41/263 Khatri Brahman Death N.M. 42/73 (To Be Continued) 157. The Gupta Kings Of Nepal1 A new change occurred in the history of Nepal fater the rule of Amshu Varma came to an end. The Gupta dynasty played an important role in bringing about this change. Jisnu Gupta, who established his joint rulw along with the Lichchhavi King Dhruva Deva, appears as an important personality. In view of his surname, "Gupta", it is clear that Jishnu Gupta belonged to the Gupta dynasty.2 The Thankot inscription of 59 Samvat proves that the Guptas belonged to the lunar dynasty. This inscription describes Jishnu Gupta as an ornament of the lunar dynasty. A study of contemporary inscriptions reveals the names of some ancestors of Jishnu Gupta. The Thankot inscription of the time of Jishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Dave mentions that Mana Gupta Gomi was the great-great grantfather of Jishnu Gupta.3 No royal titles such as Bhattaraka and Maharaj have been used in this inscription to denote Mana Gupta Gomi. We may therefore speculate that Mana Gupta Gomi did not occupy any important position. The inscription states that Mana Gupta Gomi sonstructed a tank. This shows that his social and economic position was high. In the Kewalpur inscription of Dhruva Deva and Jishnu Gupta.4 Jishnu Gupta has referred to Bh(a) uma Gupta as hos grangfather. Available evidence shows that Bhauma Gupta had usurped the Lichchhavi throne for some time. The Kewalpur inscription describes Bhuma Gupta as a former king. This inscription mentions Bhauma Gupta after Gana Deva. We may therefore speculate that Bhauma Gupta ascended the throne after Gana Deva. In the Lagan Tol inscription of Narendra Deve5 also we find that Bhauma Gupta had converted Maneshwar into state property lpossibly he was able to do so because he king. The Gopala Vamshavali supports this view and deacribes Bh(a) uma Gupta as king. 1. Jagadish Chandra Regmi, Lichchhavi Sanskriti (Lichchhavi Culture). Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1969, pp. 13-30. 2. Bhagavan Lal Indraji and Buhler have erroneously expressed the view that Jishnu Gupta was a sone or relative of Amshu Varma. (Inscriptions From Nepal P. 48). Walsh thinks he was a sone of Amshu Varma. (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, P. 681). It is suprising that they committed such a mistake in 1908 without studying the Thankot and Handigaun inscription which S. Levi had published in 1905. 3. R. Gnoli, Nepalese Inscriptions In Gupta Characters, No. 59. 4. Ibid, No. 54. 5. Ibid, pp. 88-89. Contd.......... 158. The earlierst Gopal king, as enumerated in the Gopal Vamshavali, used the surname "Gupta". We cannot say whether there was any relationship between these Guptas and Jishnu Gupta and other late Guptas. References to persons using the surname if Gupta are found in inscription dated subsequent to 428 Sheka (506 A.D.). The Adinarayan (Thankot) inscription of Vasanta Deva6 refers to Virochana Gupta as Dutak. This inscription mentions that Virochana Gupta was an Yajnika (one who performed sacrifices). In the Lagan Tol inscription of Vasanta Deva,7 Ravi Gupta has been mentioned as Dutaka. This inscription also shows that Ravi Gupta occupied the important position of commander-in-chief and chamberlain. Kramalila, who has been mentioned in the Balambu inscription of vasanta Deva,8 has been referred to as Maharaja Maha-Samanta. D.R. Regmi9 regards him as a member of the Gupta dynasty. However, this view isnot tenable. This inscription also mentions the name of Bhauma Gupta as Pratihara (chamberlain). Thulla Gupta and Shubba Gupta have been mentioned in the Balambu (Khadnya) inscription of Vasanta Deva.10 Bhauma Gupta The evidence we have presented above indicates that members of the Gupta dynasty occupied important positions in the Lichchhavi administration. However, we cannot say how Bhauma Gupta and Mana Gupta were related to each other. The Shivalinga inscription (460 Samvat or 540 A.D) near the Pashupati temple11 as installed by a woman called Abhiri. In this inscription, Abhiri has refered to Bhauma Gupta as her son. This inscription was installed by Abhiri along with a Shivalinga in the name of her husband. The Shivalainga is named Anuparameshwara. It is possible that the Shivalinga was named after the husband of Abhiri. This shows that Bhauma Gupta's father was called Amuparana. However, Abhiri has not referrd to her husband by name. she has referred to him only as the son of Paramabhimani. The name Anuparama coccurs in another inscription also, found in front of the Satya Narayan temple at Handigaun in Kathmandu.12 The inscription, which has benn inscribed on a Garuda Pillar, contains verses meant to propitiate Vyasa. It then states that the verses were composed by Anuparama. 6. Ibid, PP. 18-19. 7. Ibid, P. 20. 8. Ibid, P. 20. 9. D.R. Regmi, Ancient Nepal, P.1 10 Prnima, No. 5, P. 71. 11. R.Gnoli, op. cit. p. 23. 12. Ibid, p. 15. Contd.......... 159. Members of the Gupta dynasty appear to have entered into the Lichchhavi administration since the time of Vasanta Deva. It was against this background that Bhauma Gupta also had become a government officer under a Lichchhavi king. Bhauma Gupta appears to have entered into the administration since the time of the Lichchhavi king Gana Deva. According to the damaged inscription of Kotal Tol in pharping dated 470 Samvat (557 A.D. ),13 Bhauma Gupta, whose name occurs on the top, is described as commander-in-chief and chamberlain. Bhauma Gupta's name occurs in 5 other inscriptions of the time of Gana Deva. These inscriptions,14 which are dated 482 Samvat (560 A.D.); refer to Bhauma Gupta as commander-in-chief and chamberlain. In addition, the prefix "Shri" is used beore his name. These inscriptions state that king Gana Deva accepts a request made by Bhauma Gupta to the effect the government officer (Adhikaras) should not be allowed any entry into the Tegvala and [...........] villages of the Sitatikatala area. These inscriptions show that Bhauma Gupta occupied an important administration position during this period. Another inscription of the time of Gana Deva, inscribed on the pedestal of the image of Harihara at Tyagal tol near the Pashupati temple, dated 489 Samvat,15 refers to both Gana Dev and Bhauma Gupta. However, it does not use any title to denote Bhauma Gupta. He has been described only as Paramadaivata. This term has been used also in an inscription of Vasanta Deva found at the Adinarayan temple in Thankot.16 In this inscription, the term has been used to denote Vasanta Deva's father, Mahi Deva. In northern India, the Gupta emperors used the title of Paramadaivata, in the damodar copper inscription of Kumar Gupta (444 A.D.),17 the king has been described as Parama Daivata. Subsequently, Budda Gupta alse adopted this title, as in evident from an inscription found in the same place.18 On the basis of this evidence, we may say that the title of Paramadaivata was used to denote kings. Against this background, the use of this title by Bhauma Gupta indicates and important fact. Thus, by 537 A.D. (535 A.D.?) Bhauma Gupta appears to have attaine a status higher than that of commander-in-chief and chamberlain. 13. Abhilekha Sangraha, part 9, pp. 19-20. 14. R.Gnoli, op.cit. pp. 26-27. 15. Ibid, p. 28. 16. Ibid, pp. 18-19. 17. Epigraphia Indica, Vol, XV. P. 130f. 18. Ibid, p. 135. Contd.......... 160. W have obtained all this to charity the political situation during the 24-year period from 489-512 Samvat. Gana Deva's last inscription is dated 489 Samcat. The next inscription we get is dated 512. This indicates that after Gana Deva, Bhauma Gupta usupel the Lachchhavi throne and ruled during this 24-year period. All this prove beyond doubts that Bhauma Gupta ruled as king for sometime. However, Bhauma Gupta was not able to entrench the rule of the Gupta dynasty for long. This information we ger from the Budhanilakantha inscription of Shiva Deva dated 512 (590A.D.).19 In this inscription, Bhauma Gupta once more appears as commndar-in-chief and chamberlain during the period of Gana Deva. This shows that the power of the Lichchhavi dynasty was increased, while that of the Gupta dynasty had declined. Bhauma Gupta, who had attained royal status, had once more become a member of the nobility with his old titles. The Gopal Vamshvali20 also hints at this fact. It mentions that after king Bhumi Gupta ruled for 45 years, the solar dynasty once more gained ascendancy and Shive Deva became king. Joint Rule Of Gana Deva And Bhauma Gupta ? It is generally held that from the time of Vasanta Deva to that of Bhimarjuna Deva there was a joint rule of the Lichchhevi and the Guptas (as well as of the Varmas). Gautam Vajra Bajracharya21 has thus stated that a form of dual rule commenced after the time of Vasanta Deva. He adds, "The Balambu inscription shows that Gana Deva occupied the royal throne in accordance with the tradition of dual rule. However, Bhauma Gupta appears as the chief administrator of the state." However, we do not have any evidence to prove that the dual rule had commenced so early during the Lichchhavi period. We cannot therefore accept the view that Gana Deva and Bhauma Gupta had ruled jointly. In the inscription of Gana Deva, Bhauma Gupta appears as commander-in-chief and chamberlain. Subsequently, he wa able to increase his authority, but he does not appear as a joint ruler. Morever, they appear to be a very great difference in the personalitiesof these 2 persons. Gana Deva has been clearly described as Bhattaraka Maharaja. On the other hand, no such title has been used to describe Bhauma Gupta. There is no term in the inscription of Gana Deva which may help to prove that a joint rule existed at that time. 19. Purnima, No. 15, P. 332. 20. Himavat Samskriti, NO. 1, p. 11. 21. Purnima, No. 10, p. 6. Contd.......... 161. After Bhauma Gupta, it appears that the Gupta dynasty declined in influence for sometime. This is why no person bearing the surname of Gupta is mentioned in the inscriptions of Shive Dev and Amshu Varma. Political Condition In Nepal After Amshu Varma After the fall of Bhauma Gupta, Shiva Deva I ascended the throne. Amshu Varma was avery influential officer during his rule. By the time Shiva Deva died, Amshu Varma had considerably increased his power. The result was that he dimself became king after Shiva Deva' death. There is no thruth in the views that Amshu Varma and Dhiva Deva ruled jointly. In some inscriptions installed during the rule of Amshu Varma, we find references to Yuvaraja Udaya Deva. This has led Babu Ram Acharya22 to think that Udaya Deva was the son of Amshu Varma. However, we cannot regard Uday Deva as Amshu Varma's son. This view is disproved by the Pashipati inscription of Jaya Deva II,23 which describes Udaya Deva as belonging to the Lichchhavi dynasty. The use of different surnames also indicates that there was no sub-relationship between Udaya Deva and Amshu Verma. It is possible that Udaya Deva became kign for sometime after Amshu Varma because he has been described as Yuvaraja (hier-apparent) in the inscriptions of Amshu Varma. However, no clear historical evidence is available to prove this theory. According to Chinese sources,24 Narandra Deva's father was ousted from the throne by his brother. This possibly means that Udaya Deva was dethroned by his brother, Dhruva Deva. This evidence too indicates that Udaya Deva ruled for some time. Dhruva Deva became king after ousting this elder brother, Udaya Deva. However, the inscriptions installed during his rule refers to Jisshnu Gupta as joint ruler. We may speculate that Dhruva Deva gave his status to Jishnu Gupta in appreciation of his cooperation in the conspiracy organized against Udaya Deva. Joint Rule Of Jishnu Gupta And Dhruva Deva After Udaya Deva was ousted, the joint rule of Dhruva Deva and Jishnu Gupta commenced. This was the first joitn rule in the history of Nepal. 22. Samskrita Sandesh, No. 3, P. 32. 23. R. Gnoli, op,cit. P. 115. 24. S. Levi, Le Nepal, Vol. II, P. 166. Contd....... 162. But contemporary inscriptions contain no evidence to prive that the two rulers shared powers equally. We may even say that Dhruva Deva was no more than a nominal ruler, and that the entire affairs of the administration were conducted by Jishnu Gupta. Six inscriptions installed during the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva deva are available25. Figures indicating the date have been worn out in 4 of these inscriptions. The other two inscriptions are dated 48 and 49 Samvat (621 A.D.).26 Accordingly, there appears to be a gap of merely 2 years between the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva Deva and the last date of Amshu Varma. The Chhannamasta temple inscription of Patan27 is dated 48 Samvat (624 A.D.). This date may be regarded as the fisrt year of the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva Deva. Inscriptions of the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva were issues in the name of "Bhattaraka Maharaja" Dhruva Deva from Maagriha. They also refer to Jishnu Gupta in the "Kailash-Kuta-Bhawana." This shows that during the joint rule, the Lichchhavi jing Dhruva Deva issued orders from his ancestral palace, while Jishnu Gupta did so from the Kailashkutabhawana. No inscription has given any of the usual royal titles to Jishnu Gupta. He has been given only the title of "Bhagavat Pashupati-Bhattaraka-Padanudhyato-Bappa-Pedanudhyata" used by Amshu Varma. But though he had not adopted any royal title, Jishnu Gupta occupied an important position in the contemporary balance of power as Yuvaraja. It is undoubtfully important that even during the joint rule, Jishnu Gupta has declared his son, Vishnu Gupta, as Yuvaraja. No information is available to indicate when this joint rule came to an end. Inscriptions of this peiod are available only 48 or 49 Samvat 9624 or 625 A.D.). There is evidence that the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva commenced in 55 Samvat (621 A.D.). On the basis of this date, we may conclude that he joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Dhruva Deva came to an end in 54 Samvat (630 A.D.) a the latest. Bhimarjuna Deva And Jishnu Deva The joint rule of Dhruva Deva and jishnu Gupta was thus followed by that of Bhimarjuna Deva and Jisshnu. We cannot say how Bhimarjuna Deva was related to Dhruva Deva. Possibly, he was a son of Dhruva Deva. Three inscriptions installed during the period of this joint rule are available.28 Two of them are dated 55 and 59 Samvat (631 and 635 A.D.). The figure menationing the 25. R. Gnoli, op. cit. Nos. 50, 51, 52, 53, 54; Purnima, No. 5, P. 72. 26. R. Gnoli, P. 60. 27. Ibid, No. 50. 28. Ibid. Nos. 55, 56 and 58. Contd.......... 163. date has been worn out in the third inscription. On the basis of this date, we know that the joint rule of Bhimarjuna Deva and Jishnu Gupta commenced in 55 Samvat or sometime earlier. Jishnu Gupta's power appears to have remained unchanged even during the period of his joint rule with Bhimarjuna Deva. In the inscription mentioned above, Bhimarjuna Deva has been described as "Lichchhavi-Kula-Ketu" and "Bhattaraka Maharaja". However, Vishnu Gupta continued to be described as Yuvaraja. There is evidence that the joint rule of Bhimarjuna Deva and Jishnu Gupta did not continue long. The last inscription issued during the periond of thi joint rule, which is available at Thankot,29 is dated 59 Samvat (635 A.D.). In that year, Jishnu Gupta removed the Lichchhavi king from the throne and started ruling alone. This shows that Bhimarjuna Deva did not rule for many years. Jishnu Gupta And The Lichchavi Kings In a joint rule, it is almost inpossible for both rulers to share power equally. In other words, it is natural that one of them should be a nominal ruler while the entire powers of the administration should be vested in the other. This was true during the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta with both Bhimarjuna Dev and Dhruva Deva. Lichchhavi kings have been described a "Bhattaraka Maharaja" in inscriptions. This title was used since the time of Vasanta Deva, Gana Deva and Shiva Deva I. Dhruva Deva and Bhimarjuna Deva also allowed this tradition. Shiva Deva I also used the title of "Lichchhavi-Kulatilaka." However, he did not use the title of "Bappa-Padanudhyata" which indicates the unbroken tradition of Lichchhavi rule and the kign's devotion to his paternal ascestors. This must have been so because these rulers usurped the throne from the real hier, Udaya Deva. In contradistinction, Jishnu Gupta did not use any such royal titles. He is described in all inscriptions only with the prefix "Shri" before his name. it should be recalled that around 39 Samvat (615 A.D.).30 Even then, he had been able to emphasize his royal status. Jishnu Gupta too followed the example set by Amshu Varma and used only the prefix "Shri" before his name. Moreover, he also described himself as "Bhagavat-Pashupati-Bhattaraka- [.....]grihita", "Bappa-Padanudhyata", and "Kushall" as Amshu Varma had done. These titles have not been by Dhruva Deva or Bhimarjuna Deva. Jishnu Gupta has initiated Amshu Varama in many matters because bothe of them had occupied an almost similar position in contemporary politics. 29. Ibid, No. 56. 30. Ibid, p. 56. Contd.......... 164. These inscriptions also show that even though the Lichchhavi kings used respectful titles, their position in the administration was not important. The inscriptions invariably contain orders issued by jishnu Gupta but the Lichchhavi king is mentined first. They contain verbs in the singular nember. Is should also be noted that Vishnu Gupta, who also was a member of the Gupta dynasty, occupied the position of Yuvaraja. Moreover, there is no connection between the Lichcchhavi king and the substance of the inscription issued during the joint rule. This is proved in particular by Kewalpur and Thankot inscriptions.31 Accordingly, itr is clear that both Dhruva Deva and Bhimarjuna Deva were kings only in name. at the same time, it si noteworthy that Jishnu Gupta had no laternative but to refer to the appropriate Lichchhavi king in all of this inscriptions. All this bears testimony to the great influence which Jishnu Gupta enjoyed duirn the joint rule. He was able to suppress the Lichchhavi kings effectively. A few years after the beginning of his joint rule of Bhimarjuna Deva, he even refused to acknowledge the Lichchhavi king, according to contemporary evidence. Jishnu Gupta Assumes Full Authority The joint rule of Bhimarjuna Deva and Jishnu Gupta came to an end in 59 Samvat (635 A.D.). thereafter, Jishnu Gupta started ruling alone. The Mligaun inscription of 59 Samvat (635 A.D.)32 contains several expressions which help us to speculate that a major change had occurred in contemporary politics even though the name of the king has become illegible. The order contained in this inscription was issued from the Kailisha-Kuta-Bhawana. If it had been issued during the joint rule of Bhimarjuna Deva ajd Jishnu Gupta, it would have been promulgated from the Managriha according to tradition. This makes it clear that the inscription was not issued during the period of the joint rule. This fact is proved by the script used in the inscription as well as by its structure. It may therefore be correct to conclude that his inscription was issued during the period when Jishnu Gupta rufled alone. We have, moreover, pointed out above that the joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva came to an end in 59 Samvat (635 A.D.) 31. Ibid, No. 59. 32, Ibid, No. 57. Contd............ 165. Two inscriptions found on the idol of Chhatra-Chandeshwar in Pashupati,33 the Bode inscription34 and copper coins on which the word "Jishnu Gupta"35 has been inscribed also constitute concrete evidence of the fact that Jishnu Gupta had been able to introduce a ope- man rule of his own. In thd first inscription, which was installed south of the Pashupati temple by Acharya Pranardana pranakaushika of the Shiva sect on the occasion of the installation of an idol of Chhatra-Chandeshwara, therer is a clear reference to the fact that Jishnu Gupta was king at that time. Has the Lichchhavi king too been in power two at that time, Pranardana would have mentioned his name also. The other two inscriptions also mention only Jishnu Gupta. However, the date has become illegible in all these 3 inscriptions. According to the Maligaun inscription, w know that ishnu Gupta' one-man rule commence in 59 Samvat (635 A.D). The joint rule of Jishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva commence in 64 Samvat (640 A.D.). This makes it clear that his one-man rule had come to an end by that time. Joint Rule Of Vishnu Gupta And Bhimarjuna Deva. It appears that the joitn rule of Vishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva commenced after the death of Jishnu Gupta. According to the Yengahiti Lagan Tol inscription of 64 Samvat (640 A.D.),36 as well as the Sunaguthi (Bhringaveshwar temple) inscription of 65 Samvat (541 A.D.),37 the name of Vishnu Gupta is followed by that by the Lichchhavi king Bhimarjuna Deva. This shows that Bhimarjuna Deva had once again become king. As we have mentioned above, the name of the king has been become illigible in the Maligaun inscription was installed by Jishnu Gupta. Shridhara Gupta has been mentioned as Yuvaraja also in the inscriptions installed during the jint rule of Bhimarjuna Deva and Vishnu Gupta (64 and 64 Samvat). Because of the identical surname, we may regard Shridhara as the son of Vishnu Gupta. It is important that in the Maligaun inscription Jishnu Gupta has referred to Shridhara Gupta instead of to Vishnu Gupta as in his previous inscriptions. It was contrary to the policy of Jishnu Gupta, father of Vishnu Gupta, that Vishnu Gupta should have started a joint rule with Bhimarjuna Deva, who had been rendered powerless by Jishnu Gupta. This makes it clear that Vishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva had started conspiring against the one-man rule of Jishnu Gupta. This is possible why Gupta removed Vishnu Gupta from the position of Yuvaraja and apoointed Shridhara Gupta instead. 33. Ibid, Nos. 59,60. 34. Purnima, No. 13, P. 7. 35. A. Cunninghum, Coins of Ancient India, P. 117. 36. R. Gnoli, op. cit. No. 61. 37. Ibid. No. 62. Contd........... 166 The system of administration followed during the joint rule of Bhimarjuma Deva and Vishnu Gupta was not different from that followed during the time of Jishnu Gupta. Bhimarjuna Deva resided at the Managriha, and Vishnu Gupta at the Kailash-Kuta-Bhawana. Although Vishnu Gupta occupies the second place in the inscription, he actually wielded greater authority than Bhimarjuna Deva. Accordingly, he had made Shridhara Gupta, his son, Yuvaraja. Both inscriptions installed during the period of this joint ruler refer to Shridhara Gupta as Yuvaraja. We do not know how long the joint rule of Vishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva continued. Inscriptional references to this period adre dated only 64 and 65 Samvat (640 and 641 A.D.). After that, in 69 Samvat (645 A.D.), we get an inscription of Narandra Deva. We may therefore speculate that he joint rule of Vishnu Gupta and Bhimarjuna Deva continued for sometime between 64-65 and 46 Samvat (645 A.D.). Contd............ 167. The Origin Of Changu Narayan1 (The sage) Jaimini Asked:- who are the gods that dwell in the Shleshmantaka forest2 and where do they live? O fortunate one, tell me everything, for I desire to hear this." (The sage) Markandeya replied:- There are many sacred places in the holy Shleshmantaka forest area. The entire gods, who grant boons to their devotees, live there. Even then, a shall describe some of the main sacred places there. Ont the Dolagiri hill,3 (the god) Hari,4 who has (an effigy) of (the bird) Garuda5 on his flag and who is gracious towards his devotees, came out of a Champaka tree. The recitation of his name will render even the most poisonous snake harmless. Jaimini (then) asked: How diod Garudadhwaja come out of a Champaka tree? Tell me, O fortunate one whose wealth consists in penance, for I desire to hear this. Markandeya said: Listen to me attrantively, you whose wealth consists on penance! There once lived a pious hermit named Sudarshana, who was of a very choleric temperament. He had made an excellent hermitage. He had a brown cow, which was like another Kathmandu cow6. The hermit, who practiced self-restraint, and who worshipped his guests, performed religious perform,ance for propitiating his gods and ancestors and also maintained himself with the mild of this cow. 1. Muali Dhara Jha (ed), Nepal Mahatmya From Skanda Purana (Sanskrit text with english and Sanskrit titles) Benaras: Prabhakari Company, 1901, pp. 7-13. An extract from the Skanda-Purana dealing with temples and sacred places in Kathmandu VAalley. 2. Shleshmantaka is the name of the woo near the Pashupati temple in Kathmandu 3. Dolagiri is the hill on the north-east of Kathmandu where the temple of Changu Narayan is situated. 4. Hari, Garudadhwaj, Madhusudana, Vishnu, etc are names of god Narayan. 5. Garuda is the bird on which God Narayan rides. 6. Kamadhenu is thje name klof the cow of the gods. Cond.......... 168. Once the cow, while roaming anout, entered into the Champaka grove. Then a handsome man emerged from the (trunk of the ) Champaka tree, drank the milk of the cow and then disappeared inside the tree. The hermit tried to milk the cow but to no purpose. Every day the cow used to go to the grove, and the man drank her milk there. When the harmit could not get any milk from the cow for seven days, he became very angry, and said, "if I am the repository of (merit accruing from) penance, I will cut off the head of the foolish person whi drinks my cow's milk, which is meant for religious performances (to propitiate) the gods. The Brahman then stealthily followed the cow, which disappeared inside the grove of Champaka trees. The man again came out of the tree and drank the milk of the cow. Hardly had the man finished drinking the milk and gone back into the tree than the hermit. Furious with anger, cut his dead off with his sword. The body of the decapited person then assumed a conch7 (Shankha), a wheel (Chakra), a club (Gada) and a lotus (Padma). When the hermit saw the headless body seated on Garuda, he felt very distressed. "what have I done?" He cried again and again, censuring himself and fainted. Reviving he decided to immolate himself in order to atone for (his sin). Seeing him about to immolate himself, God Narayan said, "O Great sage, have no fear, and do not feel distressed. Whatever you have done os proper. I am pleased with you. Cast aside your fear, and ask a boon from me." Hearing such good words from Narayan, the hermit immediately lost his fear, and with folded hands, said, "O God, what an irony that you shoul grant a boon to a person who has done you such a great injury? O Madhusudana! I am a sinful and despicable prson, who has became a Chandala through his action. Kill me with the Sudarsana-Chakra. O madhusudana! I have beheaded Him not even the hair of whom could be removed in wae by the gods supported by the Gandharvas,8 Asuras9 and human beings." Hearing these words of Sudarshana, Narayan said, "Listen, O tiger aming hermits, to the story of the person who has beheaded me. In days of yore, there was a Danava named Chanda, of great valor. A great worshipper of God Shiva, accompanid by his consort Uma, pleased with the Danava came before him and said, "O great Danava ask a boon fro whatever you like." The great Danava whose wealth consists in his penance, then asked that he might not be killed by any living being except a woman. 7. God Narayan has the Shankha, the Chakra, the Gada and the Padma on his four hands. 8. Gandharvas are celestial musicians, a class of demi-gods 9. Asura, Danava, etc refer to the enemies of the Gods Contd............ 169. Sumati, who was devoted to religious deads; was a very handsome person. He was a pupil of Shukrachharya and Parashurama and was skilled in the scince if archery. He was an intimate friend of Chanda. They were so intimate that they moved about, ate and drank together. Through the boon of Shiva and the favor of Samati Chanda, the Danava, ruled over the entire three worlds. He then started oppressing the gods. The gods, led by Indra, thereupon went to Kshirasagara10 and prayed to God Vishnu. Pleased with their prayer, Vishnu said to Indra, "Tell me why you hae come. I will do it at once." Indra, hearing these words of Vishnu said, "O Purushottama? Fight against Chandra, the Daitya." Markandeya continued: Vishnu, the enemy of Daityas then said, "Let that be so", and started for the kingdom of Chandra along with other gods fight against the brave lord of Daityas. When Chandra heard that the army of the gods was coming, he became angry and came our of his kingdom along with numerous Daityas. Then a fierce and hair-raising batlle started between the gods and Daityas, both of whom used different kinds of weapons. There flowed a fearsome river of blood in the battle-field. The whells of chariots looked like crocodiles in the river and lumps of flesh looked like mud. The river of dthe battle-field was filled with bodies separated from heads, and the hair on them looded like aquatic plants. The arrows were comparable to dreadful waves, capable of destroying both gods and Asuras. Those who were brave crossed the river, while cowards were drowned. The army of the gods was badly defeated by lthe valor of the Daityas. I then engaged myself in a fight with the brave Daityas. The army of the Daityas was killed in lrge numbers with the arrows dischargef from the [.....]. When Chanda, the lord of the Daityas, accompanied by a large and terrible army, saw his army being killed thus, he came straight to me to fight. The noise of his chariot shock the earth. He covered me with showers of arrows, thus showing the skill or his hands, then the battle assumed a very terrible form between us, who looked like two rain-clouds. The lord of the Daityas pierced my brow with 3 arrows and mu heard with 7. He pierced Garuda with 63 arrows. I too pierced his hearf with 5 arrows and vital points on his brow with 10. then the angry Daitya shot at me 3 arrows. He pierced Garuda too with 8 arrows. Much blood flowed out the body of Garuda. When I saw Garuda injured, I became furious. Then I tore his flag with my arrows and beheaded his chariot-driver with one arrow. I killed four horses of the wicked Daityas with four arrows, penetrated his armour with one arrow and aimed five arrows at his heart. Then Chanda, with his chariot broken, his armour destroyed and 10. Kshirasagara is the ocean of milk where God Narayan lives. Contd............ 170. his horses and driver killed, became very perturbed and began to fight on foot. Seeing him injuried and frightened with my arrows, Sumati, disciple of Parashurama, who was highly skilled in the science of archery and the favorite disciple of Shukra in the science of Mantras, became very angry and become of his great affection for Chanda, pushed him away and came before me in his big chariot. Then we too fought a fierce and noisy battle like two lions fighting in a jungle. Even heaven became frightened at seeing our battle. When I discharged the Agneyastra (fire- missile), Sumati retaliated the Parjanyastra (rain-missile). I then discharged Vayavyastra (wind- missile), whereupon he threw at me the Parvatastra (mountain-missile). When I discharged the Sarpatra (serpent-missiles), he threw at me the Garudastra (Garuda-missile). After piercing my heart with seven dreadful arrowas, and Garuda with ninety arrows, Sumati, the brave Brahmana began to roar. Garuda, injured in the vital parts of his body, vomited blood and fell senseless like atree. When Garuda tthus collased, I began to fight on foot then the gods became very much afraid and cried with fear. Even though of a forgiving disposition, I felt ashamed and angry because this had happened in the presence of the gods. Realizing that a serious situation was likely to arise, I discharged my sharp and dreadful Sudarshana Chakra (wheel) weapon upon him. I thus cut the head of the Brahmana off. Thus I commiotted this sin of killing a Brahmana. Shukracharya then came to the battle-field. Furious with anger, he cursed me. He said," O Vishnu! Since you have beheaded my disciples, a Brahmana may you be beheaded by his desoendants." I received this dreadful curses from Shukracharya. I then traveled in various countries, fwith the burden of the sin caused bythe killing of a Brahamna. But I could not get peace anywhere. Overshelmed with my sin, I dwelt inside the Champaka tree on the Dolagiri hill. You cut off my head because of the curse of Shukracharya, and you are not blame for this. Freed from this curse, I shall stay here. O Sudarshana! Worship me here. Persons who worship me with devotion on the twelveth day of the moon or on full moon day, as well as Wednesday will definitely reach heaven (Vaikuntha). Vishnu then emerged from the Champaka tree on the charming hill of Dolagiri and lived there with his head separated from his body with Sudarshana as his worshipper. Seeing Vishnu living on the Dolagiri hill, serpents became harmless by the grace of Garuda, O Jaimini, greatest among sages. Contd........... 171. Forest Protection Measures During The Nineteenthe Century. 1. In 1879 Samvat (1812 A.D.), an order was promulgated prohibiting reclamation, manufacture of charcoal for non-military purposes and destruction of forests around Kathmandu Valley, including Kahule, kakani, Manichud, Shindu-Bhanjang, Mahadev- Pokhari, Raniban, Phulchoki, Champadevi, Chandragiri, Panauti, Banepa, Nala, Chaukot, Dhulikhel, Bihabar, Dhumakharka, Hattiban, and Siseneri. The boundaries of these forests were demarcated and forest guards were appointed. Subsequently, several persons received royal grants to clear and reclaim lands in these forests. All such grants were withdrawn on British Sudi 11, 1890 (May 1833) and arrangements were made for the appointment of forests guards in adequate numbers. Village headmen and other local functionaries were made responsible for apprehending offenders and handing them over to the authorities in Kathmandu. The government directed that tinber should be cut in threw forests only through the special permission of the Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa.1 2. At one place in ligling, Gorkha district, peasanrts cultivating Jamrlands complained on Falgun Badi 13, 1895 (March 1839) that deforestation had led to the driying up of sources of water and thus rendered their lands uncultivable. The government appointed two local person as caretakers of the forests. Arrangements were made to cut timber for the construction of palaces, bridges and roadside shelters, as well as for the requirements of the local people, only through their pfermission.2 1. Regmi Research Collections, Vol 26, P. 296. 2. Ibid, P. 393. Contd.......... 172. 3. At Pokhre village in Sipa, Sindhupalchok district, a Birta owner complained on Chaitra Badi 11, 1899 (March 1843) that forests on his Birta lands were being indiscriminately destroyed by the local people, so that the village was being ruined and Jagir lands were being rendered uncultivable. The governmet thereupon issued an order prohibiting the cutting of green timber and land reclamation in the forest. It directed, in addition, that ttimber should be cut only through the permission of the Birta owner in such a manner that the forest was not destroyed. The Birta owner himself was appointed caretaker of the forest, with powers to apprehend offenders and hand them over to the authorities.3 3. Ibid P. 530. Contd........... 173. A Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occuring In Nepal Historical Documents Gola ..... Market; market duties. Gram-Kharcha ..... A levy imposed in the eastern Tarai districts in 1793 to finance the perquisites of local officials and functionaries. Guruwa ..... A medicine-man in the Tharu community; appointed by the state to look after the welfare of the local community. Guthi ..... Endowment of lands, income or revenue to finance religious and charitable functions. Hasil ..... A tax collected from weavers and poultry farmars. Hat ..... collected from traders who sold their goods at periodic fairs. Hattidana ..... Tax collected from Newar to finance the supply of fodder for royal elephants. Hel ..... Tax collected from persons who reared cows in Kathmandu Valley. Hile-Kharcha ..... A tax collected in Thak and elsewhere. No information is available about its meaning. Jagat ..... Inland transit duties on goods. Jaisi-Danda ..... Fines collected from Jaisis for performance the priestly an other functions of pure Brahmans. Jalkar ..... Tax collected from members of the Majhi communit in the form of cash or black gram; tax on fishing rights. Jammabandi ..... Tax assessment records. Contd.......... 174. Jethabudha ..... A village headman in Chhaka and other hill areas. Jhara ..... Compulsory labor obligation. Jimidar ..... A landowner; functionary responsible for revenue Collection Jogichakra ..... A levy; the meaning is not known. Jogi-Mandani ..... Revenue from Judicial fines, eacheats, etc from mendicants of the Jogi sect, as well as from a tax of 1 anna imposed on every household of the Majhi, Kumhale, Dari Danuwar, Newar, Kushle, Tharu, Pahari, Dhami, haya, Sunuwar, Chapang, Kusahari and Jolaha communities. Jyulo ..... Paddy-field or Khet land. Term used in Jumla and other Himalayan regions. Kachho ..... Ore of iron or copper; a tax payavble in this form in the mining areas of the hill region. Kalabanjar ..... Virgin forest lands in the Tarai. Kaldar ..... Milled sicca coins minted in India. Kamin ..... A revenue functionary in Kumaun with Pradhans under him. Kamsarah ..... Land tax assessment as concessional rates in the eastern Tarai. Kanugoya ..... A Parganna-level functionary responsible for the preparation of the land and revenue records in the Tarai. Kapas-Bhansar ..... Revenue from transit duties collected on cotton and yarn. Kascharai ..... A tax imposed on cattle grazed om pasture lands in the Tarai Kathmahal ..... Revenue from sale of timber in the Tarai. Contd............ Katiyari Khajanchi Khurchapi Khurpathyak Kipat Kotwal Kuriya 175. Tax paid by barbers, backsmiths, curd-venders, oil-venders, liquor-vendords, etc in the Tarai. The officer-in-charge of the Central Tresasury in Kathmandu. A tax levied on buffaloes in Morang and elsewhere in the Tarai. A tax collected from persons cultivating Pakho holdings in the hill regions. On mining lands, it was collected in the form of metal. A form of customary communal land tenure prevalent among Limbus Rais, Sherpas, Danuwars, Dunuwars, Majhis, Newars and othe communities in the hill regions including Kathmandu Valley. An official appointed in the eastern Tarai districts to recover stolen property or else commensate the owner. Tenants occupying homesteads on Birta lands. ( S.B.M.) (To Bo Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: August 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 8, Edited By; Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. An Official Nepali account Of The Nepal-China War ..... 177 2. The Tharu Communtiy And Thire Culture ..... 189 3. Kirat Migrations ..... 190 4. Ancient Bhaktapur ..... 191 5. Jagachchandra ..... 193 6. Judicial Customs In Nepal ..... 195 7. Glossary of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occurring in Nepali Historical Documents ..... 198 ********* Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private0 Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 177. An Official Nepali Accout Of The Nepal-China War1 King Ran Bahadur Shah' Letter To Official Sent For The Conquest Or Kumaun Garhwal To Kaji Jaga[.....] Pande, Sadar Amar Singh Thapa and Captain Golyan Khawas, Greetings. All is well here. We want good news there. We received your letter and noted its contsnts. The news here I good. You have reported that when the anemy came and encamped at Koudya, Many (of our troops) stayed there to resist th adevance, and that when Ambar Singh Thapa went there for assistance along with additional troops, the anemy was repulsed with heavy loss of life. We have read the message. You have won the battle. The letter appears to have been written in Falgun (commencing February 13). It reached here on the 8th of Aswin (September 23). Recently, no (letter) has come from there. When the Chinese troops reached Dhaibung, the morale of our troops went down. We were faced with the problem of saving the country and of repulsing the enemy by maintaining troops on two fronts. This was the reason why the paid soldiers, musketears (Tilanga) and shield bearers accompanying you had to be dismissed. There was justice in some cases and injustice in others. Yet we shall grant paddy to some and cash to others. Nobody should therefore feel dejected. We shall act with prudence. Let everybody know this and remain loyal and satisfied. When the enemy was only at one day's distance from Kathmandu, we checked him where possible and negotiated where this was to our interest. We then wrote to you about what had happened here and adked you to come post-haste. By the grace of ( the goddess) we faced the enemy by means of strength and tactics and relpulsed him, maintaining the country independent as usual. There also you repulsed the enemy and retained hold over the conquered territory. Now that arrangements have been completed here, we shall have to maintain only one front there. This territory has accrued to us the happening here, we could not render neccesaty assistance, yet noe we shall do so. 1. Dhana Bajra Bajracharya and Gnyan Mani Nepal, Aitihasik Patra Sangraha (A collection of Historical Letters), Kathmandu: Nepal Samskritic Parishad, 2014 (1957), PP. 56-74. Contd.......... 178. The letter written by Devinidhi Pant reached here after 40 days. He has written that the troops of the king of Sirmur were stationed at Langurgarh for rendering assistance, but went back when the king of Garhwal failed to pay the promised money. With the advice of the Nawab, a meeting was arranged at the Alakhnanda and a treaty was negotiated. The settlement was made that the territory across the Yamuna shoul belong to Sirmur, while that on this side shoul accrue to Gorkha. After making this treaty, the king went back. Srinagar came under the suzerainty of Gorkha. This is what was contained in that letter. The same news has been communicated also by a few other people living in......(words missing). No news has arrived from there, but we have taken this report to be true. We are glad that you have done well. So far as future plans are concerned. We have sent kalu Pande and Bhagu Khawas there. Let them stay theree along with their two regiments, as well as Jog Malla and Bhakti Thapa. Appoiont a Subba in that new territory along with necessary troops to look after it, and Sardars, Subbas Umraos and Subedars as considered necessary by Kaji Jagajit Pande. Those who receive orders from the Kaji shall obey them or else be considered rebels, and thise who obey them shall be considered loyal. After making necessary arrangements there, Jagajit Pande dhoul come here, accompanied by the necessary numbers of men. The Pajani2 has to be held early, so come as soon as you get this royal order. We have already informed you how our army came back after reaching Digarcha. The subsequent developments are as follows. When the news of the plunder if Digarcha and the capture of the Tibetan. Kajis reached Chine, the Chinese Emperor sent his General, his son-in-law, Tung Thang, Chan Chun, Hai Kun, and other Ambas and Sardars, and the Chinese Sok yogya Gerumba Khsmba, with troops, to Lhasa towards the end of Falgun (mid-March), From Lhasa they sent a few letters for concluding a treaty, and demanded that we should give them back Syamarpa Lama, who had sought our refuse, and Dhurin Kaji and Ito Kaji of Lhasa, who had been detained by us, but we refused to give up those who had sought our succor, from considerations of virtue. Thereupon General Tung Thang advanced with his army and on Thursday, Ashadh Sudi 2, overpowered our Chhutte outpost at Kukurghat. To the Sardar of our troops at Korung also came the news that one outpost was still in our possession. At this, Sardar Shatru Bhanjan Malla, accompanied by his troops and Tularam and Udhan, Subedars, along with regiments, started from Kerung. The enemy has occupied the outpost at Kukurghat and was waiting to attack the troops that would come as reinforcements, after maintaining a position on the way. 2. i.e. annual reorganization of civil and military services. 179. Not understanding the enemy's plans, our reinforcements, rather inadequate in number, reached the opposite side of Pangsingtar. A battle took place there. 20 or 25 men of our side, along with Tularam Sudedar, felt fighting. 10 or 15 men of the enemy also killed. Some gor wounded. Our troops retreated to Kerung, fighting all the way. At the gates of our outpost at Kerung, our udhan Khawas died of a bullet-wound. Sardar Shatru Bhanja Mall killed a few persons, but when he was wounded by arrows on his back and arm, he retreated and joined his troops at Kerung. We had two forts inside kerung and one outpost. The people who defended them were inadequate in number. On that same day the enemy attacked the fort. But when he failed to break it, he withdrew. Next day he launched an attack again, and after a fighting of about six hours failed to make any headway and so withdrew. On the fourth day, the enemy again made and attack ion the early hours of the morning. With guns and arrows and bags of gunpowder and burning foliage and torches, he fisrt overran the outer fortifications an little before noon. In the two inner forts, fighting went on throughout the day. Three or four hundred of the enemy were killed. Two hundred were killed on our side too. A little after dusk, our two forts were branched, but some of our men managed to escape. On that same night, the enemy pursued them and reached Rasuwa a little after sunrise. Shots were exchanged by both sides all day long, and 8 or 10 of the enemy were killed. When the enemy crossed the Rasuwa river at a high point and came to besiege our men, the latter left Rasuwa an took to their heals. As Syapruk they met Subedars Bhaskar and Jabbal who going from here along with their regiments. There was exchange of gunfire between the enemy and us from the two sides of the river. Prabal Rana, Bharat Khawas and Rana Keshar Pande, togther with few Umraos and with the Shrinath regiment then reached there for the defense of Syapruk village. After seven or eight days, the enemy attempted to cross the river, but was checked and repulsed by our gunfire. After two or three days, when they saw a strong force crossingf the river at a high point, our troops considered the ascent difficult and therefore decided to shift from Syapruk to Dhunche. We had a strong force at Dhunche commaned by Damodar Pande. Dubedars Bhaskar and Jagbal, along with their regiments, were staying at adjacent places at the top of the Dhunche hill, named Deurali. The enemy came upon them at that place, but was twice repulsed by our men. On the third attack, two of our Subedarss, along with 40 or 50 men were killed. The enemy occupied that territory with a loss of 200 or 250 men. From Dhunche our troops went to there reoccuply that area. But the enemy attacked them midway. Our troops repulsed him once, but when fhe came in larger numbers, a few were killed on both sides. Our troops then withdrew and joint the nobles at Dhunche. The place was a difficult one, and so they left Dhunche and came to Dhaibubg. Contd....... 180. The enemy pursued them and battle tock place near Kamaragarh. Our troops won the battle and killed 40 or 50 of the enemy with shots and swords. 100 or 500 (of the enemy) fell down the hill and died. The enemy then encamped at Ramche while our troops maintained position at Dhaibung. Meanwhile, the enemy sent letters from Dhunche expressing th desire to conclude peace. We wrote a reply to the letter here and sent a Dhewa accompanying Chiniya Pande and Dhurin Kaji as well as a Chinese we had detained here along with the reply. They met our nobles at Dhaibung abnd then went to Ramche. The handed the letter over to Sardar Ha ye-kun and Chun Tu-yi, sunordinates of Tung Thang. They sent the letter to General Tung Thang, and an oral message through our courier that the place was too small fro their troops and officers, and therefore we should evacuate Dhaidung and send our nobles to conduct negotiations. They wrote letters on a piece of red cloth and told our couriers to show it to their troops coming through Deurali as well as to our troops, and added that they had ceased finghting and that our troopsshould also so the same. When the cloth was shown to the troops at Deurali, there was a ceasefire on both sides. It was difficult forus to fight ar Dhaibung, and when this message came, our nobles left the place. The enemy remained on one side of the Betrabati, while our troops stayed on the other. From Dhaibung General Tung Thang wrote a letter demanding that we sould send to them the Chinese detained here, Dhurin Kaji and Ito Kaji. We sent them, along with Ranajit Pande, Bhotu Pande, Narshing Taksari, Ram Das Pant and Balabhadra Khawas to General Tung Thang. On Saturday, Shrawan 31, they crossed the Betrabati and at night met the Ambas of the enemy troops across the river. On that same nioght they took the Chinese detained here and Dhurin Kaji to General Tung Thang. On Sunday, our nobles who had gone from here met General Tung Thang at noon. They had a reply to the lette sent from here. On Tuesday, they sent Ranajit Pande and Balabhadra Khawas here. The lette reached hers on Wednesday. The letter contained many mattes. But the main point was that Dhaibung was too narrow for them, an that theyu therefore shoul be allowed to come to Nuwakot, where the king and his uncle should also go to negotiate peace; and if the king and his uncle could not come, emissaries should be sent to conduct the talks. They further wrote that if we did not allow them to come to Nuwakot and failed to withdrow our troopsfrom the two fronts, theu would come by force. A second letter was also received the same day. We prepared a reply to the second letter and ordered our troops to resist them if they crossed the river by force. Contd....... 181. On the morning of Monday, Bhadra 8, the enemy crossed the Betrabati and advance at several points, including Chokde, where Damodar Pande was staying, Dhudhe, Thumka, where our outpost was situated; and at Gerkhu on the main road, which was occupied by Kirki Man Singh. Our troops repulsed them at all the three points and force to withdrew to the Batrabati. On the ford pverd the Betrabati, the chief Chinese official began to kill his retreating troops. As the ford was blocked, many fell down into the Betrabati river. Several of the enemy fell down the hill and died, while other were killed by our troops shells, swords and arrows. In all 1,000 or 1,200 of the enemy were killed. On our side, 15 or 16 were wounded by arrowas, swords or shells. Of the Chinese that managed to escape across the river, two Sardars has their noses cut, and they immediately jumped into the Betrabati river and were drowned. Bhotu Pande and Narsingh Takaari are stil in the enemy camp. The enemy has not left talding of peace in spit of this battle, and we too are doing the same. General Tung Thang wrote two or three letters demanding that goods looted at Digarcha which had reached our Palace should be sent back laong with the high-ranking nobles who would be doputed to China with letters and presents for the Emperor, that the agreement singed between our nobles and Kaji Syamarpa Lama of Tibet at Kerung should be sent, and that, since Syamarpa Lama was already dead, his family and belonging should also be sent back, so that they might be placed in their oen monastery (Gumba). We sent Hari and Balabhadra Khawas with all those to China along with General Tung Thang. We shll send high-ranking nobles with letters and presents for the Emperor, with instructions to visit China, obtain an audience wdith the Emperor and state our case. If (the Chinese) accepts these nobles, finalises a treaty and goes back along with his troops, it will be good. On Aswin 5, we sent kaji Davadutta Thapa, Subba Pratiman Rana, Jayanta Shahi, son of Jethabudha Narsingh Taksari, and Balabhadra, son of Khardar Bishnu Shankar, to China along with Tung Thang, on Aswin 10, they met General Tung Thang at Dhaibung. Tung Thang was highly pleased to see our nobles and Kajis. The Chinese troops were suffering from the scarcity of food. Several of them were ill, and many had died. When our nobles reached there, they began to take back the sick and the offending, along with their troops and arms and ammunition. Tung Thang was accompanied only by his troops. On Saturday, Aswin 24, General Tung Thang left Dhaibug along with his troops and returned to China accompanied by his troops and our Kajis. Kantipur, Kartik Badi 7, 1849 Vikrama. 1792 Contd.......... 182. Explanation:- King Ran Bahadur Shah wrote this lette in 1849 Vikrama to Kaji Jagjit Pande, Sardar Amar Singh Thapa (senior) and Chatain Golayan Khawas, who had gone for the conquest of Kumaun and Garhwal. Jagjit Pande was th eldest of the five sons of Kaji Tularam Pande, Sardar Amar Singh Thapa and the others worked under his command. Jagjit Pande is famous for his role in the conquest of western Nepal. He was one of the four Kajis of Nepal at that time. At the beginning of this letter, reference has been made to the letter sent by Jagjit Pande and others in Falgun, 1848 Vikrama. The letter reached the Capital after 6 moths. It refers to a battle that took place at Kaude. In Ashadh, 1848 Vikrama, when Nepali troops reached Srinagar, the capital of Garhwal, the king of that state, Pradyumna Shah, fled across the river Alakananda. After the advent of winter, a fierce battle took place between the Garhwal ruler and te Nepalis, Pradyumna Shah suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the Nepali troops led by Sardar Amar Singh Thapa. Pradyumna Shah then tried ti repulse the Gorkha troops with the help of Jagat Prakash, ruler of Sirmur, by promising him to pay money. Meanwhile, during the rainy season of 1849 Vikrama, the government of Nepal was experiencing difficulty in defending the country when a was broke out with the Chinese. It was because of this that salaries of some of the troops sent to the west were withhold and some soldiers were dismissed. Kaji Jagjit Pande and others were ordered to come back to Kathmadu immediately. But before the order reached them, a treaty between Nepal and China had been concluded, and as such the troops of Jagjit Pande did nit have to fight the Chinese. In this letter, King Ran Bahadur Shah has referred to the need to resume the campaign in the west an look after the administrative affairs of the conquered territories. Jagat Prakash, ruler of Sirmur, had then arrived in Langurganh to help Pradyumna Shah. But Pradyumna Shah did not give him the stipuated money, whereupon the letter turned against him and sided with the Nepalis. In Ehadra, 1849 Vikrama, the ruler of Surmur, Jagat Prakash, signed a treaty with Jagjit Pande. According to this treaty, the river. Yamuna was recognized as the western boundary of Nepal. In Aswin, 1849 Vikrama, the King of Garhwal, Pradyumna Shah, signed a treaty with Nepal under which he agreed to pay an annual tribute of Rs 25,000. This letter mentions how after information reached the capital from nobles elsewhere that Srinagar had been subjugated by Nepal. Captain Kalu Pande and Bhaju Khawas sent along with troops to protect the newly-conquered territory, while Kaji Jagjit Pande was ordered to hand over the administration on Kumaun and Garhwal to Yoga Mall and Bhakti Thapa, who were in Kathmandu for the Pajana. Then follows a detailed account of the war with China. Contd.......... 183. Ever since King Prithvi Narayan Shah conquered Kathmandu Valley, relations between Nepal and Tibet had become atrained. The Mall rulers of Nepal had circulated debased coins due to thes scarcity of silver. There coins reached Tibet in nembers. Prithvi Narayan Shah was in favor of circulating pure coins. Therefore, the Nepalis insisted on using coins of pure silver only and not debased coins. The Tibetans did not accept Prithvi Narayan's policy, because it harmed thiere interests. Consequently, trade Betweem Nepal and Tibet declined and relations went on deteriorating. In 1838 Vikrama, the Tashi Lama of Digarcha, Pal Den Yashe died. His brother, Syamarpa Lama misappropriated the funds of monastery. He was put in imprisonment by the followers of the new incarnate Lama. In 1844 Vikrama, he escaped from prison and took asylum in Nepal. When Nepal gave asylum to Syamarpa Lama, war between Nepal and Tibet becme inevitable. In 1845 Vikrama, war broke out between Nepal and Tibet. In this war, Nepal defeated Tibet, Nepali troops captured the areas from Kuti to Sikharjung and from Derung to Jhunga. A treaty was untimately concluded through the mediation of China. Nepal relinquished the Tibetans areas conquered by it while Tibet agreed to pay an annual tribute of Rs 50,000 to Nepal. But \tibet paid this annual tribute not more than once, thus violating the treaty. Nepal, therefore, again declared war on Tibet. In 1848 Vikrama, Bahadur Shah sent troops to attack Tibet, commaned by Abhiman Singh Basnet from Kerung and by Kaji Damodar Pande from Kuti. Kaji Makodar Pande went on conquering Tibetan territory and reached Digarcha, the capital of the Tashi Lama. In Digarcha, he captured a large quantity of gold and silver and then returned to Kathmandu with his troops in Magh, 1848 Vikrama. Syamarpa Lama was still living as a refugee in Nepal. During the war, Nepali troops captured Kaji Dhurin and Kaji Yuto of Lhasa and brought them to Kathmandu. Tibet conveyed to the Chinese Emperor the news that Nepal had conquered Digarcha and captured the Kajis of Lhasa. In asked China for help against Nepal. China sent troops to defend Tibet. After this development, was broke out in 1849 Vikrama between Nepal and China. Nepal's relations with China are very old. In 678 Vikrama, when the Tang dynasty was ruling China, Yuan Chwang, a Chinese traveler, visited India through Afghanistan. After visiting places of Buddhist pilgrimage and studying Buddhist literature, he returned to China in 700 Vikrama. In his revelogue, he has also mentioned Nepal and its famous King, Amshu Varma (663-678). Previously, Nepal[......] in India for its relations with China. At the end of the seventh century Vikrama, King Srong Btsan Gampoo created the State of Tibet between Nepal and China. With the rise of Tibet, India's contacts with china started through Nepal. Buddhism spreaded to Tibet through Nepal. Tibet borrowed Nepal's script and social customs. Contd....... 184. During the reign of the Lichchhavi ruler, Narendra Dev, between 700 and 714 Vikrama, China's Ambassador Wang-Yunche traveled between China and India through Nepal. He has written about King Narendra Dev, his palace, and the lrevailing situation. After the death of Emperor Harsha in 704 Vikrama, Ambassador Wang-Yunche was insulted by Harsha' vessal, Arunashwa. The Chinese Emperor then attacked northern India. In this war, both Nepal and Tibet helped China, according to Chinese accounts, King Narendra Dev of Nepal sent 7,000 cavaltry troops to the aid of China during this war. Accurate accouts of Nepal's subquent relations with China up to the thierteenth century are not available. In 1425 Vikrama, the Ming dynasty came into power after the fall of tha yuna dynasty which had been established by Kublai Khan Mongol. The first Emperor of the Ming dynasty was Hang Bu. A Chinese delegation came to Nepal in 1441 Vikrama. At this time, Sthiti Mall was king of Nepal, but ministers of the Baish family were in power in Kathmandu, even though Jaya Singh Ram and his younger brother, Madan Singh Ram, were the rulers. In 1471 Vikrama too, the Chinese Emperor, Yung Lo, sent a delegation to Nepal. At this time, King Jyotir Mall was occupying the throne of Bhadgaun, Kathmandu was being ruled by Madan Singh Ram's son, Shakti Singh Ram. Nepal also was sending delegations to China. Madan Singh Ram and his son, Shakti Singh Ram, are mentioned in Chinese chronicles After ruling China for about about 275 years, the famous Ming dynasty collapsed, and in 1701 Vikrama it was replaced bylthe Manchu dynasty. When was broke put between Nepal and China, China was being ruled by Emperor Tshien-Lung of the Manchu dynasy. The second Emperor of the Manchu dynasty, named Kang Hi (1718-79 Vikrama) was a great lover of learning and art. Tshien-lung was his grandson. Tshien-lung too was a lover of learning and art. He ruled for sixty years from 1793 to 1853 Vikrama. During his rule, there were as many as four kings of the Gorkha dynasty in Nepal. Tshien-lung greatly expanded the Chinese empire. He brought Tibet too under his suzerainty. So when he came to know about the fall of Digacha to Nepali troops and the capture of Tibetan Kajis by them, he immediately sent a large army to Lhasa to attack Nepal under the command of Tung-Thyang, his son-in-law. The Chinese troops reached Lhasa towards the end of Falgun 18[.....] Vikrama. Messages were exchanged between Nepal and Tung-Thyang. Tung-Thyang proposed that Nepal should surrender Syamarpa Lama as wella as Kaji Dhurin and Kaji Yuto of Lhasa. Nepal emphatically replied that it would not surrender those who had sought refuge, and that it was even prepared to fight on the issue. Contd.......... 185. In these circumstances, war between Nepal and China was inevitable. At this time, Nepal was involved in war at three or four fronts. To take revenge for its defeat, Tibet incited Sikkim to attack Nepal at Chainpur in the east. Bijayapurs's administrator, Subba Purnadha Upadhyaya, as well as Kaji Deva Datta Thapa, who had been deputed from Kathmandu, repulsed the attack and defeated the enemy. Kaji Jagjit Pande was fighting in Garhwal. Meanwhile, the rulers of Achham, Doti and Kumla revolted and out off communications between Kathmandu and Kumaun and Garhwal. But within theo months, Captain Kalu Pande quelled the revolt with the assistance of the ruler of Jajarkot. In this way, many Nepali generals were scattered here and there. So Nepal had been unable to fully prepare itself to meet the Chinese attack. On Ashadh 11, 1849 Vikrama, Tung-Thyang attacked the Nepali fort at Kukurghat. The Chinese easily conquered the area, as the number of Nepali soldiers there was very small to stop the advance of the Chinese troops, Sardar Shatru Bhanjaa Mall, Subedar Tula Ram and Udhau Khawas left Kerung for Kukurghat. The enemy was fully prepared, while he number of Nepali troops was small. Advancing without knowledge of the enemy's preparations, they encountered the enemy at Pasingtar. Subedar Tularam was killed aliong with 20 or 25 other Nepalis. The Nepalis withdrew to Kerung, where the Chinese pursued them. In the first encounter, Subedar Udhau Khawas was killed, while Sardar Shatru Bhanjan Malla was wounded. There were three Nepali forts in Kerung. After four or five days of fighting, the Chinese troops captured all of them. The Chinese venture was successful because the number of Nepali sildiers there was small. The Nepalis then withdrew to Rasuwa. The enemy too came on their heels. Hearing about the Chinese advance, Bahadur Shah immediately sent a large army commanded by Kaji Damodar Pande on Ashadh 15. this reinforcement proceeded from Kathmandu with all possible speed. The Nepali troops gradually withdrew from Rasuwa because the Chinese were hotly pursueing them. At Syapruk, they met Subedars Bhaskar and Jagbal. For their assistance, Prabal Rana, Bharat Khawas and Rana Keshar Pande also reached there. Thus the Nepalis gathered some strength and checked the Chinese advance for ten or twelve days. But the enemy madde a surprise attack and consequently they withdrew to Dhunche where Damodar Pande awa staying. Fighting took place between the two sides on the Dhunche hill. The Nepalis twice defeated the enemy. In the third battle, however, some Nepali soldiers including Subedar Bhaskar Rana, were killed. But the Chinese side suffered two or three hundred casualties. There were a few more encounters. But the Nepali troops left Dhunche and came to Dhaibung because the enemy wwas in pursuit and Dhunche wa unsuitable for fighting. There was another encounter at Kamamaregath as the Chimese were still in pursuit. Nearly 40 or 50 Chinese soldiers were killed, while about 150 fell down the steep hill and died. The Nepalis scored a victory in this battle. The Chinese troops had not so far met with such stiff resistance and were advancing easily. After this, Tung-Thyang played a trick. He sent a messge to Kathmandu proposing a treaty. His aim was to find out to what Contd............ 186. extent the Nepalis had been weakened an how much strength they still possessed. Nepali Bhardars went to Tung-Thyang with a reply to his letter. He proposed that bnothe sides should agree to a cease-fire and suggested that because Dhunche was too small for them, they should be allowed to stay in Dhaibung, where Nepali Bhardars should come fro holding negotiations. Realizing that their preparations for war with China wre inadequate and that the intrusion of the enemy wlould only harm the country, the Nepal government accepted Tung- Thyang's suggestion. Nepali troops accordingly left Dhaibung to make room for the Chinese troops after a cease-fire notice was printed in big letters on red cloth and shown to the Chinese at the top of the Dhunche hill and the Nepalis at Dhaibung. Fighting came to an end and the Nepali came across the river Batrabati while the Chinese troops remain at Dhaibung on the other side. Tung-Thyang had asked the Nepal government to send enovys for peace talks along with the Chinese and Tibetans Kajis captured by Nepali troops. Kaji Ranjit Pande, Bhoru Pande, Nar Singh Taksari, Ram Das Panth, Balbhadra Khawas and other reached Dhaibung on Shrawan 31 along with them. But now Tung-Thyang began to talk differently. He wanted that the Chinese should occupy Kathmandu just as the Nepali had once plundered Digarcha. He had got back the Tibetan an Chinese Kajis, a well as Dhaibubg, without a fight. He stopped the Nepali Bhardars there and told them, "Dhaibung too is very narrow for us. Let us proceed to Nuwakot and hold negotiations there. For this the kiong himself ot his uncle should come, or the matter may be handle by Bhardars. Withdrow your troops, otherwise we shall advance bu means of force." Four days later, he sent Ranjit Pande and Balabhadra Khawas alone to Kathmandu with a letter to this effect. Now the Nepalis understood the real motive of Tung-Thyang. Acceptance of his conditions would have meant surrender. Bahadur Shah therefore ordered his army ro resist if this enemy attempted to advacnce by means of force. On Bhadra 8, about 10,000 troops crossed the Batravati and advanced on three points. The Nepalis had three forts this side of Betravati at Chokde, Dudhethumko and Gerkha. Kirtiman Singh Basnet was in command at heavy fighting between the Nepali and Chinese troops. In the end, the Nepalis repulsed the Chinese at all the three points. The Chinese tool to their [..] and reached the Batravati. Seeing no other way of inciting his troops to resist the Nepalis, the Chinese General stood on the brigde and himself [.....] to slay his retreating soldiers. The noses of two officers who had retreated beyond the river were cut. They immediately leapt into the waters of the river. But this action of the Chinese General had the contrary effect. Instead of feeling encouraged, the Chinese troops began to retreat through others routs. Many of them lost their lives when they fell down the hills into river. Many were killed by the bullets, arrows or sword thrust by the Nepali. In all, 1,000 or 1,200 Chinese soldiers were killed in this way. Contd.......... 187. Abandoning all hopes of further advance, Tung-Thyang decided to conclude a treaty and wrote a letter to the government of Nepal accordingly. As soon as this letter reached Nepal, the government sent a letter deputing Damodar Pande, who was in the battle-field, to go to China for the treaty negotiations. The letter was as follows:- "The Chinese Emperor is not a small Emperor, but a great one. By the grace of the goddess, we could have completely driven them out this time, but we did not think it proper to create permanent conflict with the Emperor. He too intends to make peace with us. Tung-Thyang asked us to send one of our Kajis to meet the Emperor of China, with letters and presents. Yesterday, our Kajis were going to Tanahu and Lamjung to conclude treatries there also. But We realize now that we should send some Kajis to the Emperor. The seniormost Kaji, Damodar Pande, who has received Birta grants, should Therefore go. Delay will be serve the interests Of our country. Start from there. So far as orders ae concerned, you are a Pande of our palace. You know everything, so do all that will benefit the country and bring credit to you, understand this well. Send a reply imm- diately after getting this letter. Delay will harm us." Dadted Thursday, Bhadra Sudi 13 at Kantipur. But Tung-Thyang was repeatedly demanding the restoration of propery which the Nepali had looted during the capture of Digarcha, the surrender of Syamarpa Lama, and trhe return of the treaty of 1845 Vikrama. The Government of Nepal, realizing the importance of maintaining good relations with China, sent Hari Vakil and Balabhadra Khawas with all these to Tung-Thyang on their way to China. Thus, according to this treaty, Syamarpa Lama had to be surrendered. But as he had already committed suicide, Tung-Thyang carried away only the dead body and some of his belongings. The Nepalis had to return some of the property looted in Digarcha. The treaty signed with Tibet in 1845 Vikrama was cancelled. The Nepali delegation was to visit the Chinese Emperor every five years. The Chinese withdrew their forces from the Nepali territory occupied by them. The territory thus reverted to Nepal. Contd.......... 188. A delegation consisting of Kaji Devadatta Thapa (Magar), Subba Pratiman Rana and other lefts Kathmandu for China along with letters and presents on Aswin 5, 1849 Vikrama. On Aswin 24, Tung Thyang left for China along with the Nepali envoys. The letter had been written some time before Aswin 5, 1849. Nut it was nos sent for some reason. It was sent only on Aswin 24, afte an account of the departure of the delegation for China and the return of Tung Thyang was added. Some foreign historians have claimed that after this was, Nepal became a part of the Chinease empire. But this letter clearly refutes this claim and shows that Nepal had never recognized China's suzerainry. Nepal had not expressed its desire to conclude a treaty with China, after being defeated in any battle at the hands of the Chinese troops. On the contrary, the Chinese troops had suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Nepali troops in the last battle fought on the Betravati. Moreover, the morale of the Nepali troops was very high during these days. The letter to Kaji Damodar Pande says that "the Nepal troops by the grace of the goddess, could have completely driven the Chinese troops out. But we did not think it proper to create permanent conflict with the Emperor. He too intends to make peace with us." The Chimese troops had come very near the capital. Continued conflict with China would therefore have led to possibilities of British pressure over Nepal. In such situation, it was very wise on the part of the Government of Nepal to conclude a treaty with China. Nc provision in the treaty suggests that Nepal accepted China's suzerainty or [......] its own interests in any way. The treaty provided for the visit of a Nepali delegation to China every five years. This too benefited Nepal. Now that the Government of Nepal has established direct contacts with the Chinese governments, Sino-Nepal relations would not be impaitred in any way. Moreover, relations that had been interrupted for many years past were re-established. This practice continued till 1963 Vikrama during the rule of Prime Minister Chandra Shamshre. Diplomatic relations between Nepal and China were again severed when China underwent a revolution in which the imperial rule came to an end and a republican rgime was set up. Relations between Nepal and China were resumed in 2013 Vikrama on the basis of the Panchasheela. Contd............ 189. The Tharu Community And Their CultureX By Ishwar Baral ****************** There is a story about the origin of the Tharu community, when the Muslims invaded Chitor (Rajputana) in the 12th century, the Rajputs sent their woman to the hilly regions in the north for safety. These women waited long for their men, but in vain. They then accepted as their husbands their own servants, as well as local low caste people. Children born of such union came to be known as Tharus. Accordingly, Tharu women have greater authority inside the home, and the Tharus still call their wives "Rani" (queen). However, this custom is prevalent only among the Rai Tharus, who therefore regard themselves as of higher status than othe Tharus. In Tharus call Indians othe than themselves "Baji". This is derogatory term. This may be presumed to indicate that they belong to a period earlier than the Vrijji republic. Probably the Vrijji (Vajji) Republic, in course of its expansion, oppressed the Tharus and therefore they started calling the inhabitants of Vajji Vaji (with long "a"). In the Nepali language, the term "Vajiya" signifies abuse. In the Bengali language, a useless thing is referred to a "Vaje". If Vajji corrupted as Vaje, the original home of the Tharu community must have been somewhere near Vajji. Vajji comprised the modern districts of Champaran and Muzaffarpur, the major poprtion the Darbhange, the Mirzapur, Parsa and Sonapur divisions of Chhapra districts and other areas. An old Tharu of Kailali told this writer that the Tharus originally came from Saptari and Mahottari. This view probably contains some truth. Moreover, the Tharu dialect is a peaculiar mixture of Bagadhi, Maithili, Bhopuri and Awadhi. Did the term Tharu originate from "Thar", a district in Sindh? But considerable research is needed before we can express such a view. Linguistic evidence a well as the Tharu physiognomy, which has affinities with that of Tibetans and Burmese, would appear to preclude this theory. According to an ancient custom, which is still prevalent in Rajputana, the Tharus cut off their toe and put tika on the head of their King with the blood. Babu Ram Acharya therefore holds that the Tharus were originally Kshatriyas and came from Rajputana. The Tharus of Western Nepal are mostly concentrated in Banke, Bardiya, Kailali, Kanchanpur, Salyan, Dang abd Deukhuri. Their clans are: Kuchila, Danwar, Kachhariya, Dangoriya, Kathariya, Rajhatiya, Rana, Khunha, Sunha, Raji, etc. ************************************** X"Tharu Jati Ra Tinko Sanskriti". Nepal ( A collection Of Articles On The History And Culture Of Nepal). Kathmandu: Tribhuwan University Cultural Association, 1966. 160-161 pp). 190. Kirat MigrationsX In ancient times, the Kirats claimed to have had a divine origin. They had a language of their own, which they called the divine language. In course of the time the Kirat community multiplied in numbers. Their leaders then decided to hold a population census, an asked each of them to being a stone. Every Kirat then brought a stone before the leader. A small hillock then grew up. To commensurate the census, the leader proposed the construction of a tower with these stones. Everybody agreed and started digging the foundation. Gradually the tower became so hiogh that the top was no longer visible. Yet the tower was getting higher. People still carried stones and brought clay, and the stones also were being laid one by one. As work was going on at full speed, something happened, and language difficulties arose. Nobody could undertand what his fellow said. They started quarrelling among themselves. Those who were at the base of the tower pulled it down. Many people were killed by the tower as it was falling. Aming those who escaped with their lives, 16 leaders, each spesking a different language, emerged. They too started fighting among themselves. In the end. Only 4 leades remained alive. When these too started fighting al leader nemed Papahang led his followers towards the east to find a place to live in. in 6 months, he came a Simangadh. This group spoke 12 different languages. They could not therefore all remain at the same place. The Magers, Chans and Gurungs settled down in Palpa, Doti and Pyuthan in the north-west. The Nagas, Siyas, Lapchas, Kachins and Siyas told their moved ahead, telling their follows to follow them by the banana bushes and Bohori trees which they would cut at different points on the road. The Limbus, Khambas, Meches, Tharus, Danuwars and Dhimal accordingly followed them to the east. But the banana bushes had again sprouted up, and the Bohori trees too had grown, so that only a dark stain was visible on the spot where they had been cut. The Danuwars and Dhimals then decided that it would be difficult to reach their brethers and so settled down in the Nepal Tarai. The Limbus and Khambus similarly went to the hilly areas of Nepal. The Meches, Koches and Tharus proceeded towards the east and established their rule in Assam. A branch of this group calling themselves Dukpa, settled down in Bhutan. Those two went southward settled down in the Garo, Khasi and Jayantiya hills. From the Garo hills, one group, known as Haijongs, reached Mymensingh. One group, known as the Kachharis, gradually settled down in Sylhet, Tripura, Manopur, Conilla, Noakhali, Chittagong and Arakan. **************** XIman Singh Chemjong, "Kirat Bhasha Ko Gadhadi", (Kirati language Disturbances), "Kirati Datya Katha" (Kirati Myths and Legends). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2021 (1964), 41-42 PP. Contd....... 191. Ancient BhaktapurX Before the inception of the kingdom of Nepal, Bhaktapur, alike Kathmandu and Lalitlpur, was a district entity. The name Bhaktapur used to denote the kingdom and the city of Bhaktapur. At present Bhaktapur stands only for the city and the district. The area of Bhaktapur is 45 sq. miles only. The population and areaof this district is lesser than that of Lalitpur or Kathmandu. At different times this city has been historically known by different nemes-Bhatgaun, Bhaktapuri, Bhaktapur, Bhaktapattan, Bhaktagram, Bhaktapathan, Khripum, Mrakhaprim, Khrimprim, Khwapum, Khwapwa and Khwapwi being some of those. Like Kathmandu and Lalitpur it had the statues of the kingdom of Nepal once. The kingdom of the ancient Mallas was Bhaktapur. The Bhaktapur is nowhere in the Sanskrit and Newari manuscripts even up to the time of th later Malla kings. Bhatgaun is mentioned in the letters written by the king of Kathmadu, Jaya Prakash Malla and the king of Patan, Rajya Prakash Malla to the Kaji Kalu Pande in the court of the Gorkha king Prithvi Narayan Shah. From this ti can be known that at Gorkha and other close-lying districts the name Bhatgaun was currectly known an this was before the amalgamation of th different kingdoms by Prithvi Narayan Shah Dev in one unit. In the stone, gold and silver inscriptions written in Sanskriti, this cit has been caleed Bhatapuri, Bhaktapur, Bhaktapattan and Bhaktagaum. In the "Swarodaya Tiya" written by Narapatijaya Sharma in Vikrama Samvat 1458 (1401) at the timeof one reign fothe Royal prince of Bhaktapur, Dharma Malla and his three brothers, the name Bhaktapuri is mentioned. In the book "Prayarchitta Samrachaya" written at the time of the reign of King Ananda Dev near about Samvat 1214 (1157) fro the first time Bhaktapur is mentioned. In the "Khanda Khadya Tika" wriiten in the reign of the king Jit Malla and Pran Malla at about Vikram Samvat 1590 (1533) for the first time the name Bhaktapattan is seen. This Bhaktapattan also transforms itself to Bhaktapattan at about Vikram Samvat 1763 in the gold inscriptions of Bhupatindra Malla. This Bhaktapattan is similar to Lalitapattan and Devpattan. Deupattan might have been the prime source of this change. But when we see the stone inscriptions of Poora Raj Bajracharya dated about 1804 (1747) the use of Bhaktapattan the final verdict we still feel lacking. XLila Raj Shrestha, "Prachin Bhakapur Khripung Gram", (Ancient Bhaktapur-Khripunggram). (Gorkhapatra, Chaitra 20, 2022 (April 2, 1966). Contd..... 192. At about Vikram Samvat 1190 (1133) in the reign of Narendra Dev for the first time Bhaktagram is mentioned in the book "Pratisthan Tantra". This same Bhaktagram continued to be in use up to the letter Malla kings. Bhaktapuri being only the femin form, we do not find popularly adopted. As Bhaktapattan and Bhaktapattan were used instead of Bhaktapur, in the same process Bhaktagram being the currently accepted term up to the later Mallas this might have degenerated to Bhatgaun of common use. The name Bhaktapur came into being in Vikram Samvat 935 (878) at the inception of the kingdom of Thakuri dynasty. Later on in 935 (878) when we see the name of Patan to be Lalitpur in the stone inscriptions of Rudra Dev's era, we can deduce that both of these names were given by Radha Dev. In the two Lichchhavi stone inscriptions of about Vikram Samvat 650 found in this city, it is said that king Shiv Dev had given similar rights. But in the stone inscription of Tulache Tole, Bhaktapur, the name mentioned in Khripum. And in the stone inscription on Yolmarhi Tole, Bhaktapur, the named mentioned is Makhaprim. Latter in the "Hamsayamal" of Vikram Samvat 1195 (1138) the writer mentions the name of his residential area to be Khrimprim Bruma---this might be the combination of above mentione Khripum and Makhoprim becoming one Khrimprimbruma, Bruma standing for city. But in Vikram Samvat 1016 (1004), before "Hamsayamal" was written, Khwapu is mentioned in a stone inscription of king Nirman Dev. This word had already degenerated to khwapu and Khwapwa from Khriprim in the spoker and written Newari. This Khwapu we find in the garb of Khapwa appearing in a stone inscription dated Vikram Samvat 1509 (1452) during the reign of king Yaksha Mall and in the copper inscription of King Jagajaya Malla inscripted at about Vikram Samvat 1785 (1728) at Changu Narayan temple. This same word from that time on appears in many instances. These days the word Khapwa is used as Khopa. In Newari to mention Bhatgaun this word is used. We have tried to find out the source of this term we have found to be in the Kirat term Khripum. This city has been mentioned in different terms but the continuation of Kirati culture has been maintained by the adoption of the term Khwapa a direct descendanr of the Kirat term Khripum. This is one example of the continuity of cultural heritage even through the transformation of name. ********************* Contd........... 193. JagachchandraX Jagat Prakash Mall ruled in Bhaktapur from 1700 to 1729 Vikram (1643 to 1672). During the latter part of his teign, Minister Chandra Shekhar Singh attained an important position in Bhaktapur. Not much information is available about him, However. An inscriptioopn of Jagat Prakash Mall discovered at Khauma Tole (in Bhaktapur) shows that Chandra Shekhar Singh had offered the hand of a girl to Jagat Prakash Malla in marriage (see Purnima, No. 5). This is all that we know about the relationship between Chandra Shekhar Singh and Jagat Prakash Mall. This can mean that Chandra Shekhar Singh was Jagat Prakash Mall's father-in-law or brother-in-law, or that he frocured a girl and offered her in marriage to Jagat prakash Malla. A Suki coin bearing the date 782 Nepal Samvat (1662) bears the name of Jagat Prakash Mall on the obverse and that of Chandra Shekhar Singh on the reverse. (The first reference to Chandra Shekhar Singh or Chand Shekhr Singh is found in a book called "Gitavali" (Collection of Songs) composed by Jagat Prakash Malla in 1717 Vikram (1660). The manuscript is available (No. 3154) at the Rashiriya Pustakalay (National Library) (in Kathmandu0. the inscription of Chandra Shekhar Singh's name on a coin along woth what of the king is indicative of his influence. In the Khauma Tole inscription of 1723 Vikram (1666), Jagat Prakash Mall refers to Chandra Shekhar Singh as one as dear to him as his own life. This shows how Chandra Shekhar Singh's influence was increasing. This process continued until he became one with the king as "Jagachchandra"-or conjuction of the first names of both persons.) The Bir Library (in Kathmandu) (No. 377) contains a drama called "Muladeva- Shashideva-Vyakhyan" by Jagat Prakash Malla, wherein he refers to himself as the reigning king, but also occasionally refers to "Jagachchandra". The first verse in this drama is sung by Jagachchandra. The drama mentions that (the goddess) Ralaju bestowed the name of Jagachchandra because of the deep affection existing between the two men. The concluding portion mentions both Jagat Prakash Malla and Chandra Shakhar Singh individually, which shows whom the term Jagachchandra refers to. XBhola Nath Poudel, "Jagachchandra", Purnima, 8, Magh 1, 2022 (January 14, 1966), 20-25 PP. Contd........... 194. There are statues of "Jagachchandra" at the Bhairav temple in Bhaktapur. The statues depict two fully armed men with lamps in their hands. The statues on the right is larger, but showa the appearance of a younger man than the statue on the left. Both shows statues are installed on the same pedestal, on the four sides of which is written: "Since the statue offered by Jaya Jagachchandra Deva to Akashbhaairav was damaged, Jayabhupatindra Mall made these of brass. These statues were first installed in 788 Nepal Samvat (1725 Vikram-1668 A.D.). These were renovated in 833 Nepal Samvat (1769 Vikrama-1712 A.D.)." It is thus clear that the two statues of "Jagachchandra" were of Jagat Prakash Mall and Chandra Shekhar Singh. The Bhaktapur museum contains a portion of a stone inscription of Jagat Prakash Malla containing a hymn to the ten incarnations (of Vishnu) composed by him. This hymn contains the word "Jagachchandra" at several places, and says " Jagachchandra, though two creatures, are one." It bears the date 789 Nepal Samva (1726 Vikrama-1669A.D.). There are two inscriptions of Jagat Prakash Malla at the Jih Swanchok (courtyard) of the Bhaktapur palace, both bearing the same date. One of them contains rules regarding the Bhandarkhel tank in Newari verse. The other refers to the Sadashivachok (courtyard).These two show that the term "Jagachchandra" as used to refer to Jagat Prakash Malla and Chandra Shekhar Singh. "Jagachchandra" is here mentioned as king, while the term Malla follows. This proves that Chandra Shekhar Singh's influence had further increased by this time. The date is 792 Nepal Samvat (1729 Vikrama- 1672 A.D.). Thus it is clear that "Jagachchandra" was used to deniote both Jagat Prakash Malla and Chandra Shekhar Singh. Jagat Prakash Malla was born on Magh 25, 1695 (approximately December 10, 1638 A.D.). During the time when Chandra Shekhar Singh had gained influence, he had already attained majority. The reason for Chandra Shekhar Singh' lasting influence is no clear. However, this relationship does not appear to have developed in matters relating to administrative affairs. Accounts of Jagat Prakash Mall's dealings with Kantipur and Lalitpur bear only own name. Contd........... 195. Judicial Customs In Nepal The 1866-67 edition of the Legal Code contains the following law governing the sysem of Nya or trial by ordeal:-1 1. In some areas, when trial is held by Nya at the instance of anybody, (the accused person) is put into a sack and submerged in water. In the future. Nya shall nor be conducted in this manner in violation of the law. In case the (person who is) submerged in this manner dies, the officer or local headman2 who conducted Nya in this manner shall himself be put into a sack and submerged on water. The Nya (trial) shall be invalidated. 2. Nya shall not be conducted in cases relating to lands, cattle, gold, silver, jewelry and othe property, murder, claims that orphans are slaves, witchcraft and rape. Any officer or local headman3 who disposes of such cases through Nya shall be fined with Rs 20. the judgement so delivered through Nya shall be invalidated. The case shall be heard again by the court.4 It shall be disposed of through evidence furnished by documents, signatures, witness and possession. After true justice is awarded in this manner, the victory of the winning side shall be confirmed. 1. His Majesty' Government, Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shah Dev Ka Shasan Kal ma Baneko Muluki Ain. ( Legal Code Enacted During The Reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice. Jestha 2022 (June 1965). "Nya Halaunyako". (On Trial By Ordeal). P. 234. 2. The term used are Dittha, Bichari, Amali, Jimmawal and Mukhiya. 3. Ther terms used are Hakim of Adalat, Dittha, Bichari, Amali, Dware, Thari, Mukhiya and Bhardars of Gaunda (district headquarters office). 4. The terms used are Adalat, Amal and Gaunda. Contd.......... 196. Inprisonment by Proxy was another interesting judicial custom. The 1886-67 Legal Code contains the following law on this subject:-1 1. In case a woman cmmits offenses other than those punishable with life imprisonment, and in case any male relative from the family of her husband or from among her own or her mother's paternal relatives offers to undergo imprisonment as her proxy and prays that she be accordingly released, he shall be released. 2. In case a widow, married woman or girl is involved in any punishable cases other than those involving murder, rape and sharing kitchen or the use of water (touched by her), and in case her husband, son, father-in-law, father or her own or her husband's elder or younger brothers stipulate that they will not produce her befoe the court,2 but will themselves underfo liability for the offense committed by her, action shall be taken according to law. But if nobady comes forward to make any such representation on her behalf, and her husband too has gone eleewhere or abroad, she shall be punished wioth a fine according to law. But she shall 1. Ibid, "Satu Kaid Baschhu Bhanyako". (On imprisonment by Proxy), P. 248. 2. The term used is Kachchri. Contd........... 197. not be under obligation to perform the ritual of Dhurga-Chhuwai,3 or shall any fee be collected for such ritual. In case the money is not paid, she shall be imprisoned according to law. 3. In case awoman commits any offense other than those punishable with life imprisonment, and in case her husband, son. Her own or her husband's elder or youger brothers, father or any relative on ther mother' paternal realtives offers to stand surety for her and undertake to bear liability for the punishment ro be awarded her, he shll be made to sign a bond, and action shall be taken agaist him according to law, while the woman shall be released. In case no man offers to stand surety, 9such woman0 shall be simmoned through 2 male persons, if female peons are not available, and brought (before the court). Ion case she does not come, and remains intransigent, she shall be cough hold of at the place where a physicians feels th pulse and brought before the court, and the case shall then be disposed of. A male peon shall not be sent alone a arrest a woman. 3. According to Brian H: hodgson, Dhunga-Chuayi meant a system under which a stone (dhunga), the image of God Vishnu, was placed before the loser when he lost a case, and he was commanded to touch it. "He places one rupee and one pice on the stone, and then salutes it wit a bow, and retires, leaving the offering. The preceeds go to the Bichar". (Brian H. Hodgson, "Some Account of The Systems Of Law And Police As Recognezed In The State Of Nepal". The Journal Of The Royal Asiatic Society Of Great Briatain and Ireland, Vol. I, 1834, p. 273. Contd.......... 198. Glossary of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occurring In Nepal Historicall Documents Kusahi Bisahi Lag Alag Laskari Laxmipuja Lekhwar Mafi Maghe-Sankranti Mahant-Mandali Kharcha A tax collected from Birta owning Brahmans and members of religious orders in consideration of the fonfirmation of their Birta lands in the western region which were annexed during the period from 1782 to 1789. The rates ranged from Rs 9 to Rs 14 per 20 muris of land. The tax was sometimes collected also in the form of household untensils, gold and silvre. A tax colleted in the Thak area when the territory was annexed. No information is available regarding its nature and purpose. A rupee coin minted in India which was in circulation in Nepal also during the 18th and 19th centuries. 14 Laskari annas exchanged for one Nepali rupee in the western hill areas in 1787. A tax collected in Gorkha and other hill areas to finance ceremonies during the Laxmipuja festival in October or November. A revenue collection functionary in the Tarai areas of Garhwal Free-hold lands, from the Arabic "Muafi". ..... A tax collected in Thak and elsewhere to finance official ceremonies on the fisrt day of the month of Magh (January 14) every year. Similar to the Jogi-Mandali (see Regmi Research Series, Vil. 2, No. 7, July 1, 1970, P. 174 ) for members of monasteries orders. 199 Mandar ..... A revenue collection functionary in Morang, Sheoraj and othe areas in the Tarai, probably synonymous with the Mandal of Mughal India. Marta ..... Pasture lands. Masine Jat ..... Castes and communities whose members could be enslaved. These included Bhotes, Chepang, Derai, Majhi, Haya, Danuwar, Kumhal and Pahari. Matwala Jat ..... Castes and communities among whom the drinking of liquor was prohibited. These included the castes and communities mentioned above. Mejmani ..... A levy collected from village headman in the hill areas to finance hospitality expenses for visiting officials; often collected in the form of a goat. Mijhars ..... Headmen of certain low-caste occupational castes and Mongoloid communities such as Tamauta, Lohar, Mahar, Phalamya, Kadere, Mahi Nau and Sunuwar. Mijhars collected levies from the families of castes or communities under their jurisdiction, as well as judicial fines, escheat and expiation fees. They retained the prescribed commissions and transmittedthe proceeds to the government. Mohinaike .. A functionary appointed in Kathmandu Valley and some hill districts to discharge functions relating to land reclamation and revenue collection. Mokaddam ..... In Mughal India, the Mokaddam (Muqaddam) was a village-level funcrionary in charge of settlement and the allotment of uncultivated lands. In Nepal, howeve, he functioned as Parganna level and assisted in the collection of revenue. Contd....... 200. Mokarri ..... A system of land tenure prevelant in the districts of the eastern Tarai under which the government assigned lands or villages to individuals subject to the payment of a fixed sum of money every year. The Mpkarri holder, in consideration of this payment, enjoyed authority to collect land and other revenure and reclaim weste lands in the areas assigned to him. When such grants were made on a permanent, they were known as Ishtimrar Mokarri. (Istimrar is an Arabic word meaning permantal). Moro-Aputali ..... Escheat property occurring to the state. The state disclaimed its rights to appropriate the escheat property of certain communities. These included khas, Bhotes, Gurung, Ghale, Mager and Sunuwar. Mudahi ..... A tax on transactions in slaves. Mule Dware ..... The topmost local functionary in the Rui-Khola area adjoining Tibet, with village-level Bhdhyaulis under him. To Be Continued. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: September 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 9, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. On the Nepal-Chine War ..... 202 2. VillagePanchayats During The Rana Period ..... 206 3. Miscellaneous Land Grants And Edowments ..... 202 4. Glossary of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occurring In Nepali Historical Documents ..... 222 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 202. On The Nepal-China War 1. Instructions To Kaji Davadatta Thapa1 From King Ran Bahadur. Regulations regarding the matters to be represented to the Chinese Emperor through Kaji Devadatta Thapa. We had offered Khillat2 and Kitap3 to the Chinese Emperor and thus shown regard for him.4 We knew nothing about the army of China. Syamarpa Lama said that he had lived in China for 5 or 7 years and that China's system5 was good. We felt that he had told us good things and therefore relied in him. He thus created a quarrel between Tibet and us. When Tung Thyang reached Lhasa with a big army, we told Syamarpa Lama: "you said you would be responsible if the Chinese came. Go there and meet your obligations." Thereupon Syamarpa Lama said, "I am ill. I shall go there after a get well." He showed great difficuty in saying this. He continued to be ill, and after a few days he died. After this Tung Thwang entered into out Kingdom woth a big army. We had shown regard for the Emperor from former tiomes. This happened because we trusted a mean person. We then sent our Bhardars to Tung Thyang so seek his favor and take refuge.6 Tung Thwang gave them refuge as was sought for. He said, "We shall settle your quarrel with Tibet. Send a Kaji with us along woth a petition and presents to the Emperor. I shall present him before the Emperor, provide refuge and send him back pleased, with great honors and rewards," The Maharaja7 said, "I am a child. If I send my uncle,8 there will be nobody to look after the country. I cannot therefore send him." 1. Regmi Research Collections, Vil. 5, PP. 220-222. 2. An Arabic term meaning robes presented by the State as a token of respect. 3. A corrupt form of the Arabic Kitab. It may mean either the collar of a robe or a book. 4. The original sentence is: "Chin Badshah lai hamile khilat ra kitap sir Charhai Badshah lai manyaiko ho." 5. The term used is dadtur. 6. Nepali expression is: " Baksauna Pichha Parna," 7. King Ran Bahadur. 8. Bahadur Shah. Contd........... 203. (Tell the Emperor):- "We have accordingly been sent to seek favor and take refuge. That is how we have come." If Tung Thyang shows favor and asks you to represent your interests and difficulties, represent the following matters to the Emperor:- From time immemorial, Nepal and Tibet had been using pure silver coins without any copper alloy. Later kings were indigent, and therefore they minted counterfeit coin mixed with copper and sent them to Tibet. During our regime, feeling that it was batter to use pure silver, we sent (coins) accordingly. In the beginning, Lhasa too considered this good. Subsequently, the pure silver coins and the coins mixed with coins began to circulate at par. Traditionally, the custom of using copper and silver on an equal basis has not existed. Sin will accrue if counterfeit coins are used. This will not be auspicious. Say that if our request is to be granted, Lhasa should be ordered to used pure silver coins. If asked about (our relations) with the [......], say that courtesy in the form of correspondence exists. If asked about (our relations) with Nawab Asafuddaula, say: "Our frontiers adjoin his in the west. He si on good terms with us." Say: "The Emperor has granted us refuge. We too show regard for the Emperor. If at any time a powerful enemy attacks us, we shall request assistance. At that time, we must be helped with latters and troops," Have the words "we shall help you" inserted in the letter to be sent to us by the Emperor. Give this matter topmost priority. Aswin Sudi 2, 1819. 2. Letter Sent To King Ran Bahadur Shah From Digarcha By Nepali Delegation Which Had Returned From Peking.9 Obeisance from Your Majesty's servants; Devadatta Thapa, Pratiman Rana, Jayanta Shah and Balabhadra. We are well here. Our obligations shall be fulfilled if your Majesty too is well. The news here is good, thanks to Your Majesty's valor. 9Dhanabajra Bajracharya and Gnyan Mani Nepal (Editors). Aitihasik Patra Sangraha ( A collection of Historical Letters). Kathmandu: Nepal Samskritik Parishad, 1957. PP. 77-79. Contd........... 204. In our previous letter, we had described our journey to Lhasa. It must have been represented to Your Majesty. We left Lhasa on Bhadra 16 and reached here on Bhadra 26. we shall meet the Lama here and leave this place in 2 or 4 days. Because of .......(words missing), the people have no geldings. Since we will have to use horses on bad roads, there may be some delay in the way. We shall not be able to arrive there for the Dashain festival. We think we shall be able to appear before Your Majesty 5 or 7 days after the Dashain. Hi Talayo, Li Taloya, Li Foya and Ma Foya, who accompanied us from Kerung to Peking, are Kashmiri interpreters. They came back to Lhasa from Peking along with us. The two Taloya intepretors remained in Lhasa. The Khan Amba summoned Li Foya, Ma Foya and Chhin Taloya of Digarcha to Lhasa and gave then necessary instructions. These three Chinese officials, and the three Dhewas of Lhase,......., Dhigipatemba and Tashikhamsa, and an interpreters of the four Kajis of Lhasa called Dhake, seven persons in all will escort us up to Kerung. (Li) Foya and Ma Foya, who will go back from Kerung, are Jamadars of 200 troops each. They took great care of us of the way and suffered much. It will therefore be good if Your Majesty sends us 3 Swords and Khukuris inlaid with gold, as well as,....... brocade of crimson color and I bakkhu (woolen blanket) to the 2 Taloyas and Li Foya. They will feel pleased...........Your Majesty should send some presents also to the 3 Dhewas and 1 interpreter of Lhasa. The Dalai Lama and the Khan Amba have sent Dhewa Chitung to Nepal from Lhasa along with instructions. They will come along with us and represent all matter there. We came to Tibet on..........business. If Your Majesty so pleases, we shall stay in Tibet for 1 or 2 days. We could make acquaintance from Tibet itself and then appear before Your Majesty. It will be good if the (present) solicited for the Chinese and Dhewas re sent soon. We shall represent other particulars after we come there. What more to wise persons? Bhadra Sudi 3, Camp Digarcha. Explanation After a treaty was concluded with China in 1849, a Nepali delegation consisting of Kaji Devadatta Thapa, Subba Pratiman Rana, Jayant Shah, (son of Narasingh Taksari) and Balabhadra (son of Khardat Bishnu shaker), went to the Chinese Emperor with presents, this letter was sent to King Ran Bahadur Shah after the delegation returned from China and arried in Digarcha. Before this, the delegation had sent a letter from Lhasa, describing its arrival in China, but we have not been able to secure that letter. Contd........... 205. This latter does not contain the year. It mentionsonly the dday of the month and of the week. A perusal of the calendat for that period shows the date is Bhadra 23, 1853 Vikrama. The letter mentions that the delegation would reach Kathamndu only agter the Dashain. Thus it took about three years for the Nepali delegation to return from China. After they crossed the frontiers of Nepal, members of the Nepali delegation was treated as guests of China. The Chinese governmet deputed its officials to escort them up to the frontiers on their way back. Their traveling expenses were borne, and all other arrangements made, by the Chinese government itself. Tibet too made some arrangement fo tis own in addition. In fact, it deputed officials to escort the delegation up to Kathmandu. The Nepalis took interpreters along with while visting Tibet and China. This letter mentions that the Nepali delegation was accompanied by a Kashmiri interpreter. Probably the Nepalis used thePersian Languagem while was used prominently at that time. In this letter, the Nepali delegation has requested King Ran Bahadur Shah to give Nepal-made goods such as Khukuris and Banat cloth as presents to the Chinese officials (Jamadars) who ascorted it up to Tibet. 206. Village Panchayats During The Period Village Panchayat Act, 1940* Preanble: Whereas it has been represented that even in cases other than those mentioned in Section 5 of the Law on Judicial Authority of Jagidars and Birta ownes in which compromise can be effect by the prominent persons of the village without formal complaints and responses being filed or penalties being awaded, (the litigants) do not approach such prominent persons and, instead, take reccurse to the court even in minor matters ehcih could be settled amicably, so that they cannot attend to their occupations an are liable to undergo penalties, and are thus harassed, Whereas, on Baisakh 27, 1983 (May 10, 1926) an order was issued authorizing th formation of Panchayats in Dang-Deukhuri district on an experimental basis to see whether the establishment of Panchayats could facilities the disposal or amicable settlement of complaints or disputes within the village itself, therby anabling the people to attend to their occupations without any hindrance. Whereas Panchayats consisting of elected representations of the local villages were formed (under the aforesaid order) and entrusted with the functions of maintaining law and order within the Panchayat area.cultivating (waste) lands, making arrangement for construction of dams, irrigation channels, etc. Whereas Panchayat courts had also been established to dispose of complaints of disputes in matters affecting th customs, usage, etc of the local Tharu community, through persuasion or compromise where possible or else through direct arbitration (by the Panchayat court), Whereas Panchayats had ben instituted in 1930 at 2 places in Bhaktapur, 6 places in Lalitpur (including one at Lubhu), 9 places in Kathmandu and in 1936, one Panchayat had bee formed for every 4 or 5 villages or moujas in Saptari and Bethari (Tarai) and in East No. 2 and Wesr No. 3 (hill region) at the discretion of the local Bada Hakims, subject to the provision that all disputes or complaint filed according to law shall, as far as practicable, be disposed of the settled by Panchayats through persuasion or compromise in the presence of the Chairman of the Panchayat, to be elected by people in that Panchayat area, other Panchayat members and the litigants, as well as the prominent persons of the village, and where compromise is not possible the disputes shall be referred to the court. *Government of Nepal, Gaun Panchayat Ko Ain (Village Panchayat Act). First Promulgated: Aswin 19, 2006 (October 5, 1949). Reprinted: 2009 Vikrama (1952) Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 31, pp. Contd....... 207. Whereas reports submitted by district headquarter offices state that Panchayat in all the areas where these have been formed are performing their functions without giving excuse to any person for filing complaints thereagainst, that complaints about improper actions by Panchayats members have not so far been received and that the establishment of Panchayats in an orderly manner within a short time there has proved to be of a great convenience for the villagers in getting their grievances redressed locally, without suffering any harassment, so that people in othe districts too have started demanding the formation of Panchayar ion their villages, Whereas orders and regulations had been promulgated providing for the formation of such Panchayat in all the town and villages or moujas both inside and outside of Kathmandu Valley at the discretion of the (appropriate) district Bada Hakims, and empowering (Panchayats) to disposeof public complaints by effecting compromise in accordance with the law in the presence of the Jimidar or Talukdar of the village, who will function as chief Pancha, and other Panchayat members elected by the local function residents, Whereas reports from district headquaters offices in the districts where Panchayats there are functioning well an that no complaints against aby Panchayat member have so far been received, thus indicating that the public in those districts as well can now get their complaints disposed on locally, without facing any inconvenience or harsassment, thanks to the introduction of Panchayats in thire villages, Whereas Jimidars and other prominent persons as well as othe people from the Tarai districts have submitted petitions to us to the effect that it would be convenient to all is a provision was made stipulating that no complaint filed by anu person shall be entertained unless it is first lodged with the local Village Panchayat, an if other additional power were conferred on Panchayats, Whereas, in response to the aforesaid petition, provisions have been made for forming Village Panchayat each consisting of a Chairman elected by a majority of the local inhabitants, 7 members elected by them, and a member nominated by the government, with powers to dispose of cased by effecting compromise where possible according to the law, and where no compromise is possible, dispose of the cases directly, in case the sum involved in litigation does not exceed Rs 100.00, and in case the fines to be awarded in such cases do not exceed Rs 25.00; fot prohibiting any villager to file his directly at the (Civil or Criminal) Court without obtaining from the appropriate panchayat a certificate authorizing him to do so; and for entrusting Panchayats with such functions as making arrangement for sanitation and cleanliness in the Panchayat area, maintaining law and order, promoting the development of education, agriculture, industry, etc, arranging for the construction and maintenance of dams, Contd........... 208. channels and other irrigation facilities as well as of roads, talking such measures as may be needed to insure that the public is not harassed in any way by landowners and other prominent persons of the village, an so on, whereas the aforesaid powers hade been conferred on Panchayats in Tarai distrcts provisionally fro 2 years beginning Chaitra 25, 2003 (April 6, 1947) pending the enforcement of the new regulations, whereas the Constitution Committee, consisting of the Minister and Commader-in- Chief, the General of the Western and Eastern Commands, other Generals, the Naib Bada Guruju and other officers and offices heads has, in pursuance of our of directive to determine, at its own discretion, the extent of amendments to be effected in the existing regulations, or of power to be conferred to Panchayats ion the hill and Tarai regions, had submitted a draft ( of the Village Panchayat Act), And whereas we have approved the said draft sunmitted by the Construction Committee, Now therefore, we hereby enact the folloeing Village Panchayat Act throughout the State of Nepal. Necessary copies of this Act shall be printed and issued by the Gorkhapatra Printing Press and shall be forwarded (against receipts containing necessary particulars) to all appropriate persons in order to insure that Panchayats and Panchayat Courts already existing in areas where new Panchayats are to be formed after demarcating their boundaries under the provisions of this (Village Panchayat) Act may be abolished in a smooth manner. Part I 1. (a) This law may be called the Village Panchayat Act. (b) The Central Administration Office shall punish orders, notification and rules in the prss in respect to the enforcement ofthis Act. (c) If so necessary, the Central Administrative Office may change or amend such rules. 2. (a) In order to establish a Village Assembly in everyh village or group if villages, a notification shall be published indicatioing the name and boundaries as well as the number of members of the Panchayat of such Village Assembly. Contd........... 209. (b) The area under the jurisdiction of every Village Assembly thus established may at any time be altered at the discretion of the government or on the representation of such Village Assembly or the inhabitants of the village, if the reasons advanced therein are considered proper. 3. (a) Every Village Assembly as mentioned in the notification shall be considered a coporate body. It shall discharge functions within its authority according to laws and regulations. For the food of the body, it may sell, purchase or accept as gift or donation movable and immovable propery and make proper arrangements in respect thereto, an issue or accept contracts of any other kind liki an individual. It may sue and be aued against like an individual. (b) Every Village Assmbly shall have a separate seal of it own. 4. All genuine citizens of the area under the jurisdictoion of the Village Assembly who have attained the age of 21 years, other than those mentioned below, shall be its members:- (a) Lunatics. (b) Lepers. (c) Persons who have been declared bankrupt and insolvent. (d) Government employees posted in the area (under the jurisdiction of the Village Assembly). (e) Persons who have been sentenced to, or have underfone, imprisonment for more than six months for any offense, and have been released on parole for good conduct. (g) Members of associations which have been banned by the government. Contd.......... 210. 6. (a) The disqualifications mentioned in Clauses (e) and (f) of Section 4 may be removed by order of the government. (b) in case any person who is disqualified to become a member of the Village Assembly under Section 4 is already working as a member thereof for any reason, the action taken by the Village Assemby including such person shall not be invalid. 7. (a) In case any area comprising a Village Assembly is amalgamated with any Town or Village Panchayat, such Village Assembly shall be dissolved and aaccounts of its income and expenditure and its assets as well as documents in respect to the functions performed by it shall be handed over to the Town or Village Panchayat into which it is amalgamated. (b) In case any constituent area of a Village Assembly is situated within any Town or Village Panchayat area, only such part shall be separated (from the Village Assembly) and the accounts of income and expenditures and assets in respect to such part as well as documents ocncrning th functions performed in therein shall be handed over to the Town or Village Pancahayat in which it is merged. Chapter II Meetings And Funtions Of Village Assembly 8. (a) The members of the Village Assembly shall duly elect from among themselves a Chairman, a Vice-Chairman as well as an executive to be known ad the Village Panchayat consisting of such number of members prescribed in the order, each with term of 3 years. (b) The members of the Village Panchayat shall duly elect from among themselves a Chairman and a Vice-Chairman, each of whom shall have a tenure of three years. (c) Every member of the Village Panchayat shall hold office for three years. The Chairman of the Village Assembly shall cause one third of the members of the Village Panchayat to retire every year by rotation, and arrange for fresh elections to replace them. Note:- At the end of the first and the second year of he formation of the Village Panchayat, the Chairman shall organize lots to decide which one-third of the members should retire. Contd............ 211. (d) Only persons who have attained the age of 25 years or more, are literate, hold property (land, house, etc) within the area under the jurisdiction of the concerned Village Panchayat, and whose names are registered in the voters lists on the Village Panchayat, shall be entitled to be elected to the Village Panchayat. (e) Before assuming office, every member and employee of the Village Panchayat shall take oath in the following mannar at the Village Panchayat meeting:- "I swear by the name of God as well as the government of Nepal that I shall discharge my duties faithfully and impartially." (f) The Chairman of the Village Assembly, or, in his absence, the Vice-Chairman, shall conduct the proceedings of meetings of the Assembly. (g) In case any member dies or voluntarily resigns from his post, his seat shall be deemed to have fallen vacant. But no member shall continue in the following circumstances, when he shall relinquish his post. In case he does not relinquish his post in the following circumstances, the Village Panchayat shall cause him to do so:- (1) In case he suffers from any of the disqualifications mentioned in Section 4, (2) In case he absents himself from three consecutive meetings of the Village Panchayat without assigning any satisfactory reasons therefore to th Chairman by means of a Notice, (3) In case any member willfully secures contracts from the Village Panchayat or accepts contracts or becomes a partner in any contract concluded with the Village Panchayat, (4) In case he indirectly or convertly assists any person in filing suit against the Village Panchayat or assista him in prosecuting a case against the Village Panchayat or openly pleads such cases himself, (5) In case he behaves in a manner which is incompatible with his post or misuse his position so as to cause harm to the public. (h) the Chairman of the Village Panchayat, and, during his absence, the Vice-chairman on the former's written order, shall perform the following functions:- Contd.......... 212. (1) To convene meetings of the Village Panchayat according to need, subject to the provisions of this Act and the Village Panchaayat Roles, preside over such meetings and conduct the proceedings thereof. (2) To supervise the work of employees of the Village Panchayat, (3) To look after the financial affairs of the Village Panchayat, and to notify the Village Panchayat of omissions, if any, found therein, (4) To perform such functions as the Chairman is required to perform under the different provisions ofd the law and regulations relating to Village Panchayats. (5) To perform any other function under authority granted by the Village Panchayat, (6) To submit such reports and statements as may be asked for by the District Panchayat or the concerned Central Administrative office and forward resolutions passed by the Village Panchayat to such office within the prescribed time-limit. (i) The Chiarman may have any functions within his authorit, other than those mentioned in Sub-Clause (10 of Clause (h) of Section 8, performed by the Vice-Chairman under his supervision. He shall direct the Vice-Chairman to perform such functions through a written order. 9. (a) The Village Assembly shall hold its general meeting and conduct its proceedings twice a year-once after the harvesting of the winter frop and once after the harveating of the monsoon crop. In case the Chairman himself so deems proper, or in case a minimum of 20% of the total members file an application requiesting for the conveying of a meeting to discuss a particulars matter explaining the reasons therefore, the Chairman may convene an extraordinary meeting withion 30 days from the date of the receipts of such application. He shall issue a written notice specifying the date, venue and agenda of such meeting. (b) No meeting shall be held unless it attended by at least 10% of the totall members. In case quorum is not achieved, another date for holding the meeting shall be fixed and such meeting may be held even if it may be attended bu a minimum ot 5% of the members. No meeting shall be held if tie is attended by less than 5% of the total members. Contd.......... 213. (c) The employees deputed for this purpose shall demarcate the wards of the Village Assembly in such a manner as to make it convenient for holding elections to the Village Assembly. (d) The Chairman, Vice-Chairman as well as all othe members of the Village Panchayat shall not be required to discharged compulsory labor obligations and pay other taxes other than those to be levied on houses and compounds according to the tax-assessment records as long as they hold-office. 10. (a) The Village Assembly shall, at its meeting to be held annually after the harvesting of the monsoon crop, inspect and approve statements of income and expenditure for the preceeding year as well as for the current year up to the date of such meeting prepared by the Village Panchayat and clear the budget for the next fiscal year presented by kthe Village Panchayat. (b) The Village Assembly may revise or alter statements of income and expendityre presented by the Village Panchayat. (c) The Village Assembly shall, at the ordinary meetins to be held after th harveating of the winter crop, discuss or make [..........] of the measures taken vy the Village Panchayat in its area, the disputes disposed of by the Panchayat Court, as well as matters relating to the happeness or welfare of the villagers, formulate new plans and present them at the village Panchayat meetings. Chapter III Duties, Functions And Power Of Village Panchayats 11. The Village Panchayat shall perform the following functions. It shall allocate funds for such functions within the limits of its income. (a) To construct and repait roads and keep them clean. (b) To make arrangements for protecting the health of the public. (c) To look after sanitation and take measures for preventing and arranging medical treatment for epidemics and infections disease. (d) To protect and look after the buildings and othe assets in the custody of the Village Assembly as well as those that may be added to its custody subsequently. (e) To compile and maintain population records. Contd.......... 214. (f) To remove encroachments, if any, by other persons on the houses or other assets belonging to or in the custody ofd the Village Assembly. (g) To maintain crematoria and arrange for places where corpses are thrown. (h) To submit reports to the District Administration office regarding measures taken for the benefit of the village under the jurisdiction of the District Panchayat. (i) To open and manage schools for providing primary education to children. (j) To set aside and take care of pasture grounds. (k) To construct, repair and protect public wells, tanks, ponds, water taps as well as sources of water, and arrange for and protect drinking places for cattle and ponds for washing and to protect trees situated around sources of water. (l) To construct new houses, extend or alter the structure of existing ones. (m) To extend assistance in the developmentg of agriculture, trade and industry. (n) In the even of the outbreak of fire, to make arrangements for extinguishing it and protecting life and property from the fire. (o) Te elect members to the Panchayat Court. (p) To make arrangements for maternity and child welfare. (q) To select places fro dumping garbage. (r) To perform any other function assigned to the Village Assembly. (s) To make arrangements for the formation of the Panchayat Court and for meeting oitrs expenses. (t) To make arrangements for maintaining cattle-pounds. (u) To increase the cattle population, improve cattle breeding protect them from diseases and make arrangements for their treatment. Contd.......... 215. (v) To fill up and level dumping grounds and pits containing garbage. (w) To appoint peons to act as guards or sentries, and deliver written orders issued by the Panchayat and the Panchayat Court in accordance with the rules. (x) To contribute 20% of its income to the District Panchayat and to submit, if necessary, reports to the letter in accordance with the provisions of the Act. (y) To make arrangements for propagating and imparting training on cottage industry. (z) To make safeguards against theft, robbery, assault, etc, in moujis or wards of the Village Panchayat area or to quell riots or disturbances during fairs or exhibitions, arrest and hand over the culprits (to the police station) with the cooperation of the local people, and in the event of such assistance being inadequate, with the assistance of the District Administration office of the Police Station after informing them accordingly; and to provide information, ir any available, under Section 40 of the law on Judicial Procedure (of the Legal Code). (aa) To take steps to prevent cows, buffaloes or other animals from damaging or destroying farms or fields. (ab) To look after the property of lunatics and orphans and make provisions fro feeding destittutes according to the law on Poverty and Indigency. (ac) To prepare lists of members of the Village Assembly after it is constituted and to indicate charges if any, in the composition thereof every year. (ad) To accept copies of public notifications or proclamations (of the government) from the District administration office and Act accordingly and retai\n such copies with care. (ae) To perform within the area under its jurisdiction such functions as Talukdars and Jimidars (Tax collection functionaries) are required to perform under Section 2 of the law on Capital Offense. (af) To perform any other function of a Village Assembly without prejustice to the Act and rules. Contd............ 216. Optional Functions 12. The Village Panchayat, if it so desires, may perform the following functions as well:- (a)To plant trees on either side of the road as well as in other appropriate places. (b) To establish cooperative societies. (c) To maintain godowns for the storage of improved seeds and agriculture tools. (d) To undertake relief measures in the event of femine and other calamities. (e) To open libraries and reading rooms and submit reports thereof. (f) To arrange for sports grounds and gymnasiums. (g) To see that places used fro such purposes as leather work, dying and cooking are kept away from settlements, so that they may not cause any inconvenience to the villagers. (h) To maintain radio sets and gramophones. (i) To make arrangement for lighting. (j) To open and run markets, fairs and hats (seasonal markets). 13. (a) Canals and irrigation channels other than those under the control of the government and individuals, drains and main roads and tracks (within the village) shall remain under the control of Village Panchayat. In case it is necessary to repair such canals or channels, construct new drains, culverts, etc, or shift existing ones to other places, or to expand, deepen or improve such canals, drains, culverts etc, the Village Panchayat shall do so without causing any damage to adjoining fields or farms, as far as possible. The Village Panchayat may clear any bushes and trees, or branches therof, if it is necessary to do so far the aforesaid purposes. (b) The Village Panchayat shall make arrangements for separate places for drawing drinking water, washing, bathing, etc, in order that filth and dirts may not reach them. Contd..... 217. 14. (1) The Village Panchayat, if it so deems necessary to improve public health in the village, may, by notification, direct the concerned persons to undertake the following functions according to their capacity within a specified time-limit:- (a) To repair or alter the design of lavatories and latrines or other similar dumping places. (b) To clean ponds, tanks or river spouts. (c) To clean bushes or grasses within the compound of houses. (d) To remove garbages from the compound. (2) In case the owner of the concerned house is aggrieved by such notification, he may file an appeal against such order with the District Administration Office within 30 days from the date of the receipts thereof. 15. (a) Every Village Panchayat shall be required to open primary schools and Pathsals in accordanece with the rules meant for primary schools and Pathsalas. The Village Panchayat shall introduce such curricula as are prescribed by the Education Departmant and appointed qualified teachers for such schools. It shall provide assistance to existing schools or Pathsalas. (b) The Village Panchayat shall open dispensaries subject to the rules framed by the Healh Deparment. (c) The subsides received from the government as well as contribution in each cash or in kind collected for purposes mentioned in the preceded rules shall be kept with care and accounts thereof shal be maintained. 16. In case any Village Panchayat is unable to establish schools or dispensariesw in its adrea independently, it may open schools and dispensaries jointly with othr Village Panchayat. 17. (a) In case the District Administration Offic issues any written order to the Village Panchayat Directing it to provide assistance to government employees who are deputed to its ares on any official business of any kind, it shall accordingly provide evry possible cooperation to them. Contd........... 218. (b) In case any person who has committed any offems punishable by law and regulations in respect to State cases, or has absconded from jail, or is in arrears to the government, or in respect to whom notification and warrants have been issued, is found entering the Pamchayat area, the Village panchayat shall inform the appropriate office or regional court accordingly and shall assist in arresting him. 18. (a) In case the Village Panchayat feels that it is necessary to undertake any task for the welfare of the people within its area, it shall inform the concerned Central Administration Office of the Steps needed to be taken respect thereto and then act as directed. (b) In case any government employee deputed on official business, or any Jimidar, Patuwar, Talukdar or any other person, is found to have harassed or to be harassing the local people, the Village Panchayat shall report the matter District Administration Office. On receipts of such reports, the concerned District Administration Office shall take action or direct action to be taken according to law and regulations. 19. In case the Village Panchayat is asked to recover government arrears or any other outstading amounts from persons within the area under its jurisdiction, or in case it is requested by any person to collect rents or any other dues which he is entitled to receive according to law and regulations, the Village Panchayat may recover such arrears, rents or other dues on the basis of a contract or in any other manner which may benefit it. 20. In case any member of the Village Panchayat or any Joint Committee formed under this Act or the rules, or any member thereof, misappropriates or cause loss of funds belonging to or in the possession of the Panchayat, omly such member or committee shall be personally accountable therefore. Suits may be filed against such member or committee in order to realize such loses. 21. A permanent Taharir (clerk) may be appointed in order to conduct the business of the Village Assembly smoothely. His salary shall be paid from of the Village Assemby Fund. In case it is required to appoint more than one such employee or to appoint-any number of temporary employees, the Village Assembly shall seek the approval of the appropriate office and act as directed. If it becomes necessary, the Village Assembly any appoint one person on a temporary basis fro a maximum period of six months. It any also dismises it employees. Contd.......... 219. 22. The Village Panchayat may, if necessary, form any committee from among its members to assist in the performance of any function specified in this Act. The Village Panchayat may delegate any of its powers to such committee. 23. Two or more Village Assemblies may jointly form a committee to disouse matters concerning their areas and delegate necessary powers to it. The inhabutants of such villages or areas shall be under obligation to abide by the rules framed by such Joint Committee. 24. Every Village Panchayat shall maintain a fund of its own. The folloeing amouts shall be credited to this fund after making entry thereof in the accounts. 25. (a) Proceeds of taxes which the village Panchayat is empowered to levy under this Act. (b) Subsidy in cash or in kind granted by the government to the Village Assembly. (c) Amounts which are directed by any government court to be credited to the accouts of the Village Panchayat. (d) Proceeds from fines, Baksauni, etc, imposed under Section 43 of the Panchayat Court Act. (e) Sale proceeds of garbage, cow-dung, carcasses, etc, collected by employees of theVillage Panchayat. (f) Loans ontained the Village Assembly. (g) Subsides or grants provided by the District Panchayat or any other Panchayat. (h) Donations made by any person to the Village Assembly. (i) Financial subsidy granted to it by the government for purposes specified by it. (j) Amounts received (from any person or agency) under Section 17. (k) Fines on stray animals and othe levies imposed under the Act and regulations. (l) Income accruing from the movable and immovable assets in the possession of theVillage Assembly. To Be Continued 220. Miscellaneous Land Grants And Edowments 1. Land Grant To Muslim Caretakers Of Ranipokhari Tank In Kathmandu From King Ran Bahadur, To Karimullah, Rahimullah, Fakrullah and Bismillah. You have constructed a new house on a plot of land near the Ranipokhari brigde and are living there. We hereby grant this land to you as Gharbari. Construct seats and doors on the rest-house on the bridge. Keep it locked from early evening throughout the night. Keep it open during the day. Do not permit anybody to wash his cloths or bathe his head, or ro pass urine or excretion, in the tank, with due loyalty, plant fruits and flowers on the land and appropriate the produce. Kartik Sudi 5, 1852 (9/16) 2. Guthi Endowment For Whitewashing Brigde On Bishnumati River In Kahmandu From King Girban. We hereby endow 300 muris of lands mentioned below fro whitewashing the bridge on the Bishnumati river on Kartik Badi 1 every year. YasdharBajrakarma is entrusted with the responsibility of operating this Guthi. Income from these lands shall be utilized to whitewash the bridge. 10 ropanis of lands have been allotted as the endowments of the Guthiyar. The surplus amount shall be kept in reverse to finance neccesay repairs. In case the amount proves to be enadquate, the matter shall be referred to us. (Particulars of 300 muris of lands situated in Kirtipur and Thansing Nuwakot district follow). Shrawan Badi 10, 1867 (9/62) 3. Confirmation Of Land Grant Made During Solar Eclipse From Kinf Giraban, To Gopal Jha, sone of Tata Jha. Formally, the Kinf of Makwanpur had granted the mouja of Sudiyahi on Mahottari parganna of Mahottari district, after indicatin the boundaries thereof, as Kush Birta during as solar eclipse with the object of propitiate. Contd....... 221. Vishnu. Our father (i.e. King Ran Bahadur) has confirmed this grant for propitiating Vishnu. Udaya Singh and Ganapati Padhya had been deputed to measure the lands so that a copper plate might be issued. They have demarcated the boundaries and submitted their report. We hereby issue this royal order on copper plate (confirming the grant) of the lands being utilized so far as well as all revenures accruing therefrom, with the exception of Godduwa, Gadimubarak, Chumawan and Sair. With due loyalty, reclaim the land and promote settlement, and appropriate the prodece, knowing it to be Kush Birta, and enjoy happiness from generation to generation. Wish victory for us and bless us. The Birta owner shall not encroach upon lands nor mentioned in the grant, which shll not be confiscated without any offense being committed. In case you so nit comply with these restrictions, you shall be a sinner in this world. Any person who confiscates land granted by himself or by other shall be reborn as a worm and live in human excretion fro 60,000 years. Baisakh 1 (Badi 8) 1869 (9/223) 4. Waste Land Grant For Guthi Endowment For Maintenance Of Water-Spout From King Rajendra, To Jaifar Adhikari. We hereby grant 13 muris of waste land in Khari for endowment as Guthi to repair and maintain the water-spout constructed by you on the Khari hill on the main road leading to Bunkot. With due loyalty, reclaim the weste land, repair and maintain the water- spout and use the land as Guthi. (Particulars of land follow). Marga Badi 14, 1891 (9/282) 222. Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occurring In Nepal Historical Documents Munsiff ..... A district-level official responsible for land mearement and the prepation of tax assessment records in the Tarai districts. Hi high status is proved by the authority granted to him to dismiss Chaudharis and other revenue collection functionaries in consultaion with the chief of the district administration if they refused to reclaim waste lands. The Munsiff was also responsible for land reclamation and resettlement. He was authorizesd to give tax exemption to settles for an initial period or 2 or 3 years. Musa Praja ..... Ryots who were under the jurisdiction no of the State but of Birta or Kipat owners. In contradistinction, those who were under the control of the State were known as Raja Praja. Nankar ..... Lands assigned to Chaudharis and other revenue collection functionaries as their emoluments in the Tarai districts. Nayak ..... An official appointed by the Government of Nepal in Lhasa, Tibet, to exercise judicial authority over the local Nepali business community. He was assigned by leading merchants, who were known a Thakalis. Nirkhi ..... A tax collected from settlers and purchasers of communities in the eastern Tarai districts. It was abolished some time after 1798. In 1805, the tax was introduced for sellers only in the central and eastern hill regions. Contd.......... 223. Nisaf ..... A corrupt form of the Arabic "Nisaf" which meant "taxable nimimum." A levy was collected on this basis on lands allotted to Mokaddams in the eastern Tarai before 1794. Nun-Bhansari ..... An official appointed to collect dutieson salt imported from Tibet. Nwagi-Kharch ..... A levy collected in Thak and elsewhere in the form of newly-harvested grains. Pagari-Dastur ..... A payment of Rs 5 collected from the winner in a court case in return for a turban (Pagari). Pahidar (Also Pahikasht) ..... In the Tarai districts, cultivator who does not live in the village where his lands are situated. Pakho ..... Unirrigated hillside or high lands possibly a corrupt form of the Persian "bakhs." Panchakhat ..... Originally, offenses relating to bribery, smuggling, murder (including infanticide), assault resulting in the shedding of blood and cow-slaugh. Subsequently, offenses involving cap[.....] punishment, shaving of the head, branding for degradation to a lower caste and loss of caste. Panchit ..... A levy imposed in the eastern Tarai districts before 1793; the proceeds were appropriated by local official and functionaries. Replaced by the Gram-Kharcha levy in that year. Patra ..... Waste lands, possibly a corrupt from of the Mughal term "Parauti." Basuban ..... Compensation paid to the husband by a person whi took his wife. Contd.......... 224. Patuwari ..... In the Tarai districts, a functionary who maintains tax assessment and collection records. Paulo ..... A quatity of gold dust equal to 6 mashas, valued at Rs 8 in Jumla in 1836. Peshkar ..... A judicial functionary in some Tarai districts. Potadar ..... An official appointed to collect the Pota tax on Birta lands in Kathmandu Valley. Pradhan ..... (1) A revenue collection functionary in Kathmandu Valley at the village level chosen from among local landownes. (2) Headman of the Putwar, Dole, Bala, Duiya, Dali and other communities in Kathmandu Valley. Puchhahi ..... A tax levied on falcons in Jumla, Dullu, Dailekh and other areas. Purohiti ..... A tax imposed on Brahman priests in the eastern Tarai districts. Prajajat ..... A generic term used to denote such communities as Bhote, Chepang, Darai, Majhi, Hayu, Danuwar, Kumhal and Pahari, but not Gurung, Limbu and Rai. Pradhan ..... (1) A revenue functionary in Kumaun who assised the Kamin in the collection of revenue and the exercise of judicial authority. (2) In Kathmandu Valley, there were four Pradhans to assist the Dware in discharging similar functions. Raibandi ..... (1) Tax assessment schedule. Contd....... 225. Rajwar Sagaudha Sahanapal Sair (2) Land allotments among local inhabitants in proportion to their physical capacity and the size of their families. (3) A generic term used to denote taxes and levies the proceeds of whoich accrued to the royal palace. These included Walak, Godan, Chumawan, Gadimubarak, Godduwa, and Fattemubarak. A revenue collection functionary in the far-western Tarai. A levy on communal facilities such as pastures and sources of water in the eastern Tarai districts. (1) A fumctionary appointed in villages in Kathmandu Valley to prevent cattle from straying into fields. (2) A tax collection from peasants to finance the amoluments of the Sahanapal. Taxes other than land tax, such as customs duties. To Be Continued (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: October 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No. 10, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. Rituals In Nepali Life ..... 227 2. Village Panchayats During The Rana Period ..... 241 3. Gorkha-Tanahu Treaties, 1769 ..... 251 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd fro private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 227. Rituals In Nepali Life* By Badri Ratna and Ratna Kaji Bajracharya Let su discuss here the traditional rites performed in Nepal from birth ti death and afterwards. From The Sambalodaya Tantra Birth becomes possible when a father and a mother unite, following the pathe of enjoyment. The genital organ of the mother is joined at the center by arterios, one secreting semen and the other blood, coming, from the right and the left sides respectively. At the center the fathere's semen joins the mother's blood, forming thereby a compound, which in the form of a drop passes into the womb of the mother. The compound becomes a pudding-like mass of semen and blood after the first month, a thin substance after the second, a mass of [.....] after the third and a solid substance after the fourth. With the wind passing through it the solid mass then takes the form of a fish in the fifth month developing hands, feet, head and body in small proportions an also all the five senses of eyes, ears, nose, tongue and mind. (Bones and livers are formed in the sixth month). Hairs and nail develop in the seventh month. In the eighth, all the senses are developed and in the tenth everything is complete and bith takes place. *Badri Ratna and Ratna Kaji Bajracharya, Nepali Jan Jivan Kriya Paddhati (Rituals in Nepal Life), Kathmandu: The authors, 1963, 38 PP (Newari). Contd........... 228. Removal Of The Umbilical Cord From The Manjushri Parajika For the benefit of the new-born baby nine varieties of seeds (including areca-nuts) are presented and then the umbilical cord shall be cut off against a fruit, with prayer that the child may grow wise. On this occasion, the baby shall be bathed; auspicious music played, religious gifts distributed; and celebrations held. The family shall then observe impurity caused by the birth of the child. Purificatory Rites From The Manjushri Parajika Purificatory rites shall be performed in the traditional manner. The child shall be consecrated with a water jar and blessed. Ghee and honey shall be kept on a leaf of a papil (Ficus religiosa) tree, and worship shall then be offered according the rules. Thereafter the child shall be made to taste the ghee and honey. Six pathis of Shali paddy shall be heaped at a place. (A circular figure of Manjushri, drawn on a piece of slate, shall be placed on the top of the heap). Sixth lighted wicks shall be placed all around it, and worship shall be offered with all th three different thoughts of abstract meditate. Then the horoscope shall be drawn up according to the principles explained in the Graha Sadhana. The planets shall be worshiped. The night shall be passed in a vigil and the Graha Matrika recited. The Naming Ceremony From The Manjushri Parajika The naming ceremony of the child shall be performed according to the prescribed letter of the alphabet, on the tenth, twelfth or twentieth day of its birth. Ceremony Of Exposure To The Sun The child shall be exposed to the Sun either after the first to the third month of tis birth. This will greatly benefit the child. Contd....... 229. The ceremony of giving the child food shall be held in the sixth month or after a year of its birth. On this occasion a tray with ornaments, clothes clay, cotton, paddy, ink, pen etc on it shall be placed before the child, so that it may pick up anything it likes, indicating thereby its life in the future. Thereafter it shall be given food. Protection From The Planets From The Namasutra Parajika (On the occasion of the food giving ceremony) the child shall be made ro wear a necklace onj multicoloted threada bearing an amulet containing a coral, hingul, kut, the Sabhanjan fruit, nardostachys Jatamansi, a piece of cloth, a piece of iron, terminalia chebula, a piec of copper, and a piece of silver, symbolic of the Sun, the moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn, Rahu, Ketu and birth respectively. This will greatly benefit and protect the child. Purification Of Throat The day following the food giving ceremony, a water jar shall be worshipped and the throat purificatory rites performed by cleaning the child' mouth with a stick, then sending it to the local deity and presenting it with auspicious articles. Shaving Of Head From The Manjushri Parajika The ceremony of tonsure shall be held between the seventh and the twelfteh year of the child' life formation in the mother' womb, in the manner followed by Brahmins, Kshtriya, Vaishyas and Shudras. Ear-holes shall also be made on the occasion. Bratabandha Ceremony The Bratabandha ceremony shall be held in the seventh or twelfth year of birth. On the occasion the boy's head shallce shaved except on the crown, and nails shall be cut off. He shall then be made to bathe himself with sesame and myrobalans worshipped according to the prescribed rites. An arrow, a sacred thread and the branch of a birth tree, shall be given to him, and he shall be sent to the forest. In case he is to commence the life of a householder, he shall be taken to the temple of Ganesh in the locality and brought back home after giving him alms at the gates of his house. Contd.......... 230. Rites Of Monasticism The boy's head shall be completely shaved and his nails cut off. He shall wear yellow robes and undergo training in the Five and Ten Principles. He shall be sent to the Sangha, given a bowl, Kundhar Shilalaku, instructed in the Shat Paramita and the Chatur Brahma Arya Satya. From The Manjushri Parajika He shall then be given education in various branches of learning including Bodhi Chitta Jnyan, whereupon he shall be known as a Bhikshu. He shall, however, be known as Shramaner if he is given education only in half of the above, and Chairak, if educated only in a quarter. Among these three categories the highest is the Bhikshu. The cannot perform sacrificial rites. Rites Of Initiation Into Priesthood (Bajracharya) From The Kriya Sangraha A Bhikshu, who is born in the Shakya family and enters the monastic order, shall be addressed as Bande. The Bhikshu who, afterwards, holdsa a hell and an object representing a thunder-bilt shall be called a Bajracharya From The Manjushri Parajika A Bhikshu who deserves to attain Nirvan (i.e. final liberation) and who sheds his desires shall be invested with a bell and an onject representing a thunderbolt. He shall then be aithorisee to perform sacrificial rites. A Bhikshu who is invested with these two objects shall be conferred the title of Bajracharya and then permitted to persue and recite the Mahayan Sutra. Marriage From The Kriya Sangraha On an auspicious day and moment a girl whi is blessed with good qualities shall be brought. (Sacrificial rites and wedding shall be performed according to traditional rites). Her body shall be purified. A piece if iron and a lighted wick in a pathi shall in turn be rotated in the air before her face. She shall then be made to homage to the gods. After that she shall be given cloths and ormanents to wear. Contd....... 231. She shall hold a box, containing yellow powder, vermilion and a piece of gold and offer them to gods and elders. Thereafter she shall have red powder put on the parting of the hair over her head with a metal stick which subsequently shall be placed on her hair. Handing The bride To The Groom From The Panigrahan Bidhan Ginger, salt, raw-suger, chutro, madan-pushpa, fish, the Sobhanjan fruit, frog, betel, nuts, fried rice and whole rice grains packed in leaf and suspending it by a special thread 101 times longer than her height shall be put round her neck. (She shall then be given a marriage vessel). A Swastik mark shall be drawn on her palm. A piece of thread, fried rice and rice grains shall be placed on it in a leaf. She shall then close her fist. Then with aa solem vow (Sankalpa), her hand shall be given to the boy. Nirshabhu Rites A system of performing Nikshabhu rites on the day following marriage I prevalent only among some persons. (A special feature of this rite is that the bride and her mother-in- law for the first time in their life share the kitchen. The exchange food between themselves from their plates--- Nepal Press Digest (Pvt) Ltd). Hair Baiding Ceremony It is a rite performed on the third day of the marriage. The boy then braids the hair of the bride. This system is also not observed by all. Confinemnt During Menstruation On the day when the girl is to be confined, she shall worship a water jar. She shall then be placed in a room arranged for the purpose. The Sun's rays shall not be allowed to enter the room. She shall also not be allowed to see any man. After the expiry of twelve days she shall take a bath an then have a look of the Sun. she shall then worship the Sun, visit a local temple and Ganesh. Auspicious articles shall be offered to her. Contd..... 232. The Seventy-Seventh Year From The Nem-sutra Parajika The seventh day in the seventh month of the 77th year of a person's life shall be celebrated by his or her children. Verses from the Grahamatrika shall be recited. A circle of the planets as described in the Grahasadhana shall be drawn and worshipped. The head shall be shaved and nails cut off. Everybody shall then have a purification bath. Rites on the occasion shall be performed by a person who witnessed 950 moons. A chariot shall be made for the purpose after the traditional custom of the family, euipped with horse, etc. This ceremonu is known as Bhimarath Kriya. The Eighty Eighth Year From The Nemasutra On the 8th day in the 9th month of the 88th year of a man's life, at the time when the 1000th moon is seem, one more such celebrations called Debarath shall be held. The celebration may also be held afer the 80the year of a man's life. On this occasion a circle symbolizing Goddess Basundhara shall be drawn, surrounded by eight blessings (Ashta Siddhi). The Ninetieth Year After the completion of the ninth day in the ninth month of the ninetieth year of a man's life, a celebration called Maharath shall be held on the day when 1200th moon is seen. As on the occasion of the first celebration known as Bhimarath, the Maharath shall be perfomed by making sacrificial platform, and drawing a circle of victiory and a coronet. Fruit Of Actions Birth, disease, and old age are the fruits of actions done in the previous life. They are natural to a person after his coming into being in his mother's womb. Major diseases, such as those originating from [.....] vile and phlegm, and typhoid are also the fruits of action done in the previous life. Contd....... 233. A good physician treats a patient by examining his tongue and pulse. He should similarly worship and appease terrible spirits, ghosts, gods, and serpents on suspicion that the desease might have been caused by them. Skillful persons are also then asked to use their magical powers. Horoscopes are also consulted to see of it was due to the influence of any planet. Thereafter necessary rites are performed as advised by those who have consulted the horoscope. In this way everything possible is done for the good of the patient. Then the family deity is worshipped. Offerings are presented and blessings are invoked. But a deadly disease, once it attacks a person, is not cured in spite of all possible efforts. (Finally) when the life-breath is about to go out of the nine gates, (ears, etc) and subsequently breathing becomes heaby, a sovereign drug (in pills) is administrared and a gift known as Baitarani is given to a preist. A cow also is gifted according to religious rites. An offering of water is made at the feet of the patient and then incantations relating to the family deity are recited in his presence. By this time nothing is left in his body except the breath of life which too finally deserts it and foes to the abode of Yama, the god of Death. Subsequently the soul is taken to see the field of action prepared by his own doings. He will get the fruits of his actions, whether godd or bad. Utkranti Rites (Passage of the soul of the body) Utkranti rites shall be performed after the death of a person and not before. If these rites are performed before the death takes place the person (in whose name they are performed---Nepal Press Digest (Pvt) Ltd) shall go to hell. Under these circumstances, Utkranfi rites shall be performed only after having proper knowledge of the facts. Contd....... 234. Funeral Rites Whien a person breathes his last, a piece of iron or a knife should be placed over his body, and lights should be kept burning towards his head and feet, and if possible, all around the body. Because of the influence of the iron or knife, the breath of life, which has gone cut, [.....] not re-enter the body. If nor, it may return and enter it, with the [.....] that it will nor have an accees to any good state (i.e. it will be condemned to the perpetual state of agati). This is why a piece of iron should be placed over the dead body. Casting of Cloths At Chhwasa Clothes, taken out of the dead body or his old cloths and seat (or mat) and the girdle worn rond his waist shall be thrown away at the ChhwasaChhwasa, the place where his umbilical cord had been thrown away at birth. This is to be done so because it may otherwise lead to the infection of the disease of the dead person. Smoking The Eaves Cowdung cakes shall be burnt in a clay-pot beside the main gate under the eaves, so as to emit smoke thereto. Discharging of smoke in this way into the whole house woll destroy the germs of the disease which had claimed the life of the deceaded person. Covering The Deady Bady With White Cloth, etc With cowdung make a drawing (on the ground----N P P (Pvt) Ltd) of a Swastik, sumbolizing "may it be well with him" and over it place the dead body, covered all over with cloth. Bringing it out therefrom, place it on a Kuta, ( a staircase-like chariot) decorated with astamangal (a collection of eight auspicious articles), Kirkinijal (a wreath of pieces of fruit), Fayagan ( a number of tinkling bells of paper), a wreath of flowers, flags etc and then scatter frie paddy, vermilion, flowers, etc all over the Kuta. Casting Of A Bamboo-Pot At Cross Roads When the dead body is taken out, the house shall be swept all over (with a broom- stick). The dust thus gathered shall be kept in a pot which subsequently shall be thrown away at the Chhwasa along with that broom-stick. The pot, the dust and the broomstick are thus to be thrown away because it will prevent the inmates of the house from getting infected with the disease of the deceased person. Contd.......... 235. Funeral Procesion From The Manjushri Parajika The dead body shall then be taken to the crematorium, led by a person sweeping the apth with a broom, another sprinkling water, the third burning incense, the fourth scattering paddy grains, the priests reciting the verses of Dharani, praying for the protection of the dead man's soul from evils, and a batch of instrument players, playing the funeral tunes, etc. (On the funeral ground, a pyre shall be made of fuelwood, over which the dead body shall be placed. Then the relatives an members of the family shall offer holy water to it. Rites To Be Performed On The Funeral Group From The Buddhokta Sansaramaya In front of the dead body, three riceballls shall be offered-one to crows, another to spirits and the third to dogs. The bells shall be offered by the son or in his absence by the wife or her absence by the brother of in his absence by some other relative. (By virtue of offering a rice ball ro crows, the dead person shall not be reborn as a bird.) By virtue of offring a rice-ball to dogs, he shall not be reborn as an animal. And by virtue of offering a rice ball ro spirits, he shall not attain the state of a spirit or a lower animal. By virtue of offring a rice ball to crows efforts will be accomplished, while be that to dogs the path of religion will be seen. And by virtue of offering a rice-ball to spirits, freedom from leading a spirits' lige will be achieved. Fire then shall be consecrated at the mount of the dead body. (Consecration is fthus to be made at the crematorium because a sacrificial ball in front of a divine mother's matrika) place or on the bank of a river always remains constant). Contd............ 236. Washing Away Of Ashes From The Manjushri Parajika On the third day the bones of the dead body shall be washed and worshipped. The ashes at the crematorium shall also be worshipped ans heaped to form a monument and again worshipped. Thereafter all the ashes shall be thrown into a river. The ashes may be thus thrown on the fifth, sixth or seventh day. Quittance Rites From the Manjushru On the third day a circle, representing Durgati, i.e. bad state, shall be drawn and worshipped. The Aparimita verses shall be recited. On the fifth, sixth or seventh day the ashes shall be placed inside a brass Chaitya and then consecrated with short rites. The ashes (left after this shall then be sent to five rivers to be thrown away). Rites On The Seventh Day On the seventh day, cooked rice shall be offered at the main gate onteh house. Hanging Rice On The Eaves Again, on the same day, some rice shall be hung on the eaves, along with a burning wick late at night when no human will walk out. Purification Rites All the relatives of trhe same clan shall go to the river side, shave their heads, cut off their nails, take a bath, put on new clothes, take Panchgavya, (the five products of the cow, i.e. milk, curd, clarified butter, urine and cowdung) and thus get purified. They shall purify thire body by bathing in the river with a little flour, some pieces of dry myroblans, sesamum, a little rice powder, oil and oil-cake. Contd....... 237. House Purification The priests (Acharyas), on the seventj day, and others on the twelfth, shall take nut, betel-leaves, and tooth-sticks and throw them away, and then perform sacrificial rites. This will purify the house. Das-Pnda Rites (Offering Of Ten Rice Balls) From The Nem Sutra Beginning from the day of the death to the seventh or the tenth day, offerings of rice balls called Das Pinda shall be made. From The Buddhokta Sansaramaya Offering of rice balls in ten consecutive days helps the formation of head, eyes, nose, ears, heart, hands, bowels, senses, legs, hairs and nails, and body (of the dead person). Ekadas Panda Rites (Offering of Eleventh Rice Ball) On the eleventh day, the eleventh rice ball shall be offered. The offering of this eleventh rice ball, on the eleventh day, will help the dead person to take his rebirth (in any one of the four forms of existence). Procedure Of offering Pindas Again, after a period of one and a half months or after three months rice ball shall be offered in the name of the dead person. Again after the end of the year rice balls shall similarly offered in his name. Lin Pinda When offering rice balls, one each shall also be offered to the father,the grand-father and the great-grand-father if the dead person is a male or to the mother, the grand-mother and the geat-grand-mother if it is a female. When offering these, to these three generations one should pray for the help of Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. Contd.......... 238. In case a son dies while his father is living, no such offering shall be made. Lin Pinda, Saman Pinda, Nimitta Pinda shall be offered at the house, or a hill top or river bank or any other holy place. The objects to be offered on such occasion shall be pure and edible and not impure and ion edible. Priest From The Manjushri Parajika Hepl for performing the Shradda ceremony should be sought from a person who is well disciplined, pure at heart, restrained in his desires and speech, content, well-versed in performance of all rites, patient will and pure. The Shradda ceremony caused to be performed by such a priest will bear eternal fruit and please and satisfy the manes. Help for performing the Shraddha ceremony should not be sought from a person whi is wicked, talkative, impure, quarrelsome, discontent and who can eat too much. If such a person is engaged to perform the Shradda ceremony, the manes will go back disappointed and the donor will fall into hell Shraddha A rice ball offered on the Full Moon day of the month of Kartik is called dharma panda , a ball of religion. As such all the four classes of fruits, religious, financial, sensual and emancipaotry, will accrue on the dead person. The Shraddha ceremony should be performed on the Full Moon days of Kartik and Magh, or on the thirteenth day of the Dark Half of Shravan or on the third day of Baishakh. The dead person will be benefited considerat. From The Manjushri Parajika Performance of Shraddha ceremony on a wrong day will foil its purpose which consequently will prove detrimental to the growth of the family. The Shraddha ceremony shall not be performed during the mourning period or touched by a woman during her menstruation. It will, otherwise, foil the purpose of the ceremony. From The Manjushri Parajika The Shraddha ceremony should be performed after noon and before [..] Contd.......... 239. When performing the Shraddha ceremony rhinocero's meat should be placed inside the rice ball. If it is done so; (owing to the influence of that meat), the reward of performing the ceremony will go to the manes [.....] after the expiry of a Kapla (a period of 432 million years), and they will always be happy. The rice-balls to be offered to the manes should be made of grains of goodd quality, rice, beaten rice, rice-powder, barley powder, etc and not of things prohibited by the people (maize powder, millet powder, etc), and shall be mixed with ghee, honey, milk and curd. These balls should then be offered in the name of the deceased person, along with flowers, incense, wicks, and eatables. From The Manjushri Parajika While performing the Shraddha ceremony, the person doing so should take his sear on a seat of Kusha grass and offer the rice-balls, keeping them on an arghapatra (a pot used specially for makinf offerings). The balls should, first of all, be offered ot the ancestors and last to the seceased person. The a Bikal Pinda ( a sparo rice-ball) should be offered, offering of such a Pinda is essential on the occasion of every kind of Shraddha ceremony. Performance of millions of Shraddha ceremonies will be of [.....] avail if a Bikal Pinda is not offered on the accasion. From The Pinda Bidhan "May my offering of water obtained from the ground satisfy my brithers and sisters who were born in my family and who died issueless or who were delivered prematurely or who have fallen into th state of spirit, with deformed bodies or appearances. Let me offer the rice-balls to the [.....] in the name of all those who, having fallen on the wring path, have been deprived of their perfect state". The rice-balls should not be offered in an iron, clay or wooden pot. In cse it is done so, the manes will go back disappointed. On the occasion of the Ashtami celebrations, offering of different kinds of flowers pleases gods, while on the occasion of Shraddha ceremony offering of red and fragrant flowers displeases the manes. So such flowers should not be offered, From the Pinda Bithan The manes will be pleased of they are offered floweres such as lotus Tagar, an Bhringaraj. Contd.......... 240. On the occasion of the Shraddha ceremony the manes should be invoked with sesame, Kush grass, water and flowers in the hand. They will be satisfied (regardless of a few thoings [.....]). Sesame and Kush grass is the best thing for all rites, specially for the Shraddha ceremony. From The Manjushri Parajika On the conclusion of the Shraddha ceremony, the vessel containing the rice-balls should be placed just outside the main gate, and[.......] with a current of water three times from the right side and three[......] from the left. The priest, facing the west, should then recite [........... Verses regarding the conclusion of the ceremony (as follows) From The Manjushri Parajika "Be gone to your respective places as you have come before, [.......] blessings for achieving everything." Right Place For leaving Rice-Balls The rice-balls should then be thrown away in a spirit's resort [.......] or tank. Thereafter the relatives should be offered a feast. 241. Village Panchayats During The Rana Period The Village Panchayat Act, 1949 (Continued) Chapter IV Movable And Immovable Assets And Fund of Village Panchayat The Village Panchayat may acquiree land with the consent of the owner thereof, on payment of the values at locally current rates, in case the land is needed for any of the purposes mentioned in this Act. In case the landowner refuses to give the land, the village Panchayat may [.......] an application fro acquisition thereof to the chief of the appropriate District Administraition Office, who shall study the grievances of the landowner, the current value of the land, and the opinion of the Village Assembly and then make a decision. In case any party is disqualified which such a decision, an appeal theragainst may be filed in accordance with the law and regulations. 27. The Village Assembly shall have full ownership rights over any land or their property registered in its name, and the oncome accruing therefore shall be credited to the fund of the Village Assembly. 28. In case there arises a dispute as to whether the Village Assembly possesses ownership rights over any land or other property as mentioned in Section [.......] the nearest court shall dispose it of. 29. In case it becomes necessary for the Village Panchayat to obtaine\ [......] for any purpose, it shall notify the appropriate Central Administration Office accordingly and act as directed. 30. (1) The Village Assembly may, if it so deems appropriate after [.......] into full consideration the situation in its area as well as the duties to be performed by it, an holding discussions subject to rules prescribed by the government, impose the following taxes [.....] areas within its jurisdiction, and collect such taxes only after [.....] has notified the Central Administration Office of such decision [......] obtained its approval thereto. (a) Tax on land at rates not exceeding 5% of the land tax [......] the Central Government. (b) tax on any trade or occupation. Contd....... 242. Note:- Transactions in agriculture produce grown on one's own land and on property shall not be considered to be of an commercial nature. (2) Sinc revenue from the above-mentioned sources must be utilized at the discretion of the Village Panchayat for the welfare of the people living within the Village Assembly area, and since the government provides financial grants in addition, the Village Panchayat shall submit to the appropriate office a statement indicating the kind of taxes proposed to be imposed, the rates at which these are to be collected and the total proceeds thereof. 31. The Village Panchayat shall make necessary arrangements for collecting the taxes it is entitled to collect the protecting the proceeds thereof, as well as for maintaining accurate accounts in respect thereto. 32.(a) The expense of the Panchayat Court shall be borne from the Village Assembly Fund. (b) The fines or fees accruing from court proceedings shall be credited to the fund of the Village Assemby in whose ares the case is filed. If the case has been filed within the area under the jurisdiction of a joint committee, such proceeds shall be divided on an equal basis among the appropriate Village Panchayats. 33. The accounts of the Village Assembly shall be inspected annually by the District Panchayat. Chapter V Supervision Over Panchayats 34. (a) The District Panchayat shall exercise supervision over Village Panchayat while supervision over District Panchayat shall be exercised by the Central Adminsitration Office. (b) The District Panchayat shall supervise the work of Village Panchayats in the manner indicated below. In case the District Panchayat does not appear to be performing this function, the Central Administrative Office shall issue a notice directing it to do so. In case District Panchayat is unable for any reason to exercise such supervision on accordance with such directive, the Central Administrative Office itself shall conduct such supervision. Contd....... 243. (1) Inspect the movable and immovable assets and accouts and other documents of Villae Panchayats. (2) Tender opinions with regard to meetings or agenda of Panchayat and make them act accordingly. (3) In case any Village Panchayat acts beyond its authority or in contravention of this Act, the Central Administrative Office may dissolve it or temporarily suspend its powers. 35. (a) In case any action of the Village Panchayat ios likely to cause harm or los to the public or to endager the life of any person or to lead ti disturbances anywhere, the District or Central Administrative Office may prohibit ii from taking such action. (b) In case the District Adminstrative Office takes action under Sub-Section (a), it shall explain the reasons therefore and suspend the functions of the Village Panchayat and notify the appropriate Central Administrative Office accordingly. 36. In case any of the functions suspended under Sub-Sections (a) and (b) of Section 35 must be completed urgently, the office issuing such order of suspension may direct the committee of the Village Panchayat or employees of such institutions to complete such particulars function. The Village Panchayat, is committee and their employees shall be under obligations to discharge such function and shall not refuge to do so. Chapter VI Penalties And Rules 37. In case any person performs any action in contravention of this Act, he shall be awarded the prescribed penalty, or else he shall be fined with an amount ranging from Rs 0.04 to Rs 10.00. In case he commits the same offense againm he shall be fined with Rs1.00 in each court in addition. 38. In case it is required to prevent any offense other than those mentioned in this Act from being committed by any person, punishment shall be awarded in accordance woth Section 37 after framing rules in respect thereto. 39. (a) In case any person damages any goods, irrigation channels, fences, lamp-posts or any other minor property ion the custody of the Village Panchayat, or cause this to be done, he shall be punished with a fine not exceeding Rs 10.00 (b) Loss or damage caused in the manner mentioned in Sub-Section (a) shall be recovered from the person responsible therefore or he shall be directed to restore the damaged property to its original condition. Contd....... 244. 40. In case any person does not do aby work which he has been directed to do by the Panchayat by means of a written order according to Panchayat rules or in case he does anu work which he has been prohibited to do, the Panchayat itself may undertake such work and realize th expense involved therein from the defaulter, and, in addition, punish him with fines under Section 37. 41. The written documents issued by the Village Panchyat or the Panchayat Court shall not be returned under any pretext. 42. (a) In case any person feels aggrieved over any action performed or ordered by the Village Panchayat, he may file complaints at the District Panchayat within 30 days. The District Panchayat may committee enhance or remit the penalties awarded by the Village Panchayat. (b) The Central Administrative Office may, if it so deems proper, extend the time-limit for filing complaints prescribed in Sub-Section (a) by a maximum of 15 days. (c) In case the complaint is not satisfied with the decision made on the complaints mentioned in Sub-Section (a), he may file an appeal to the Central Administative Offce. 43. In case an appeal is filed agaist any action orderd or punishment awarded by the Village Panchayat, such action or punishment shall be stayed until the appeal is disposed of. 44. (a) The Chairman or nay member of employee of the Panchayat deputed by him may enter into any house or compound along or in company with other employees for purposes of inspection or any other work authoirized under the Act. (b) But such entry shall be made only between sunrise and sunset. (c) In case it becomes necessary to enter into the house of any person, this shall be done only after giving a written notice to him in advance of at least 4 hours. (d) In case women are found to be staying in any part of the house, it shall be entered into only after providing them with adequate time to move to other place under purdah. (e) The house shall be entered into without prejustice to the customs and usage of its occupants. Contd....... 245. 45. (a) Complaints may be filed against the Village Assembly or the Village Panchayat, or members or employees of these institutions, or persons employed by them, in respect to the functions performed or caused to be performed by them. Such complaints shall be entertained only if a written notice explicity indicating the amount of compensation sought and the neme and address (of the complaint) is submitted to the Village Assembly or the Village Panchayat or at the office, or served at the resisdence of members or employee of these institutions or persons employed by them against whom the complaints are to be filed, in advance of two months. (b) Complaints mentioned in Sun-Section (a) shall be filed within six months from the date of the the cause of action. 56. In case any police or government employee receives information toi the effect that any person has acted or caused any action to be taken on contravention of this Act, he shll notify the concerned Village Panchayat accordingly and extend every possible assistance to the members and employee thereof. 47. (a) In case any dispute arises between (two or more) Panchayats, it shall be heard and disposed of by the District Panchayat. In case the District Panchayat is not in session and the dispute must be disposed of as expenditiously as possible, it shall be heard are decided upon by the appropriate District Administration Office, and the Central Administrative Office shall be notified of such decision. In the event of a dispute between the Village Panchayat and the Distrcit Pamchayat or a Town Panchayat, the matter shall be referred to the appropriate Central Adminstrative Office. (b) In case any party ai aggrieved over the decision made by the appropriate Disctrit Administration Office, an appeal may be filed to the Central Administrative Office. Chapter VII On Matters Relating To Framing Of Panchayat Rules And Articles 48. (1) In case current law is vague or inadequate in any respect, the Village Panchayat may, without prejustice to the objectives of this Act, frame articles providing for the following matters:- (a) Prohibition ro drink water at any water-spout or make such place filthy; and issuance of notices asking the poblice ro draw water from specified places, explaining the reasons thereafter, in the interests of th health of th people living in the Panchayat area. Contd........... 246. (b) Prohibition to let out filthy water in an indiscriminate manner and prevention of accumulation of such water. (c) Prevention of damage to main roads or to assets belonging to the Village Panchayat. (d) Pro hibition to make the Panchayat area dirty and filthy. (e) Prohibition to keep goods indiscriminately on the roads and sell them in a dirty or filthy condition. (f) Maintenance of ponds, lakes, drains, pastures, an playgrounds, funeral places, bathing-ghats, etc and public use thereof fees. (2) Articles framed under Sub-Section (1) shall come into force only after these have been approved by the District Panchayat. 49. In case it is required to interpret any provision contained in this Act and make inquiries in respect to any other matter relating to Panchayat affairs, the Central Administrative Office shall be notified accordingly and action shall be taken according to its directives. 50. In case it becomes necessary to make provision in matters nor mentioned in this Act, or ro effect some amendments thereto, the Central Administrative Office shall be notified accordingly. Meetings And Working Procedure Of Village Panchayats. 51. The Village Panchayat shall hold meetings at least four times in a year. In case the Chairman so deems necessary, or in case one-third of the members of the Panchayat submit a written notice to the Chairman requesting a meeting, the Chairman or the Vice-Chiarman shall be under obligation to convene a meeting. 52. Notice of meetings of the Village Panchayat shall be sent to every member in advance of 10 days. Such notice shall indicate the date, time and the agenda of the meeting. 53. No meeting of the Village Panchayat shall be held unless it is attended by at least one- third of the total members, excluding the Chairman or the person whoo presides. 54. Every member of the Village Panchayat shall attend it meetings. In case he canoot attend a meeting for proper reasons, he shall send a notive to this effect on or before the day when it is due to be held. Contd........... 247. 55. The opnion of a majority of members on any matter or resolution presented at meerings of the Village Panchayat shall be regarded as the opinion of the Village panchayat. In the event of a tie, the Chairman may exercise a casting vote. In other circumstances, the Chairaman shall have no right to vote. 56. The Village Assembly shall perform, or cause to be performed, functions which it is empowered (to perform) according to the law an regulations in accordance with the opinion of the majority of its member after holding discussions thereon at its meetings. 57. A minute book containing the names of the members attending every meeting of the Village Panchayat, the resolutions approved therein as well as other matters shall be mentioned after having signed by every member. The particulars contained in the minute book shall be read cut at the next meeting of the Village Panchayat. A copy of every resolution approved at the meeting shall be sent to the appropriate District Administrative Office and one copy shall be sent to the appropriate District Panchayat within 7 days from the date when it is issued. 58. The Chairman, or in the event of his incapacity, the Vice-Chairman, shall preside over meetings of the Village Panchayat. In case the Chairman os unable to discharge the functions of a presiding officer for any reason, he shall issue to the Vice-Chairman a written order directing him to perform such functions. 59. In case both the Chairman and the Vice-Chairman are unable to attend a meeting of the Village Panchayat held on any day for reason, and the meeing has to be held urgently, the Chairman may authorize any other member on writing to preside over such meeting. In case any other member presides over the meeting without obtaining such authority, any function performed or caused to be performed therein shall not be valid. 60. Any resolution once passed by the Village Panchayat shall not ordinarily be altered or amended during the next six months. In case it is necessary top amend such resolution, consent of at least half of the members of the Village Panchayat shall be necessary. 61. The public may witness the proceedings of the Village Panchayat with the permission of the Chairman. In case the visit of outsiders to the Village Panchayat is, in the opnion of the Chairaman, undesirable, he may prohibit persons other than members from witnessing such preceedings. 62. Government employees functioning within the Village Panchayat area may participate in discussions on the activities of the Village Panchayat with the permission of the Chairman after making a request to this effect. But they shall have no power to vote on any matter. Contd........... 248. 63. In case any member, defying the orders of the Chairman, obstructs the debate or discussions at meeting of the Village Panchayat, he shall at first be persuaded by the Chairman not to do so. But if he persists in such defiance, necessary action may be taken agaist him and he may even be removed from the meeting. 64. A meeting of the Village Panchayat held on any day do discuss any matte any be continued on other days also until a decision therron is reached. In case the majority of members agree to postpone the meeting for some days, action may be taken accordingly. 65.Every meeting of the Village Panchayat shall hold discussions only on the items listed in the agenda, and no other matter shall be discussed therein. In case it is necessary to discuss any other matter, this ma be done if two third of members of the Panchayat so decide. 66. In case any member of the Village Panchayat absents himsrlf from thee consecutive meeting of the Panchayat without giving proper reasons, his sear shall be deemed to have fallen vacant. In the event of such vacancy, a new member shall be nominated and not elected according to the election rules. Such member may stand as a candidate only in the elections. Supervision By Central Administrative Office Over Village Panchayats 67. The Central Administrative Offece shall have th power to act as follows in accordance with the relevant regulations:- (a) To institute a Village Panchayat in any area, prescribe or alter its boundaries, or temporarily suspend and existing Village Panchalyat or dissolve it altogether an establish a new Village Panchayat. (b) In the event of the temporaty suspension of any Village Panchayat, to appoint a person to discharge its functions. (c) To issue orders to Village Panchayat to finish any work being done by it under this Act within a specified time-limi, and in the event if its failure to complete such work within eh specified time-limit, to depute other persons to complete it an recover the expenses involved in such work from the Village Panchayat Fund, (d) To hear and decide on petitions, it any, filed any member expelled under clasue (f) of Section 8, to the effect that he had been unjustly remived from membership. Contd.......... 249. (e) Tio remove any member, evne if he may nut have been expelled by the Village Panchaayat, in case he misuses his position in such manner as to cause harm to the public. (f) To permit any member expelled from the Village Panchayat to stand as a candidate again in the elections. (g) To approve the budget submitted by the Village Panchayat or to have it revised by the Village Panchayat itself, if so found necessary, or to approve it after effecting changes therein itself. (i) To permit two or more Village Panchaayats to form a joint committee if they so desire, or at its own discretion. (j) In the event of any part of the Village Panchayat being amalgamated with another Village Panchayat, to determine the amount of assets or liabilities of the former to be transferred to the Village Panchayat into which it is merged, and then hand iver charge of such assets or liabilities to the latter. (k) In the event of any Village Panchayat being merged into another Village Panchayat, to declare the property, assets and liabilities of such Panchayat as belonging to the Panchayat into which it is merged, and direct the latter to assume responsibility for performing all functions and incurring expenses as required to be done in the fomer's area. (l) To frame rules in respect to the collection of taxes, fees, dues, etc, which the Village Panchayat is empowered to impose, and in the event of any defect being noticed in such taxes, dues, fees, etc, to order the Village Panchayat to rectify the same, or to withhold collection thereof for any reason, or to exempt any person from payment of such taxes, dues, fees,etc. (m) To hear complaints against any taxes or fees imposed or orders issued byth Village Panchyat. (n) To depute officers to inspect th work or documents of the Village Panchayat or to produce, for the purpose of inspection or scrutiny progress reports, statements or accounts of income and expenditure from the Village Panchayat, or any other documents in itrs possession. (o) To amend or repeal any rules or articles of Village Panchayats and revoke any orders issued by employees thereof. Contd.......... 250. (p) to provide loans to Village Panchayat, or to permit any Village Panchayat to obtain loans from the public or any agency, ir so deemed neccessry, and to prescribe the rate of interest on such loans, the time-linit fro repayment thereof, the number of instalments in which th loan is to be repaid, as well as the amount to be reservsed for redemption of the loan every year, and the purposes for which the loans are to be utilized. (q) To delegate such other powers as may be necessary, frame rules and artcles, or withdraw any powers delegated to Panchayats. (r) To ascertain whether or not the District Panchayat has disbursed the funds released by the government among all Village Assemblies and whether or not Village Panchayat have disbursed them in all village, and in case any irregularities are detected in the disbursement of such funds, to insure the proper disbursement thereof. Aswin 19, 2006 (October 5, 1949) (Concluded) 251. Gorkha-Tanahu Treaties, 1763X (Abstract translations) (1) From King Tribikram San to King Prithvi Narayan Shah. We hereby pledge ourselves to offer Lambajung (i.e.Lamjung ) and Kaski to you. If we do not attack them, and, instead, defend them, may we incur ths sin of having killed seven Brahmans and seven cows, as well as the wrath of God Panchayana. If we attack these kingdoms, the religious marit if having nurtured seven Brahmans and seven cows shall accrue to us, beside the favor of God Pamchayana, This treaty is hereby signed by Gorkha with Tanahu. Jestha Badi 7, 1820 (May, 1763) (2) From King Prithvi Narayan Shah to Tribiokram Sen we hereby pledge to offer Tanshu, Bhirkot and Palpa to you. If we do not attack them, and, instead, defend them, may we incur the wrath of God Panchayana. If we attack these kingdoms, the religious merit of having nurtures seven Brahmans and seven cows shall accrue to us, besides the favour of Panchayana. This treaty is hereby signed by Tanahu with Gorkha. Jestha Badi 7, 1820 (May, 1763) XRegmi Research Collections, Vol. 37, PP. 115-116 (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: November 1, 1970. Regmi Research Series Year 2, No.11, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. *********** Contents Page 1. A Brief Accout of Ancient And Medieval Nepal ..... 253 2. Guthi Lands of Sri Varahi Temple In Bhaktapur ..... 259 3. On The Nepal-Tibet War, 1791 ..... 267 4. Nepal-Sirmur Treaty ..... 272 5. Glossary Of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occuring In Nepali Historical Documents ..... 273 *************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Preivate) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 253. A Brief Account Of Ancient And Medieval Nepal By Babu Ram Acharya1 ************ The ancient period in the history of Nepal is supposed to havd commenced around 750 B.C. However, little is known about the history of Nepal for 1 milleium, that is, until around 250 A.D. An idol of the Kushan period found at the Pashupati Temple and Indian literature shed some light on this period, however. The early Lichchhavi period ios considered to have lasted from 250 to 505 A.D. The medieval period in the history of Nepal began with the death of King Manadeva in 505 A.D. The custom of worshipping and making ritual gifts of cows started when the Sanatana religion spread to Nepal during the Lichchhavi period. Cowherds (Gopal-Gwar) were procured from outside to look after cows. In course of time, these Gopalas gradually built up their strength, and after 5 generations they became very powerful. King Manadeva was succeeded by his son Mahideva. However, within less then a year after ascending the throne, Mahideva was succeeded by his son Basantadeva. During the reign of Basantadeva, the Abhiras2 began to interfare in the affairs of the State. They eventually enforced laws prohibiting the son of the reigning king from succeeding his father. The Abhiras this became director (Abhinayaka). Bhumagupta wa ssthe last Abhira director. He held absolute power during a period of intense turmoil that lasted nearly 70 years. After him, the country was ruled by Rupavarma and then by Amshuvarma. During their reign, routs were opened between Nepal and Tibet. Nepal envoys went to Tibet and even to China durinf the rule of Narendradeva, grandson of Amshuvarma. Vaishyas arrived in Nepal in 880 A.D. when Lichchhavi rule had come to an end. After the Vaishyas came the Mallas (1,200 A.D.). The medieval period lasted n Nepal until 1525 A,D., the year when the Moghul empire in India, the division of the Malla kingdom of Nepal into 3 parts and their eventual reunification are all events of the modern period. 1. "Purva Brittanta". (An Accountant of the Previous Period). In Nepal Ko Samskshipta Vrittanta ( A Concise Account of Nepal). Part I, Kathmandu: Premod Shmsher and Nir Bikram "Pyasi", Chaitra 2022 (March 1966). 2. i.e. the Gopalas. Contd............ 254. At the beginning of the modern period, Nepal was in a divided condition. In 1525 A.D., it was divided into several fragments, which were known as the Baisi and Chaubisi principalities. These were all united by Kinf Prithvi Narayan Shah, who emerged in 1743 A.D. The unification of Nepal was the most important event in the modern history of Nepal. The process of unification started by Prithvi Narayan Shah lasted till 1793 A.D., after which Nepal had to wage a war with the British. Under the treaty signed after the war, Nepal had had to relinquish some parts of its territory. An atmosphere of intrenquillity prevailed throughout the Prime Ministership of Bhimasena Thapa. In the midst of the chaos that prevailed during that period, Jung Bahadur appeared on the scene and established the Rana regime. The Rana regime collapsed following the end of the Second World War. It was followed by the present administrative system. Before 750 A.D., the Aryans had settled on the region stretching from the plains of the Indus and the Ganges to the Brahmaputra Valley in the east. The Aryans could not procced northward because all routes leading to the Himalayas at the time were very inaccessible. However, they did manage to enter the Kangra area west ot eh Sutlej river. Although the Aryans could not proceed further westward, another branch of them entered Kashmir from Kashgar. Until 750 A.D., Aryan settlement had extended only to the banks of the Sullej. A different race was inhabiting this region. This race has been described as "Kirat" in Sanskrit litetature and as "Austro-Asians" by Europeans. Nepal was inhabited at that time by these Kiratas. Since the major part of Nepal consisted of forests, and communication difficulties too were acute, the Kiratas were concentrated mostly on the banks of river. They lived in ordinary huts. With no culture on civilization of their own, they led almost a barbarian life. The southern plains of Nepal too were inhabited by Kiratas. It is believed that the Tharus now inhabitation the southern plains of Nepal are the descendants of Kirats, for their physiognomy closely resembles that of the Kiratas of old. However, having lived in the plains for centuries, they have forgetton their original dialect and have imitated the Aryan civilization. Even then, they still retain come of their original customs and usages. Being familiar with mountains, some of the Kiratas who had originally settled in the plains later migrated to Nepal Valley. Darais and Danuwars are branches of this Kirata community. Danuwars maintain their livelihood by catching fish. The Kumals also belong to the Kirat community. They are potters by occupation. They came to Nepal Valley along then banks of the Bagmati, the Kamala and the Trishuli. They chose Nepal Valley for settlement because on the level terrain. Nepal Valley so the most spacious tract after Kashmir. Moreover, the soil of this valley is fertlile, and such river Contd.......... 255. as the Bagmati, the Bidhnumsti and the Manohara flew through it. After the arrival of the Darais, Danuwar and Kumals in Nepal Valley, the Kiratas living here started moving to and from the south. At this time, the Lichchhavis were ruling over north Vihar under a democratic set-up. Several states including Videha had merged into a united Lichchhavi state, which was called "Vriji Sangh" Nepal established relations with the neighboring Vriji Sangh. This had a civilizing influence on Nepal, and, also led to political consciousness and unity among the Kirats living in Nepal. The republican system, which lasted about 200 years in the Vriji Sangh, left an impact on Nepal. Nepal too adopted a democratic system during that period. After Gautam Buddha attained Nirvana, King Ajatashtru of Magadha conquered the Vriji Sangh and annexed it. A monarchy was then instituted in the Kirat state of Nepal as well. This marks the beginning of monarchy in Nepal. With the institution of monarchical ruel among the Kiratas, they became followers of Aryan culture without, however, completely renouncing their own culture. Consequent to the assimilation of these two distinct cultures, a new Kirat culture emerged. Ananda, whi was the main disciple of Gautama Buddha had seen how trade in wool was flourishing in Nepal. He had noticed that the Kiratas were mainly wngaged in trade sheep-breeding. Kautilya's Arthashastra also contains references to more than 20 varieties of woolen blandest made in Nepal used to export woolen blankets to Magadha at that time. The mnufacture of five woolen blankets was thus thriving in Nepal along with trade in wool. King Ashoka had sent missionaries to Nepal to propagate Buddhism. The propagation of Buddhism in Nepal helped the Kiratas to become cultured and civilized people, thereby inspiring then to embrace the Aryan civilization. The cultivation of paddy was then introduced, and the Kiratas began to improve their economic condition. They thus reached the level of [.......] attained by the Aryans. Following the decline of the Maurya empire in Nepal, people of different races from west Asia started immigrating into India. They established a State in the Punjab. Later, the Kushana and Kaushana invaders conquered this area and extended their sway up to Magadha. The borders of their empire touched Kashgar. During the reign of Kaushana, they introduced a new era which was adopted by Nepal also. Kaushana images of the Sun-God were also brought into Nepal. Although a large number of such images existed in Nepal formarly, only two of them are found near the Pashupati Temple. Theis shows Contd....... 256. that the origin of sculpture in Nepal dates back to the Kaushana period. After the end of the Kaushana period, the Lichchhavi entered into Nepal around 250 A.D. The power fo the Lichchhavis increased in Bihar when the Kaushanas were driven out. On branch of the Lichchhavis came to Nepal and entrenched its authority. After some time, the Lichchhavis State of Bihar was annexed by the Gupta Empire. The Lichchhavi kingdom of Nepal, however, did not join the Gupta Empire. But the Sanatana religion did spread to Nepal because of the influence of the Gupta Empire of India. The Buddhist Lichchhavis were compelled to adopt the Sanatana religion under the influence of the Guptaa. After adopting the Sanatana religion, the Lichchhavis installed an image of Narayan at Changu as well as of Varaha ar Chandol. Thereafter they installed four well-known images of different gods, including those of Pashulpatio and Budhanilakantha. They brought in sculptors from India to nake images of Vishnu and Pashupati because the local sculptors made only images of the Buddha and the Bodhisatwa. With the fusion of the Indian and Nepali sculptures, a distinct Nepali art emerge. The people who had taken refuge in Nepal-following the destruction of the Gupta Empire in India also rendered considerable contribution in enriching Nepali art and culture. It was at this time that the Abhiras, who had already, become cultured were able to suppress the Lichchhavi kings and rule Nepal for 70 years after the death of King Manadev. The art of writing develop during the rule of King Manadeva who popularized the Gupta art of engraving inscriptions on stone in Nepal. Shortly afterwards, the Hunas invaded and destroyed the Gupta Empire. Ravigupta was the first Abhira ruler (Abhinayaka) of Nepal. However, the Lichchhavi King Basantadeva was still respected by all. The Abhira ruler, gradually usurped the powers of the Lichchhavi king. Finally, Bhumagupta abolished the kingship and assumed absolute power. During his regime, conflict started between the later Guptas and the Maukharis in India. This conflict had repercussions on Nepal also resulting in the ouster of the Abhiras. Another branch of the Lichchhavis then came to power. Amshuvarma then [.....] the Lichchhavi Mahasamanta. He was a peculiar king. Although he minted coins in his name, he did not refer to himself as Bhattaraka, which was the common royal title at that time. The administration of Amshuvarma was very good. He also opened routes to Tibet. After the death of Amshuvarma, the Abhiras resumed their dictatorial rule. Jishnugupta and his son Bishnugupta used the succeeding Lichchhavi kins as their puppets and maintained absolute rule for a total period of 22 years. Finally, Narendradeva, grandson of Amshuvarma, drove out the Abhira and consolideded Lichchhavi rule. Contd...... 257. Narendradeva became king in 643 A.D. The Lichchhavi kingdom re-established by him lasted till 880 A.D. Thus Lichchhavi rule continued in Nepal for a total period of 630 years. Narendradeva and dispatched a mission to Lhasa, from where it went to China. The talks which this mission had wich the envoys of Rome and Iran in China enabled the world to get acquainted about the culture of Nepal. The Lichchhavi kingdom in fact attained the zenith of progress during the reign of Narandradeva and his successors. The decline of the Lichchhavi rule started with the emergence of the Pala dynaty in Bihar. It was at this time that king Jayapida of Kashmir attacked Nepal. But he was repulsed. After the collapse of the Lichchhavei rule, the rule of the Vaishyas started in Nepal. During this rule, Buddhist Tantrism flourished in Nepal along with Mahayana Buddhism. This was on e of the contributions which the Pala rulers of Bihar made to Nepal. There also emerged the Shaiva Tantrik cult in Nepal. Budhist Tantrism was later borrowed by Tibet from Nepal. Vaishya rule lasted till 1200 A.D. This kingdom was not very strong because it was theocratic, Nepal did not achieve much progress during that period. The early Mallarule commenced after the collapse of the rule during the Malla rule, Nepali art and culture prospered to a considerable extent. However, there was political intranquillity. Moreover, Nepal and then to aggression from the kings of Tirhut through the south-west and from the Khasa kings through the west. Towards the end of 1349 A.D., Sultan Shamshuddin of Bengal invaded Nepal. King Rajamall and all of his subjects were compelled to his in forests to protect themselves from the Mulsim invaders. The Muslim burned all the three towns as well aa villages in Nepal Valley and destroyed all Chaityas and temples. However, they [......] Nepal in a week because they could not endure the cold climate. The Malla king then returne to the Valley along with his subjects. Rajamalla was succeeded by Arjunamalla. Bhaktapur was the capital of Nepal at that time. Rudramalla, a minister, proclaimed his independent rule there. When he diedm he was succeeded by his daughter, who in turn was succeeded by his daughter named Rajalladevi. But the affairs of the state were run byRajalladevi's grand-mother. Rajalladevi was married to Sthithimall. Sthitimalla became king of Bhaktapur by virtue of his marriage to Rajalladevi. Being a capable ruler Sthitimalla succeeded in being recognized as thire king by the Prime Ministers (Mahaptra) of Kathmandu and Lalitpur if defiance of King Arjunamalla. Sthitimalla exiled Arjunamall to Banepa with full honors and then proclaimed himself as king of Bhaktpur. Although Contd........... 258. his effective rule was confined to Bhaktapur, he was able to maintain peace all over the Valley because he was recognized by the Prime Ministers of Kathmadu and Lalitpur also. In 1395, Sthitimalla became insene and wa consequently succeeded by his son, Dhramamall. However, Dharmamalla did not wear the crown. After hhis death Jyotirmalla, his brother, also ruled without actually ascending the throne. He wore the crown only when hios father died. Jyotirmalla was succeeded bu Yakshamalla, who appointed his second son, Ratnamalla, as his representative in Kathmandu. His eldest son, Rayamall, ascended the throne after his death. Rayamalla lived in Lalitpur and Banepa respectively. Ranamall, however, returned to Bhaktapur after Ramamalla's death. He ruled Bhaktapur jointly with the son of Rayamalla and one of his sister's sons. After the death of Rayamalla, Ratnamall became king of Bhaktapur. He was able to bring the Prime Minister (Mahapatra) of Lalitpur under his control. He did not let Nepal to be divided long as he lived. After the death of Ratnamalla, Suryamalla became king of Kathmandu in circa 1525 A.D. He created disunity in the kingdom bu occupying by force the town of Sankhu, which was then under Bhaktpur. Suryamalla annexed Sindhupalchok also and later the foute leading to Kuti. The Kerung foute had already been occupied by Ratnamall. King Suryamalla thus controlled both the major routes to Tibet. Mahendramalla and Shivasimha were well-known king after Suryamalla. By the time Shivasimha ascended the throne, the Prime Minister (Mahapatra) of Lalitpur had proclaimed himself "Maharaja", and had become almost independent of Kathmandu. Shivasimha brought Lalitpur under his control after removing him. The other ministers of Lalitpur, however, prevented the annexation of Lalitpur by Kathmandu an maintained an independent administration. In 1621 A.D., Laxminarasinghamalla, grandson of Shivasimha, handedc over Lalitpur to Siddhinarasimhamalla, his step-brother. Thus emerged the three independent kingdoms of Kathmandu Valley. Mutual conflict among these three kingdoms ultimately ruined all of them. 259. Guthi Lands Of Sri Varahi Temple In Bhaktapur (Abstract Translation) *********** (The Guthi Lagat Janch Office) had submitted a report for compiling records of Guthis lands endowed for meeting the expenses of regulat and ceremonial ceremonies at the temple of Sri Varahi Tol in Bhaktapur. On Marga 6, 1989 (November 21, 1932), a Khadga Nishana order was issued directing the registration of these Guthi lands as Rajguthi. The order also directed that the Guthi functions should be performed by the Guthisyars, priests and other temple functionaries, and that the surplus amout should be colleced (by the Guthi Tahasil Offic). The area of Guthi lands endowed for the temple was stated to be 10.12 ropanis. When these lands were surveyfed, the actual area was found to be 12.4 ropanis. According to the survey regulations, the excess area was retained as Guthi. The total rent assessments on the lands were as follows:- 16.25 muris of paddy 2. 25 muris of wheat Rs 6.39 in cash Total expenditure, as stated below, amounts to 7. 9 muris of grains. The in-kind surplus thus amouts to 8.25 muris of paddy and 2.25 muris of whear. The cash value of this in-kind surplus is as follows:- Total Value Conversion Rate Paddy Rs 33.15 5 pathis per Rs 1.00 Wheat Rs 14.60 3.12 pathis per Rs 1.00 Total Rs 47.75 Together with the cash assessment of Rs 6.39, this makes a total amount of Rs 54.14 *Source: Records of the Guthi Lagat Jench Office in Kathmandu. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 3, PP. 326-338. Contd............ 260. Total expenditure in cash, as stated below, amounts to Rs 38.49. thus leaving a surplus of Rs 15.65. These arrangement were confirmed by Khadganishana order on Magh 29, 1999 (February 11, 1943) subject to the provision that only Rs 1.00 shoul be paid to the Guthi Tahasil Office as Salami from the surplus, and that the temple should be allowed to retain the balance of Rs 14. 65. (Particulars of plots of Guthis lands and the rents due from each in cash and in kind follow):- A. In-Kind Expenditure Paddy required for ritual offering of rice for 365 days, at the rate of 2 muthis (0.2 mana) of rice daily (1 muri of paddy: 10 pathis of rice) ...... 18 pathis and 2 manas B. Special Ceremonies (1) Paddy required for ritual offering of rice on 12 Chaturdashi days, at the rate of 2 muthis of rice per day (2) Paddy required for making crushed rice for use on 12 Chaturdashi days, at the the rate of 2 pathis and 2 manas per day (3 pathis of paddy: 2 pathis of crushed rice) (3) Paddy required for making Jand (rice [.....]) at the rate of 4 manas of rice on each Chaturdashi day C. For Dashain Festival (1) Paddy required for ritual offering of rice on 5 days, at the rate of 1 muthi of rice per day ..... 1 mana (2) Paddy required for feeding 4 persons with fried rice (Samye) on 4 days ..... 3 pathis and 4 manas ..... 4 manas and 8 muthis ..... 2 muris and 4 manas ..... 12 pathis Contd.......... 261. (3) Paddy required for 1 pathi of crushed rice for use on 4 days, at the rate of 2 manas of crushed rice per day ...... 1 pathi and 4 manas (4) Paddy required for making Jand to be used on 4 days, at the rate of 2 manas of rice per day ..... 2 pathis (5) Paddy required fro feeding all Guthiyars on the Dashami day with 2 pathis and 2 manas of crushed rice ..... 3 pathis and 3 manas (6) Paddy required for 4 manas of rice for making Jand for use during the feast mentioned in (5) ..... 1 pathi D. Paddy required as emoluments of 12 Guthiyars Working on daily rotation ..... 4 muris Cash Expenditure A. Daily Ceremonies (1) Samye rice at the rate of 2 muthis daily for 365 days (2) White and red sandal wood at rate of Rs 0.0 daily (3) Fruits at the rate of Rs 0.0 daily (4) Sweatmeats for ritual offering at the rate of Rs 0.03/8 per day (5) Camphor and flowers at the rate of Rs 0.0 per day Contd....... Rs 1.82 Rs 1.82 Rs o.61 Rs 1.36 Rs 1.82 Total-Rs 9.58 262. B. Special Ceremonies (1) Religious ceremonies on 12 Ohaturdashi days in the year (2) Religiou ceremonies and feasts on 12 Chaturdhashi days in the year:- (a) Vermilin powder (Sindur), at the rate of Rs 0.0 per day (b) Camphor and incense, do (c) 2 deck's eggs at Rs 0.06 each (d) Ritual cash offering at the rate of Rs 0.0 per day (f) Sweetmeats for ritual offering, at the rate of Rs 0.02 per day (g) Yarm for wicks, at the rate of Rs 0.0 per day (h) Red powder (Abir), at the rate of Rs 0.0 per day Rs 28.91 Rs 0,06 Rs 0.06 Rs 1.14 Rs 0.06 Rs 0.24 Rs 0.06 Rs 0,06 Total Rs 15.54 C. Samye Feast For 12 Guthiyars On 12 Chaturdashi Days In The Year (1) Meat at the rate of Rs 0.50 per day (2) Peas at the rate of Rs 0.8 per day (3) Soybeans, at the rate of Rs 0.06 per day (4) Fish at the rate of Rs 0.06 per day (5) Oil and spice at the rate of Rs 0.12 per day Rs 6.00 Rs 0,96 Rs 0.72 Rs 0.72 Rs 1.44 Contd.......... 263. (6) Salt, red pepper, ginger, etc., at the rate of Rs 0.06 per day ..... Rs 0.72 (7) Potato at the rate of Rs 0.12 per day ..... Rs 1.44 (8) Syabaji (fried rice) at the rate of Rs 0.12 per day ..... Rs 1.44 Total Rs 13.44 D. For Dashain Festival (1) Religiou ceremonies on 5 days:- (a) On Ghatasthapana Day (i) Vermilion powder ...... Rs 0.12 (ii) Incense, camphor, betel-nut ...... Rs 0.01 (iii) Frankincense (Gukuldhup) ...... Rs 0.01 (iv) Sweetmeats of 5 varieties ...... Rs 0.04 (v) Fruits ...... Rs 0.01 (vi) Barley ...... Rs 0.02 (vii) Duck's eggs ..... Rs 0.06 (viii) Flowers ...... Rs 0.02 (ix) Rotual cash offerings ...... Rs 0.01 (x) Syabaji (fried rice ...... Rs 0.01 (xi) Chyura (crushed rice) ....... Rs 0.01 (xii) Soybean and ginger ...... Rs 0.01 (xiii) Gupti (?) ...... Rs 0.08 (xiv) Yarm for wicks ...... Rs 0.01 (xv) Earthen vessels ...... Rs 0.16 Contd.......... 264. (xvi) Earthen Jars ...... Rs 0.04 (xvii) Blackgram cakes ...... Rs 0.01 (xviii) Red powder (Abir) Rs 0.0 Total - Rs 0.51 b) On Saptami, Ashtami, Nawami And Dashami Days (i) Vermilion powder ...... Rs 0.14 (ii) Incense, camphor, betel-nut ...... Rs 0.04 (iii) Frankincense ....... Rs 0.02 (iv) Red powder (Abir) ...... Rs 0.02 (v) Sweetmeats of 5 varieties and ritual cash offering ...... Rs 0.16 (vi) Curd ...... Rs 0.01 (vii) Fruits ...... Rs 0.04 (viii) 4 duck's eggs ...... Rs 0.24 (ix) Syabaji (fried rice) for Samye ...... Rs 0.08 (x) Fish (Sidra) ...... Rs 0.04 (xi) Soybean and ginger ...... Rs 0.04 (xii) Yarn for wicks and oil ...... Rs 0.02 (xiii) Cloth for bunting ...... Rs 0,02 (xiv) Karnasana (?) ...... Rs 0.02 (xv) Dritari(?), 1 pair ...... Rs 0.04 (xvi) Ritual cash offerings ...... Rs 0.12 (xvii) Dry fruits ...... Rs 0.04 Contd....... 265. (xviii) Panchamrit( milk, ghee, curd, sugar an honey) (xix) Naye Ponaye (?) (xx) Gupti (?) (xxi) Gourd (Kubhindo) (xxii) Sugarcane, banana leaves (xxiii) Blackgram cakes (xxiv) 1 duck (xxv) 1 goat (xxvi) Red cloth Rs 0.08 Rs 0.04 Rs 0.12 Rs 0.16 Rs 0.04 Rs 0.04 Rs 0.50 Rs 5.00 Rs 0.20 Total - Rs 7.37 (2) Samye Feasts On Ghatashapana, Saptami, Ashtami and Nawami Days After Performign Religious Ceremonies (1) Syabaji (fried rice) (2) Meat (3) Oil, speces. Salt, ginger, etc. (4) Soybean (5) Peas Rs 0.18 Rs 0.50 Rs 0.18 Rs 0.10 Rs 0.16 Total Rs 1.18 (3) Feasts on Dashami Day For 16 Persons Including 12 guthiyars And 4 Temple Attendants (1) Syabaji (2) Meat (of sacrificial goat) Rs 0.90 X Contd...... 266. (3) Curd ..... Rs 0.50 (4) Brown sugar ...... Rs 0.06 (5) Fuelwood ...... Rs 0.30 (6) Leavis, bamboo-sticks ...... Rs 0.10 (7) Rope ...... Rs 0.10 (8) Red pepper, ginger, spices, etc. .... Rs 0.45 (9) Potato ...... Rs 0.16 (10) Liquor ...... Rs 0.64 (11) Peas ...... Rs 0.14 (12) Soybeans ...... Rs 0.06 (13) Gourd (Pharsi) ...... Rs 0.04 (14) Slices of radish ...... Rs 0.04 (15) Bamboo-sticks ...... Rs 0.04 (16) Betel-nut ...... Rs 0.06 (17) Buffalo-meat ...... Rs 0.58 Total ...... Rs 4.31 Surplus amount ...... Rs 15.65 Buildings And Fextures To Be Maintained By This Guthis (1) Temple of Sri Varahi (with measurements). (2) Building with court yard attached to the temple. (3) Another temple with a golden spire. (4) A well inside the compound of Sri Varahi temple. Ashadh 17, 1994 (July 1, 1937) 267. On The Nepal-Tibet War, 1791 (Abstract Translations) 1. Military Recruitment And Paymet Of Emolumets A. From King Ran Bahadur Shah1 To Subha Kirtiman Singh (The adult members) of every family of Subhas of the 22 clans2 as well as of (other) functionaries,3 soldiers and (common) subjects in Limbuwan shall assemble in your presence along with arms..........4 and leave for the front. We hereby sanction allowances to them from the revenues of the territories conquered in Bhot.5 Shrawan Sudi 11, 1848 (July 1791) B. From King Ran Bahadur Shah6 To Damodar Pande Pay emoluments for one year according to (rank) to the Dhakre7 soldiers accompanying Balabhadra Khawas from the revenues of newly conquered territories. Bhadra Badi 5, 1848 (August 1791) 1. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 7 2. The Nepali term is Thar. 3. The Nepali term is Pagari. 4. The official copy of this document had been damaged by insects. Some word are missing here. 5. i.e. Tiobet. 6. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 10. 7. i.e. irregulars. Contd.......... 268. C. Bond Signed By Jaskhar Rana. I hereby take charge of 9 soldiers deputed by the government to join the army at Dzongka as we as expenses required for them. At Muga, I shall hand over these 9 soldiers to Dewan Abhman Singh and Catain Kalu Pande. Bhadra Badi 10, 1848 (August 1791) 2. Food Supply A. From King Ran Bahadur8 To Tetar Mahant Shaiva9 You are hereby ordered to supply rice worth Rs 500 fro war purpose. Shrawan Sudi 11, 1848 (July 1791) B. From King Ran Bahadur 10 To The Bitalab owner11 of Dhunwakot12 You are hereby directed to supply 1 miri of rice for every 20 mursi of Bitalab lands owned by you. The tenants13 (cultivating your lands). 8. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 7. 9. Obviously the head of a monastery in some district in the eastern Tarai, possibly Morang. 10. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, p. 8. 11. Bitalab was a form of Birta which involved the performance of special services for the royal palace whenever required. Cf. Mahesh C. Regmi. Land Tenure and Taxation In Nepal, Vol. II: "The Land Grant System: Birta Tenure." Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1764, P. 36. 12. In Gorkha district. 13. The Nepali term is Kuriya. Tenants cultivatin Raikar lands were, [.....] contradistinction, known as Mohi. Contd....... 269. shall transport (this rice) on Hulak14 basis. Leading families (of Bita [..] owners) shall be responsible for guarding Badhuwa15 and other Kaji and Sardars of Lhasa. As soon as you receive this order, join Jasram and Bhairav Singh at Listi and maintain watch carefully over Badhuwa under their supervision. In the event of mistake, you shall be held responsible. Bhadra Bedi 2, 1848 (August 1791) C. From King Ran Bahadur Shah16 To The Amalidars17 of Kuti The kajis, Sardars and other respectable persons of Lhasa who have been captured must be fed. Accordingly, supply 2 dharnis of butter, 1 Chepang, 1 seer of salt and 2 pathis of Sattu18 daily to the place where Badhuwa is staying, as well as they are not sent back. (The expenses incurred is supplying these commodities) shall be debited whilw auditing the accounts of Kuti. 19. Shrawan Sudi 3. 1848 (July, 1791) 3. Prohobition To Plumder Tibetan Monastery20 From King Ran Bahadir Shah To Damodar Pande, Kirtiman Singh and all other regular21 troops. Do to plunder areas under the jurisdiction of the main Gumba of Shakhya Lama. We also direct that the Bhotes (there) shall not raise arms (against us). Let all comply with this order. Bhadra Badi 12, 1848 (August 1791) 14. Hulak meant a system of transportin sulpplies by relays of porters. 15 Obviously one of the captured Tibetan officials. 16. Regmi Research Collections, 5, P. 1. 17. i.e. local administrative or revenue functionaries. 18. i.e. porched barley meal. 19. Kuti was then a part of Nepal. 20. Regmi Research Collections, Vil. 5, P. 15. 21 The Nepal term is Bhadra. Contd.......... 270. 4. Village Granted To Syamarpa Lama22 From King Rana Bahadur Shah To Syamarpa Lama. We hereby grant the two villages of Pasinghyaca and Dhurburinbochhepasingchho to you. We also direct that th Amalidars of Dzongka and Kerung shall not interfare in areas covered by these villages, as well as in (the affairs of) disciples there. Know (these villages) to be your own and use them, nobady shall create any dispute or indulge in loot and plunder there, anybody who indulges in violence shall be deemed to have committed an offense. Bhadra Sudi 2, 1848 (September 1791) 5. War Regulations23 From King Ran Bahadur Shah To Kirtiman Singh, Badal Singh Basnyat and purnananda Upadhyaya 1. Recruit 3 companies of Dhakres belonging to all the 36 castes in areas east of the Dudhkosi and west of the Tista for the war. Join the army and attack Kharta. After kharta os occupied, join the troops which havw proceeded toward Kuti, following the most convenient route which any also cause the maximum harassment to the Bhotes. 2. Amogn goods plundered from the Gumbas of Lamas and the houses of Dhewas and Bharadars, foodstuff shall be used by the troops; other goods shall be submitted to the government. 3. One-fifth of coral, pearls, jewels, gold, and silver looted elsewhere shall be given to those who loot them; dthe rest shall be submitted to the government. 22. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, 16. 23. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, PP. 17-19 Contd............ 271. 4. One-sixth of brooade (Kuchin) and other cloths, copper, brass, and other metals, horses and mules shall be given to those who loot them; the rest shall be submitted to us. One-tenth of musk, yaks' tails and borax shall be given to those who loot them. 5. Among the booty, the share of the government shall be set aside; the rest shall be appertioned equally among Dhkre troops, those paid regular emolument24 and those paid on monthly basis25 in cash. Remissions shall be granted after audit. 6. Expenses incurred in cash in our work, for medical treatments, funerals, collection of information and correspondence shall be remitted after audit. 7. The entire enemy male population in areas where the war is fought shall be slaughtered; their children shall be taken to their homesteads and settled there. 8. There shall be no slaughterin villages in Bhot where the people do not fight, or where na amnesty has been proclaimed. They shall be given succor. Respectable persons shall be summoned and sent here. 9. The descendants of the Hong Kuso King be summoned to Kharia and conciliated, they shall be told, "Our King has declared that in case you join us and we conquer Lhasa, we shall restore your kingdom. Bhadra Sudi 2, 1848 (September 1791) 24. The Nepali term is Dadiya. 25. The Nepali term is Darmahawal. 272. Nepal-Sirmur Treaty* Pledge (Dharmapatra) offered to Maharajadhiraj Ran Bahadur Shah of Gorkha By Maharaj Jagat Prakash Singh of Sirmur** We hereby stipulate that he Ganga river shall form the boundary between Gorkha an Sirmur. In case we [.....] the territories of Gorkha, and do not regard the enemies of Gorkha as our enemies, and its friends as our friends, may the evil eyes if God Panchayana fall on us. In case we abide by this pledge, may the blessings of God Panchayana be on us. Monday, Shrawan 12, 1849 (July 27, 1792) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 37, PP. 129-30 *The appropriate royal titles have been given before each name. 273. Glossary of Revenure, Administrative And Other Terms Occuring In Nepal Historical Documents Salami Sanyasi-Mandali Sayana Sera Serma Shraddha-Kharcha ...... A generic term used to denote miscellaneous payments to the government. The term was thus used to denote:- (a) Fines imposed fro counter-feiting of [..........] coins. (b) Fees levied for affixing the official seal on weights and measures (c) A levy collected in a newly annexed territory. (d) Payments due from Chaudharis, [..........]. [.......] and other revenue functionaries. Similar to the Jogi-Mandal (Vol. 2, [.....] July 1970, P. 174) and the Mahut-Mandal (Vol. 2, No. 8,) A village-level revenue functionary in the Tarai areas of Kumaun and Garhwal. His emoluments consisted of 10% of the proceeds of revenue collection. Lands allotted for the supply of foodgrains and othe agriculture produce for the royal household A tax collected usually in cash on [.......] Pakho holdings in the hill areas including Kathmandu Valley. A levy collected in Thank and elsewhere [...........] to finance Shreddha ceremonies (on the occasion of trhe anniversary f the death of father or husband in the family of the village headman. Contd............ 274. Singarhat ..... Fine imposed for assaulting a virgin girl. Subbangi ..... A levy collected in Kumaun and Garhwal until 1802 for the benefit of the chief local administrator. Subba Salami ..... A similar levy collected in Pyuthan until 1797. It was revived 2 years later and the proceeds were assigned to the Army. Suna Birta ..... Lands granted as Birta on a non-taxing basis against cash payments to the government during the Malla period on Kathmadu Valley. Takari ..... An official on charge of mints in Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaun of [.....] duties in goods imported from or [.......] to Tibet. He also adjudicated in [.....] putes of the trading community in Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaun. His amolument consisted of one-tenth [..] the revenue from mint from Nepal-Tibet trade. Thakali ..... (1) Leading Nepal merchants in Lhasa who assisted the Nayak in the exercise of judicial authority over the Nepali merchanr community [.....]. (2) The inhabitants of Thak-Khola, [.....] high valley of the Kali Gandaki river north-west of Pokhara ion western Nepal. Thalu ..... A village functionary in the Thak-Khola area, subordinate to the Budha Thani ..... A revenue functioanary in Jumla, Mustang and other areas in north-western Nepal. Contd........... 275. Thapala ..... A vessal principality or territory. Jajarkot thus became a Thapala of Gorkha in 1790. Chhilli similarly occupied a Thapala status under the principality of Dang. Tusal ..... A central office responsible for serrlement of land disputes, registration of (Birta) land transactions, demarcation of land boundaries, irrigation, damage to lands by floods and landslides an other functions. It also handled procuremrnt of copper on behalf on the Mint. Umra ..... Officials appointed for divisions (thum) of hill districts to look after military matters. Wajbi ..... A generic term for the actual amount of land revenue assessment. Walak ..... Levies collected from each homestead in the hill distrcts, including Kathmandu Valley, the proceeds of which were used for the royal household. Walak payments were made in the form of ghee, oil goats, or bearm or in cash. They were of three kinds (1) Saune Fagu Walak, collected during the months of Shrawan and Falgun every year, (2) Harsha Bismat Ko Walak, collected on occasions of national celebration or mourning and (3) Kaj Kalyan Ko Walak, collected on festival and ceremonial occasions. (Concluded) (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: December 1, 1970 Regmi Researvh Series Year 2, No. 12, Edited By: Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. The Jaisi Caste ..... 277. 2. The Childhood of Rana Bahadur Shah ..... 286 3. Cululative Sumary Index ..... 298 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 277. The Jaisi Caste Origin And Status Babu Ram Acharya writes,1 "The Smritis, written in the plains of the "Madhydesha" between the Ganga and Jamuna rivers, regard it as a sin for a Brahman to take a married woman or widow of Brahman caste as his wife. Children born of a married Brahman woman or widow in this manner are known as "Kunda" and "Golaka" respectively. Orthodox Brahmans framed these rules even thoug it was not proper to punish children for the sins of their fathers. "However, Brahmans inhabiting principalities established during the medieval period in the hill reions between Kumaun-Doti and Jajarkot-Salyan mitigated this punishment to some extent. The offspring of the unions mentioned above were employed as Jyotishi, or astrologers, which gradually corrupted to Jaisi, as well as clerks. However, they were not permitted to perform religious functions at the homes of pure Brahmans (Upadhyaya) and pure Kshtriyas (Thakuri). Jaisis thus occupied a lower rank in the Brahman caste. There were Jaisis all over the hill region up to the Kirat region in the east. In contradistinction, Upadhyaya Brahmans were permitted to study and teach the Vedas, conduct or perform religious functions (Yajnyas) and give or accept ritual gists (dana). Jaisis were prohibited from teaching the Vedes to, conducting Yajnyas for the taking ritual gifts from Upadhyaya Brahmans and Thakuris. "During the invasion of Nuwakot, Prithvi Narayan Shah employed Kalu Jaisi (Adhikari) of Nuwakot to install a past according to Tantric rites at Mahamandal without the Knowledge of his enemy. Jayant Rana. Jaisis had not been able to do so at Sankhugaun when this village was attacked by Sardar Shivarama Simha Basnyat in 1745. The Gorkhalis were defeared in this battle. Prithvi Narayan Shah then introduced a rule according to which this task was to be perform by a brave soldierm not by a Jaisi, on the hill adjacent to the fort that was the target of attack. But the observance of this rite did not insure victory. Prithiv Narayan Shah did not recruit Jaisi as soldiers, but employed them to find out prospectivce recruits and discharge clerical functions. He had chosen Jaskarna Pande to start the economic blockede of Kathmadu Valley. 1. Babu Ram Acharya, Shri 5 Bada Maharajadhiraj Prithvi Narayan Shah (The Great King Prithvi Narayan Shah). Kathmandu; His Majesty's Principle Press Secretariat, 1969, Part 4, PP. 765-773. Contd.......... 278. "Upadhyaya Brahmans too ftunctioned as astrologers and they too were called Jaisis. But these two groups oof Jaisis did not have commensal and marital relations between them, sometimes, an Upadhyaya Brahman who had the mother of Kundaka or Golaka children in his home secretly took rice touched by her. When the secret leaked, expiation was essential, and this sometimes involved the royal family too. "In 1759 A.D., the practice was introduced of memers of the royal family and other Kshatriyaof offering obeisane (Pranama) to Upadhyaya Brahmans who functiones as astrologers (Jaisi), and "Salaam" to Kundakas Golakas and their descendandts. Jaskarna Pande received th first "Salaam" accordingly at Belkot in that year. In 1761 A.D., this practice was introduced all over the kingdom of Gorkha. Soon afterwards, Jaskarna Pande sentenced to capital punishment on the charge of having attempted to capture the Crown Prince, Pratap Singh Shah, and hand him over to Jaya Prakash Malla, but this did not affect the practice of offering "Salaam" to Jaisis. Both King Prithvi Narayan Shah and Crown Prince Pratap Simha Shah thus offered "Salaam" in their letters to Srikrishna Pathak, who had taken up the responsibility of attacking Kathmandu Vallley. No lette of King Prithvi Narayan Shah in which he has offered "Salaam" in this mannet to any other Jaisi has been discovered. 40 years after his death, Harivamsha Jaisi offered "Salaam" in a letter written to King Girban Yuddha Vikram Shah, while Rajguru Ranganath Pandit offered blessings (Shubhashirvad)." King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Rgulations, 17612 On Aswin Badi 10, 1818 (September 23, 1761), in order issued in the Jaisis all over the kingdom, King Prithvi Narayan Shah decreed: "Henceforth, Upadhyaya Brahmans shall perform six functions, but Jaisis shall perform only three. Jaisis may study, but nor teach. They may perform Yajnyas but not conduct them. They may make ritual gifts ([....]) but not accept them. Jaisis shall offer obeisance (Pranama) to Upadhyaya Brahmans, while the latter shall give blessings (Ashish) to Jaisis. With Kshtriyas and Vaishyas (Jaisis) shall exchange Salaams. Khas Shudra and other castes shall offer Salaam to Jaisis first, and Jaisis shall then return such Salaams but not give blessings(Ashish). Whosover abides by these rules shall get happiness. Whosoever does not abide by thes rules shall gt misery. You may think that the abolition of the practice of offering Pranamas to you is motivated by the desire to appropriate you Birta lands. In cae any offense is commiited, even a king losses his [......] and Upadhyaya Brahmans toll lose their Birta lands. If no offencse is commited the Birta lands of even Baramu, Kumhal and Makhi are not confiscated. In Nepal too, all castes own Birta lands. In the Madhesh region, the Bhot region 2. Babu Ram Acharya, op cit. p. 772-773. Contd..... 279. Jumla, Kumaun and Doti too, all castes own Birta lands. All of them are utilizing these lands. Birta lands are granted to Upadhyaya Brahmans for the sake of religious merit. Members every caste may acquire Birta lands through purchase if they have money. You have your Birta lands. Do not feel concerned on this account." (Source" Jaisi Kotha records in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of His Majesty's Government). The 1811 Regulations The following regulations were promulgated in this connection by the government of Nepal on Poush Badi 12, 1868 (December 1811):-3 To members of all Jaisi castes all over the country. Our great-grand-father (i.e. King Prithivi Narayan Shah) had decreed what you should do and what you should not do. But you have not compiled with the provisions of this decree. Nor have you been able to live separately, in 1862 Vikrama (1805A.D), therefore, regulations had been enforced directing you to study but not teach the Vedas; not to accept ritual gifts (dana), not to conduct religious functions, offer one-sided obeisance (Pranama) to Upadhyaya Brahmans and Salaam to us, exchange Salaam with other sacred thread-wearing castes and offer blessings (Ashish) to non-sacred thread-wearing castes. But you have not compiled with these regulations. Moreover, it appears that you are mixing on the basis of equality with children bron of (widowed) sisters-in-law, or of Brahman woman who have polluted through sexual intecurse with members of other castes or who have had three or four husbands. We hereby promulgate regulations prescribing penalties for those who have violated the provisions decroed previoiuly as well as provisions to be compiled with (in the future). Pay penalties through Dittha Bishram Khatri of the Kotaling Adalat. Anybody who doe not compl with these provisions shall be liable to punishment on his person and property. (1) Jaisis born of a union between an Upadhyaya Brahman widow and an Upadhyay ro or a marriage between the daughter of such Jaisis of good status and an Upadhyaya or a Jaisi or of a union of such a Jaisi widow and an Upadhyaya or a Jaisi of similar statuw, or the offsprig of such Jaisis, shall study but not teach the Vedas, give ritual gifts but not take them even thoug they are Brahman, perform religious functions (homa) at homebut not conduct them at the houses of others, offer one-sided obeisance (Pranama) to Upadhyaya Brahmans, Salaam to us and blessings (Ashish) to others. If Jaisis of the categories mentioned in this regulations pledge themselves to live separately from childrenborn of Upadhyaya or Jaisi woman polluted through sexual intercourse with other 3. Regmi Research Collections, vol. 40. pp. 319-323. Contd....... 280. castes, of (widowed) sisters-in-law and of Upadhyaya or Jaisi woman hoe have had sexual intercourse with several persons, they shall undergo purification through customary (Niti) and Samriti (scriptural) rites after explaining the rites customary observed by their family, and comply with the provisions of these regulations. 2. Those Jaisis who canot live separately (as mentioned above) shall study but not teach the Vedas, give but not take ritual gifts, not conduct religious functions, offer one-sided obeisance (Pranama) to Upadhyaya Brahmans and Salaam to us, exchange Salaams with membes of othe sacred thread-wearing castes and offer blessings (Ashish) to members of non-sacred thread-wearing castes 3. Jaisis born of (widowed), sister-in-law within three generations, or of other related woman, or of Upadhyaya or Jaisi women who have been polluted through sexual intercourse with members of othe castes or with three or fur persons shall not study the Vedas, not be initiated with the Brahma-Gayatri and observe the other restriction mentioned in No. 2 4. Henceforh, no Jaisi of any category shall take an Upadhyaya widow as his wife, or cmmit sexual intercourse with sisters-in-law or other related women, any Jaisi who comits sexual intercourse with sisters-in-law or other women related within three generations shall be liable to punishment on his person and property. Severe punishment shall be awarded to any Jaisi who comits sexual intercourse with sister-in-law beyond three generations. 5. Those who have previouosly violated provisions decreed for them shall be punished as follows by the Adalat. Henceforth, these regulations shall be cmpiled with. Those who do not do so shall be liable to punishment on thire life and property. A proclamation to this effect shall be issued. Anybody who awards punishment for the violation of provisions not mentioned in this regulations, or does anything to harass the people, shall be liable to punishment on his person and property according to his caste status. Contd............ 281. Penalties Fines For (Jaisis) Who Comit Sexual intercourse With Sisters-in-law Within Three Generations Abal ..... Rs 200 Doyam ..... Rs 150 Sim ..... Rs 100 Chahar ..... Rs 50 Fines For (Jaisis) Who Comit Sexual Intercourse With Sisters-In-Law Beyond Three Generations Abal ..... Rs 100 Doyam ..... Rs 75 Sim ..... Rs 50 Chahar ..... Rs 25 Fines For (Jaisis) Who Conduct Religious Functions Abal ..... Rs 50 Doyam ..... Rs 40 Sim ..... Rs 30 Chahar ..... Rs 20 Fines For (Jaisis) Eho Teach The Vedas Abal ..... Rs 200 Doyam ..... Rs 80 Sim ..... Rs 60 Chahar ..... Rs 40 Contd....... 282. Fines For (Jaisis) Who Do Not Offer One-Sided Obeisance (Pranama) To Upadhyaya Brahmans, And Offer Blessings (Ashish) To Instead Of Exchanging Salaams With Members Of Sacred Thread-Wearing Castes For Those Who Live Near Our Palace And Willfully Violate Orders Abal ..... Rs 1,000 Doyam ..... Rs 500 Sim ..... Rs 250 Chahar ..... Rs 125 For Those Who Live Near The Palace But Do Not Observe The Prescribed Restrictions Abal ..... Rs 5 Doyam ..... Rs 4 Sim ..... Rs 3 Chahar ..... Rs 2 Persons appointed to enforce these provisions shall draw their emoluments from the proceeds of the fines collected by them. Such emolument shall be as followes:- 2 Collectors (Tahasildar) ..... Rs 140 2 Cashiers (Tahabidar) ..... Rs 80 2 Clerks (Bahidar) ..... Rs 100 12 peons (Pyada ..... Rs 300 Poush Badi 12, 1868 (December 1811) Contd........... 283. Remission Of Fines The following order was issued on Baisakh Badi 4, 1869 (April 1812) in the same connection4:- To the Ditthas, Bichari and other official of the four Adalats who have been deputed to the east and the west to collect tines from Jaisis. When Kaji Ambar Singh Thapa was coming here from Palpa, he saw that Jaisis lining in the western regions, unable to pay fines, had fled to different places, so that villages and domesteads had become deserted. There indigent Jaisis tjat were left had been greatly oppressed by official. Kaji Ambar Singh Thapa has reported this situation in detail to us. We therefore remit the fines which had been imposed on Jaisiss all over the kingdom. Do not collect fines any more. So far as fines already collected are concerned, refund the balance, inclusive of expiation fees (Sabhasudha), Pyajkhani and the Dhungo fee. In case you do not do so, and complaints are received accordingly, severe punishment shall be awarded in the person and prosperty of those not making such refundment. Recent Legislation On The Jaisi Caste The 1866-67 editions of the Muluki Ain contained the following law on Jaisis:- (1) In case a Jaisi Brahman commits incest, he shall be punished according to the law relating Upadhyaya Brahmans (guilty of incest). 2. Children born of an Upadhyaya man and an Upadhyaya girl or widow become Jaisis of good status. Children born of marriage between the daughters of such Jaisis and Upadhyaya (Brahmans) also become Jaisis of good status. 3. If an Upadhyaya or Jaisi has taken as his wife an Brahman widow or a Brahman woman whose husband is an absconding criminal or has been sentenced to punishment and degraded to Shudra castes, and if such woman has remained chaste to her husband, so that (the Upadhyaya or Jaisi who subsequently takes her as his wife) is the second person to have sexual relations with her, children born of such a union shall belong to the Jaisi caste. 4. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 41, PP. 81-82 Contd........... 84. 4. In case a Brahman takes as his wife a woman of Upadhyaya or Jaisi caste who is not related to him, in such a manner that he is the third person to have sexual relations with her, children born of such a union shll be known as Bhat Jaisis. They shall be entitled to wear the sacred thread. If a member of a sacrd thread-wearing caste deliverately involves himself in commensal relations with the widow of a Bhat Jaisi who is not related to him and takes her as his wife, a fine of Rs 50 shall be imposed. But he shall not be deemed to have committed any offense in case he does not involve himself in commensal relations. In case he does not pay th fine, he shall be imprisoned according to law.5 These provisions5 were retained in substantially the same form in the 1955 edition of the Muluki Ain also6 until finally repealed on April 12, 1963. In Doti Regulations promulgated for Doti district on Ashadh Sudi 1, 1886 (July 1829) prescribed7:- "A Jaisi Brahman shall not take his sister-in-law as his wife after the death of his elder brother. In case he does so, he shall be severely punished." 5. "Jaisi Bahun Ko". (On Jaisi Brahmans). In Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shah Dev Ka Shasankalma Babeko Muluki Ain (Legal Code Enacted During The Reign Of King Surendtra ). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, 1965, 537 P. 6. "Adal ko" (On Social Discipline). Muluki Ain (Legal Code) , Kathmandu; Gorkhapatra Press, 1955 Part V, Sections 39-41, PP. 19-20. 7. Regmi Research Collectios; Vol. 43. P. 637. Contd........... 285. Other Provisions In case a jaisi of good statuw commited sexual intercourse with a girl or widow of above the age of 11 years with he consent, and in case he was not related to him within prohibited degrees, punishment was awarded on the basis of whether or not he had involved himself or his caste-members in commensal relations with her. This wil be clear frim the followinf chart:- Caste of girl or widow Punishment on Jaisi Punishment for if not involved in involvement in commensal relations commensal relations with her Upadhyaya 2 year' imprisonment 4 year's imprisonment Rajput Five of Rs 40,000 Rs 60.00 Jaisi of equal status No offense Rs 80.00 Sacred thread-wearing Kshatriya No offense Rs 25.00 Devabhaju, Terhaute, Bhatta, Mahatta, Nagar, Gugrati, Maharashtra, Tailang, Dravin, Madhise and other Brahman girls of of foreing countries No offense Rs 30.00 Dasna, jogi, jangam, Sanyasi, Sewadam Bairagi, Kanfatta, Nanak, Udasi, Aghor, and girls belonging to other religious sects No offense Rs 20.00 Girls of liquor-drinking (Matwala) castes not per- mitted to be enslaved No offense do. Which may be enslaved No offense Rs 5.00 No Reference. 6. "Ghati Badi Jat Ma Karani Garnya Jaisi Jat Ko" (On Sexula intercourse Between Jaisis and Girls of Higher of Lower Castes ). In Legal Code Enacted During The Reign of King Surandra, op. cit.PP. 657-658. 286. The Childhood Of Rana Bahadur Shah By Chittaranjan Nepali. Perhaps no other King of Nepal has been subject to as much criticism by his torians as King Rana Bahadur Shah, the third King of the Shan dynasty. Every great and yet revolutionary and anto-conservative measure initiated bu him in the cause of the country, the king and the people during his short reign has been evaluated from the very beginning in an unfavorable light; and this criticism lasted well over a century. Rana Bahadur Shah has been depicted as an insane, cruel and incompetent ruler in the history of Nepal. Many of his nationalist and far-reaching measures wuch as the expropriation with athe British were cited as evidence of his lunacy or his cruel temperament, so that the actions attributed to him by British historians were regardedas true for over a century. King Rana Bahadur Shah was born in Ashadh 11, 1832 B.C. (circa June 27, 1775) to Queen Rajendra Laxmi. His father, Pratap Simha Shah, having expired in the prime of his life, Rana Bahadur Shah ascended the throne on Marga 3, 1834 (November 18. 1775), that is , while he was barely two and a half years old. However, he began to rule directly only in 1851 (1794 A.D). Before that year,he was king in name only, and the affairs of the states were handled during that period by his mother, Queen Rajendra Laxmi, and his uncle, Chautariya Bahadur Shah, successively as Regent. Queen Rajendra Laxmi proved herself to be the most capable and talented among the femal regents of Nepal. While she was Regent, with the infant King Rana Bahdur Shah in her lap, she annexed a number of principalities into the kingdom of Nepal, thereby laying one more brick in the foundation of the "Greater Kingdom of Nepal" laid by her father in law, king Prithvi Narayan Shah. Queen Rajendra Laxmi could nor continue as Regent for long. Eight years after she became involved in confict with hher brother-in-law, Bahadur Shah. Taking advantage of this feul, the Baisi states ornganise a revolt. XChittaranjan Nepali, Shri 5 Rana Bahadur Shah (King Rana Bahadur Shah), Kathmandu: Mary Rajbhandari, 2020 (1963), Chapter I: "Balyakal (Sanwat 1832-51)" (Childhood: 1775-1794 A.D.) 1-21 PP. Contd.......... 287. Chautariya Bahadur Shah had come back to Nepal from exile on the death of King Pratap Simha Shah. Being highly ambitious, Bahadur Shah wanted to rule over the Kingdom as Regent on behalf of his nephew. This was the reason why he returned to Nepal. However, Rajendra Laxmi was no less clever. She understands the ambitious of her brother-in-law. He hadnor forgotton that Bahadur Shah hatched a conspiracy against her husband during his reign. He had plotted against his own elder brother in collusion with Chautariya Dalamardan Shah, once ruler of Lalitpur. But the conspiracy misfired because he king had received advance information of it. Bahadur Shah was arrested. On the special request of chief Priest Gajaraj Mishra, however, he was allowed to go into exile. He had gone to Bettiah, where Capushin adh other Cristian missionaries, who had been expelled by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, were living. Bahadur Shah Otayed in Bittiah as long as King Pratap Simha Shah lived.1 Bahadur Shah became Regent on his return to Nepal following the death of his brother, Pratap Simha Shah. He had an announcement to this effect made on behalf of the king. But queen Rajendra Laxmi eas oppose to him. In these circumstances, it was natural that a conflict have [.......] between them. The queen imprisoned Regent Bahadur Shah/ but this time too Chief Royal Priest Gajraj Mishra pleased for his release. Accordingly, Bahadur Shah was freed. Bahdur Shah thereupon imprisoned queen Rajendra Laxmi charging her with living an immoral life. He then proclaimed himself as Regent. However, his position as Regent was short-lived, as the majority of th influential Bhardars supported the queen. Nor was the charge of immoral behavior against the queen proved correct. Consequently, Queen Rajendra Laxmi personality if the queen, again ent into voluntary exile. Again she chose Bettian for his residence. Occasionally, he visited Patna also. He stayed in Indi as long as queen Rajendra Laxmi was Regent in Nepal. An analysis of the circumstances behind te feud between Queen Rajendra Laxmi and Chautariya Bahadur Shah would show clearly that is was prompted chiefly by policy considerations. 1.(a) Kinkpatrick - An Account Of The Kingdom of Nepaul, PP. 271-72. (b) Hamilton -An Accout of Nepal, P 247. (c) Oldfield -Sketches of Nepal, P. 279 (d) Balchandra Sharma - Nepal Ko Aitihasik Ruprekha, P. 231. 2. (a) Kirkpatrick, op. cip. 273. (b) Balchandra Sharma , op. cit. p. 232. Contd........... 288. Chautariya Bahadur Shah, the second son of king Prithvi Narayan Shah, was born in Ashadh 1814 (June 1754), when Gorkha and Kantipur were at war with each other. His father was winning in every front, and , naturally, Bahadur Shah was gradually developing embitiousand lust for power. But as he realized that he was not the heir-apparent, he joined the opposition group. In order to realize his ambitious, he changed both his policy and tacties. In matters relating to foreign affairs, he differed from Prithvi Narayan Shah. For example, he didnit oppose the activities of Capuchin and other Christian missionaries asa his father had done. On the contrary, he always maintained good relations with Capuchin and other Christian missionaries who had been expelled by his father. Whenever he was compelled to go into exile, he went to British, where Christian missionaries were living. Through these missionaries, he maintained contacts with the Government of the English East India Company. He had donated a bell to a Church built by Capuchin at Patna.3 In addition, he used to send gifts to Capuchin and other priests living at Bettian while he was Regent in Nepal. All this indicates that there existed fundamental difference of approach between King Prithvi Narayan Shah and Bahadur Shah with regard to foreign policy, particularly eith regard to the policy towards th British. Bahadur Shah was a supporter of the British power, while Queen Rajendra Laxmi and other courtiers was strong opponents. It was not therefore suprising that a contest should have developed between Queen Rajendra Laxmi and Bahadur Shah for the post of Regent. It is possible that Queen Rajendra Laxmi did not want Bahadur Shah to become Regent because she was afraid lest he should try to eliminate the infant king. She was not sure that a man like Bahadur Shah, who had shown the courage to hatch a conspiracy against his own elder brother in collusion with his foreign allies, would not harbor evil designs against the infant king once he became Regent. Bahadur Shah's quarrel against his brother, King Pratap Simha Shah, lasted until the latter's death. His quarrel with his sister-in-law too continued til her death. He had developed differences of opinion with Rana Bahadur Shah too, and it was this conflict wich ultimately proved the cause of his death. Thus Bahadur Shah never remined on good terms with te reigning king and his supporters. Apart from ideological factors his "apposition" mentality was alse responsible for his feud with his elder brother, his sister-in-law, and lastly, with his nephew. 3. Surya Bikram Gayawali. Amar Simha Thapa, p. 170. Contd............ 289. /_as true. Moreover, In th face of this historical fact, Hamlton ad claimed that Queen Rajendra Laxmi and Chautariya Bahadur Shah had developed an illicit sexual relationship and that at one stage there was even talk of their marriage.4 He has quoted the people of Palpa as the source of this statement. But no other historian has referred to the allegfed illicit sexual relationship between queen Rajendra Laxmi and Bahadur Shah. Evne Kirkpatrick, who visited Nepal during the regency of Bahadur Shah and wrote an account of Nepal, has nor referred to any such relationship. Nor does the Vamshawali contain any reference to it. As such, it is difficult to accept Hamilton's allegation/_ in political and administrative matter, Queen Rajendra Laxmi and Bahadur Shah were bitter opponents. They carried their political conflict to the last. In these circumstances, any illicit sexual relationship between them must definitely be regarded as improbable. Hamilton appears to have been motivated by political considerations in casting aspersions of this kind on the royal family of Nepal. During the Regency of Queen Rajendra Laxmi, some principalities in the western region were annexed into the kingdom of Nepal. By conquering Kaski, Lamjung and Nuwakot, she further expanded the kingdom of Nepal founded by King Prithvi Narayan Shah. Her regency was a period of expansion. This is why she paid greater attention to the organization of the army then to administrative reforms.5 She died in Shrawan 1842 (July 1785 A.D.). Following the death of Queen Rajendra Laxmi, Chautariya Bahadur Shah, who was then living in exile in Bettiah, returned to Nepal and started functioning as Regent on behalf of his 10-year old nephew, Rana Bahadur Shah. During his regency too, the kingdom of Nepal expanded in the west. Bahadur Shah married the daughter of Mahadatta Sen, King of Palpa, seince he felt that any opposition from Palpa would interfere with his campaign of conquest in the western region. The marriage took place in the month of Magh 1842 (February 1795) After the establishment of matrimonial relations with Palpa. Bahadur Shah sent his Kaji Jiva Shah, Kaji Shiva Narayan Khatri and Sardar Amar Singh Thapa to invade Gulmi. The troops dispatched under their command reached Gulmi after crossing the Kali river through Karkikot. The king of Gulmi [.....] and Gulmi was annexed. 4. Hamilton, op. cit. P. 247. 5. Kirkpatrick, op cit. P. 73. Contd....... 290. The Nepali troops then moved forward in three separate formations. Sardar Amar Singh Thapa, commanding two companies, reached Chandrakot, while the troops commanded by Subba Jog Narayan reached Khanchi. The troops commanded by Kaji Shah and Sardar Parath Bhandari attacked Arjuna and Resuma respectively. In the meantime, the troops of Parbat invaded Salyan-Kurtha. They succeeded in occupying that area because the local officer (Dware), Sabal Shahi, fled in panic before reinforcements arrived. After occupying that area, the troops of Parbat attacked the Nepali troops stationed at Argha. However, the Nepalis finally emerged victiriou. The town of Argha was annexed into Nepal. A few days later, Sardar Ambar Singh Thapa, who had reached Chandrakot with two companies of troops, and Subba Jog Narayan Mall, who had reached Khanci, jointly invaded Baglung.the troops commanded by Kaji Damodar Pande and Kaji Jagjit Pande, which had been winning avseried of victories, captured Pyuthan, Dang and Jaharitar. They then returned to Kathmandu. Kaji Dhiva Narayan and Sardar Prabal Rana conquered Jumla, reaching there through the snow-clad and inaccessible area of Mukttinath. Simultaneously, the troops commanded by Sardar Kalu Pande and Sardar Shatrusal occupied Surkheta nd Dailekh; while the troops commanded by Captain Narabir Khatri occupied Achham and Doti. After winning victories in different area in this manner, the royal troops encamped at Dhauli near Kumaun.in the meantime, fighting broke out between the Nepali troops and forces of Mahindra Chandra at Gagauli. The Nepalis met with defeat in this battle. Later, however, Ambar Singh Thapa fought again in the same area and occupiedit. The frontiers of Nepal thus extended to Almora. Advancing further from Almore, the royal troops crossed the Alakananda. So far they had not had to fight hard. They had easily occupied all territorie situated on the way. The troops commanded by Pratiman Shhi reached Srinagar and after giving charge of its defense to Kalu Khawas, moved beyond Liglig, and finally encamped at Jannarkhal. At the same time, Ambat Singh Thapa moved to Thumka from Palpa. At that time, the enemy attacked the Nepalis from Salamgadhi. The enemy troops also lannched an attack at Kosha, but the attack was repulsed by Ambar Singh Thapa and Bhakti Thapa. However, as a result of an attack by enemy forces from across the Bheri and the Mahakali, the Nepali troops in Srinagar lost cantact with their headquarters, thereby facing a serious situatioin. But Kalu Pande and Jagjit Pande defeated the enemy and rejointed the Nepali troops in Srinagar. At that time Nepal also to fight against the Chinese hordes which had been advancing from the in aid of Tibet. The Chinese were approaching gradually, and it became very difficult for Nepal to fight at two fronts Contd....... 291. The Nepalis were defeated at several battles byth Chinese troops. Whwn the Chinese finally reached Dhaibung which is situated at a distance of 2 or 3 days' journey from Kathmandu, Nepal recalled it troops from different fronts. The royal orde of recall issued to Ambar Singh Thapa, whose troops were then fighting on the Alakananda front, is as follows:- To Ambar Singh Thapa and Subedar Dasharath Khatri. As the Chinese and Bhotes have come up to Dhaibung, you two are hereby ordered to come back along with your troops as soon a possible. Shravan 13, 1849 (July 28, 1792 A.D.) Kantipur. On receiving the news of the arrival of Chinese troops Dhaibung, Nepali troopsinthe far-western front were thus compelled to stop fighting and returned home. They were also compelled to sign a peace treaty with Garhwal. But sonn they received the news that fighting had stopped between the Chinese and the Nepali troops in the Betrawati area, Capatain Kalu Pande and Subedar Narahari therefore remained on the western front; while the other commaders returned to the capital. Nepal had to go war twice against Tibet during the regency of Bahdur Shah as a result of differences with regard to the reign of king Pratap Simha Shah. The first phase of the Nepal-Tibet war, which had started in 1846 (1789 A.D.) lasted less than a year an concluded with the digning of a treaty at Kerung. Chinese Ambas acted as mediators in the negotiations that led to the treaty. This led to the resumption of contacts between Nepal and China, which had been interrupted for several centuries. Nepal then sent a delegation to Peking with presents for the Chinese Emperor. The delegation was led by Kaji Hari Shahi. The Chinese Emperor, on his part conferred the title of "Wang" on king Rana Bahadur Shah and of "Ghung" or Regent Bahadur Shahi. He also sent gifts. However, Nepal and Tibet could not maintain peaceful relations for long after the conclusion of this treaty. After abour 3 years, the two states went to war again. Tis time, Nepal had to fight not only against the Tibetans but also against the Chinese troops who had come in aid of Tibet. It is true that Chinesee troops commanded by Chang-Chung had come to Lhasa to help Tibet against Napal during the previous war also. But te time th Chinese and reached Lhasa, Nepali and Tibet had agreed to negotiate a treaty at Kerung. The Chinese troops did nor have to raise arms. In the second war, however, the Nepal and Chinese troops fought each other fiercely. The war started from Kuti in 1791 and ended the following year on the bank of the Betrawati river. Contd....... 292. Whilw figting was going on against the Chinese, Bahadur Shah, who was then Regent, appealed to the English East India Compay Government for military aid. However, the English, who had already occupied several Indian States, did not extend any such aid. Lord Cornwallis, the then Governor-General did ot wish to disrupt the company's trade with China by providing military assistance to Nepal. Nor did he consider it necessary to lose the opportunities presented by this situation to fulfill his colonial ambition and maintain a foothold in Nepal. In fact, he had been nursing this ambition ever since the defeat of merely of Captain Kinloch. Hence, instead of exdending military support forthwith, he merely sent a military mission headed byWilliam Kirkpatrick to make an on-the-spot study of the military situation in Nepal. This mission arrived in Kathmandu on March 3, 1793 A,D. However, before this military mission arrived in Kathmandu, negotiation for a treaty had already started between the Nepali and Chinese military commanders on the banks of the Betravakti. The nobles of Nepal did not show any interest in the mission. Kirkpatrick had therefore to go back to India after 24 days without accomplishing his task. Just one year before the visit of the English military mission, a trade agreement had been concluded between the Government of Nepal and the East India Company Government. Bahadur Shah must has assessed the situation arising from the Nepal-Tbet war of 1789 and thus signed this treaty with the English objective of maing it possible for him to ask for military supprt from the latter in the event of resumption of hostilities with Tibet, particularly because by that [......] the Tibetan Government had already started expressing dissatisfaction with the terms of the 1789 Treaty. Bahadfur Shah probably sought to establish relations with the Englsih East India Compary in order to strengthen his own position on the advice of Capuchin other Christian missionaries who had ben driven out by Prithvi Narayan Shah. The practice of keeping one's position and power secure with the support of outsiders had since been frequently witnessed in Nepal. In fact, Bahadur Shah's generous attitude towards the English had played an important part inhte conclusion of the trade treaty between Nepal and the English East India Company Government. Th treaty was concluded on Falgun 7, 1848 (March 1, 1792). On behalf of Nepal, it was signed by Bahadur Shah himself, while Jonathan Duncal signed it on behalf of the English East India Compalny Government.6 6. Aitchison Treaties, Sunnuds and Engagemets, Vol. II, No. XXII, Contd.......... 293. However, the adverse reception the treary met from the king as well as from the nobles soon rendered it dafund. After the death of Bahadur Shah, the East India Company Government doubted whether the treaty would ever be enforced. That is why it sought to dispatch Abdal Kadar Khan to study the situation and test the reactions of the Nepal Government. Some historians have argued that Bahadur Shah's opponents, and not be himself, were responsible for this trade treaty. Prof. Dhundiraj Bhandari, author of "Nepal Ko Aitihasik Vivechana" (Historical Analysis of Nepal), has even described Bahadur Shah as an opponent of the English.7 Referring to the treaty, he writes, "Jonathan Duncan, a representative of the English East India Company at Banaras, forwarded proposals for a 7-point commercial treaty to Nepal. The opppsition camp was in a strong position within the palace, and the young King Rana Bahadur Shah too supported the proposal. Nepal therefore accepted it. But notwithstanding the conclusion of a treaty between Nepal and the Company Government owing to intrigues within the palace, Bahadur Shah was secretly playing quite a different political game."8 Prof. Dhundiraj Bhandari has thus tried to show that Bahadur Shah was anti-English. But historian facts do not corroborate his view. In the first place, the friendship Bahadur Shah ahd cultivated with Capuchin and other Christian missionaries and the dispatch of gifts to them show clearly that he was not anti-English, Kirkpatrick himself has acknowledged frankly that the king and all other nobles except Bahadur Shah were opposed to his presence in Nepal. Secondly, the decision of the English East India Company to dispatch Abdul Kadar Khan to Nepal to aseertain the attutide of Nepal with regard to the enforcement of the trade treaty indicates that it had lost hopes of conducting trade with the Nepalis after the death of Bahadur Shah. In the course of discussions on this question at the meeting of the Board of Directors of the East Indi Company, the then Governor-General had stated, "In furthering our commercial cause, we cannot expect any help from the Nepali Wakil, Dinnath Upadhyaya, who, like any other foreign Wakil, is a persioner of this government...........and Bahadur Shah, the king's uncle who maintains a broader and more liberal outlook than any other person in the palace with respwct to the benefits of this trade treaty, has resigned several months ago. There is now only on source of hope who could exert influence on the king of Nepal and he is Gajaraj Naser (Mishra), who had always helped in advancing our cause.9 Between Gajaraj Mishra and Bahadur Shah there existed intimate friendship, which again shows that the latter was on opponent but actually a supporte of the English. 7. Dhundiraj Bhandari Nepal Ko Aitishasik Vivechana, p. 199. 8. Ibid, P. 207 9. D.C. Ganguly Secret Documents, P. 134. Contd............ 294. The influence of Bahadur Shah started deelining following the outbreak of the Nepal- China war. Rana Bahdur Shah, who had by then attained majority decided to run the administrarion of the country directly. He did not like to remain a nomial king with his uncle as his guardian. Being of a revolutionary temperament, it was not unnatural for the youthful King Rana Bahadur Shah to remain under the care or protection of anybody. Moreover, the majority of the nobles had then turned against Bahadur Shah because of his pro-English policy. In fact, the hostile attitude of the nobles hastened the downfull of Bahadur Shah. While a Regent, Bahadur Shah had not adhered to the spirit of the fore policy enunciated by his own father, Prithvi Narayan Shah. In the "[.......] Counsel", outlining the kind of foreign policy which he wanted Nepal to persue, Prithvi Narayan Shah had explicitly said, : "Maintain amicable relation with the Emperor of China. We should maintain relations also with the Emperor of the south. But he is very cunning. He is oppressing India." Prithvi Narayan Shah had expelled Christian missionaries from Nepal and advised Tibet also to do the same. Bahaddur Shah had followed just the opposite policy. He had cultivated friendly relations with the Christian missionaries deported by his father, concluded a trade treaty with the English and invited an Englsih [......] mission to Nepal, thereby hoping to strengthen ties with the English, it was also during Bahadur Shah's regency that Nwpal had to fo to war twice with Tibet. Hiw pro-English policy did not find favor with the nobility. In the light of this, as also of the desire of the youthful king Rana Bahadur Shah to run the affairs of the state directly, Bahadur Shah sought to maintain special relations with the English in order to keep his own position secure. Successive Mukhtiyars or Prime Minister adopted a policy of cultivating friendship with the English whenever the faced a thread to their position. The Rana regime emerged as a result of the rise to power of Jung Bahadur was able to lord it over both the king and the people for 105 years by [......] on the British power in India. That the pro-English policy of Bahadur Shah was generally opposed within the palace has been admitted by Col. Kirkpatrick, himself. In his report to Governor-General Lord Cornwallis on his mission to Nepal, Kirkpatrick has referred fto the fact that Bahadur Shah's invitation to the English military mission and his establishment of relations with the English East India Company Government had been opposed by the majority of the Nepali nobles including Krishan Shah.10 In his report, Col. Kirkpatrick had also stated that there wa "a certain powerful party, which could not, by any means, be reconciled to the idea of my remaining even for a few months at Kathmandu" and that the king had not even taken interest in holding talks with him.10 10. Kirkpatrick Appendex II, op, cit. p, 359 Contd..... 295. This proves clearly that Bahadur Shah had intiated the establishment of relations with the English East India Company Government on his own initiative and contrary to the wishes of the youthfull king and the then high-ranking nobles.they perhaps considered it dangerous to maintain contacts with the English who were advancing with the dream of expanding their colonies throughout the world. At that time feelings of national unity were manifesting themselves in Nepal. Nor did the nobles deem it appropriate to ente into any trade agreement with the English who followed the policy of propagating their religion and engaging in trade in every country and then making a colony of it. They regarded it all the more dangerous to allow foreign soldiers to march over Nepal, even though as members of a military mission only. All this accounted for the opposition of the king and the nobles to the establishment of contacts with the English. As a result of the opposition of both King Rana Bahadur Singh and the nobles, the English military mission that had been sent to assess the state of the Nepal-China war force to return on the 24th day of its arrival in Kathmandu. By that time war had come to an end as a result of the truss arranged on the banks of the Betrawati river. Since the war had ended, there was nothing left to be studied by the English military mission. Under these circumstances, the mission could not have prolonged its stay in Nepal. The trade treaty signed with the English East India Company Government had automatically become inoperative by that time owing to the opposition of the king and the nobles. Even then, Bahadur Shah had assured Col. Kirkpatrick of all steps on his part to create conditions "favorable to the renewal of personal intercourse which had been commenced.11 Since then discord set in between King Rana Bahadur Shah and Regent Bahadur Shah. Having become aware of Bahadur Shah's ambition to entrench his position with the backing of a foreign power, and having himself come of [......]. Rana Bahadur Shah probably did not consider it desirable to let Bahadur Shah continue assuming the reins of administration. Accordingly, in Baisakh 185[..] (April 1794), Rana Bahadur Shah dismissed his uncle, Regent Bahadru Shah and directly assumed control of the affairs of state. After being diverted to power in this manner, Bahadur Shah sent a personal message to the Chinese Amba in Lhasa to be forwarded to the Chinese Emperor. In the message, Bahadur Shah wrote, "My nephew has taken over the reins of administration. I am now engaged in religious functions at temple. The Chinese Amba at Lhasa informed the king of Nepal of the contents of [......] Shah's letter. In the message, the Chinese Amba advised the king of Nepal to seek reconciliation with Bahadur Shah. He stated, "The Chinese Emperor has solicitude for both you and your uncle." 11. Kirkpatrick, op. cit. Appendix II, P. 368. Contd.......... 296. The Chinese Amba messafe proves that King Rana Bahadur Shah had not imprisoned Bahadur Shah immediately on his assumption of the reins of administration, as claimed by some historians.12 Bahadur Shah had later sent a second message to the Chinese Amba at Lhasa expressing his desire to visit China in order to have an audience with the Chinese Emperor. He had sought to go to China as one method of escaping from Nepal, probably because of the strick curbs imposed by the Nepal government on his movements after being notified of his first message to the Chinese Amba. The Chinese Amba, however did not agree to allow Bahadur Shah to visit China without the approval of the Nepal government. He did not regard it as proper that Bahadur Shah should have written to him secretly. At that time, the Chinese Amba requested the king of Nepal for his opinion on the deserability of Bahadur Shal's visit to China. Lest the personal message secretly sent by Bahadur Shah to the Chinese Amba with the idea of acquaiting the Chinese Emperor of the discord between him and the king should create an unfavorable impression in the Chinese Emperor's mind with regard to Rana Bahadur Shah, the latter in Baisakh 1854 (April 1797), sent a mission to China under the leadership of Kaji Sarajit Pande, who dealt with affairs concerning China and Tebet. A royal message mentioning the crimes committed by Bahadru Shah was also sent through the mission to the Chinese Emperor. In Ashadh 1854 (June 1797). Bahadur Shah passed away. Hamilton13 a contemporary of Bahadur Shah, has written that whilw some persons held that he had been murdered, others were of the view that he had died a natural death. In addition to the expansion of the kingdom, the wars with China and Tibet, and the treaty and relations with the English East India Company Government as referred to above, reform in the administration was a [......] feature of the period of Bahdur Shah's regency. In order to faciliatate the smooth conduct of the day-to-day affairs of the administration, he amended laws and relations and enforced new ones. Land surveys first commenced in Nepal during his regency. Bahadur Shah deputed seven officials including Ram Das Pant and Narayan Arayla to the eatern hill areas of Nepal to survey and measure land. An order issued by him in this connection specified the limits within which they were required to function in the course of their work. The rules contained in the order cannot be called defective, since the survey and measurement of lands had been undertaken for the first time in the country. Statches From Nepal 12. (a) Oldfield, Nepal, Vol. 1, P. 285 (b) Landon, Nepal, Vol. 1. P. 70. 13. Hamilton, op. cit. P. 250 Contd........... 297. Bahadur Shah also initiated steps to grant tenancy rights for peasants. Through a royal decree issued on Shravan 9, 1849 (July 25, 1992), he guaranted the security of tenancy rights of the peasants of Kirtipur. The dcree prohibited the indiscriminate eviction of peasants of that area as long as they paid rents. The text of the decree is as follows:- To the inhabitants of Kirtipur. You shall not be envicted from your Seba Birta and Adhiya lands by soldiers (landlords) as long as you continue paying rents as usual. In case you default in the payment of rents or disobey your landlords, the lands being cultivated by you shall be confiscated. (But) lands shall ot be confiscated in case rents have been paid. You shall faithfully appropriate your share of the produce and the soldiers theirs, according to the customary practice. Bahadur Shah also undertook military reforms. He had, at the close of this regency, procured a foreign expert to impart training to the army along modern lines and run the ardnance factory smoothly. He conferred he title of "Sardar" on the expert. The royal letter conferring this tilte was written in the old Hindi. The royal order with regard to the leave to be granted on different occasions to the mechanics working under the supervision of this expert was also written in a mixture of Hindi and Nepali. 298. Regmi Research Series Cumulative Summary Index Year 2 Nos. 1-12, January-December 1970 (Titles In Alphabetical Order. References are to pages). Aboltitin of the Sati System 152 Ancient Bhaktapur Ancient Lalitpur Brief Account of Ancient And Medieval Nepal Brief Political History of The Lichchhavi Period British Account of Gorkhali Rule In Dehradun Childhood of Rana Bahadur Shah Defense Arrangenemts During The Mall Period Dolaji System Firmain From The Mughal Emperor Fiscal Privilages of Rajpurs And Thakurs Forest Protection Measures During The Nineteenth Century Gleanings From The Gorkhapatra Glossary of Revenue, Administrative And Other Terms Occuring In Nepali Historical Document Gorkha-Tanahu Treaties Government of Nepal Act, 1948 Gupta Kings of Nepal 191 22 253 71 59 285 110 114 70 19 171 119 100, 124, 148, 173, 222, 273 251 77 157 Contd....... 299. Guth Lands of Sri Varahi Temple In Bhaktapur Jagachchadra Jaisi Jajarkot Judicial Arrangement For Gaine Community, 1850 Judicial Arrangements For Maithili Brahmans, 1853 Judicial Customs In Nepal King Bhupatindra Mall Kirat Migrations Land Grants And Endowments Land Reclamation And Agriculture Development, 1923 Land Taxation In Garhwal Law On Occupations, 1952 Law On Untouchability Ministers During The Lichchhavi Period Mustang Rajya, 1790 Nepal And The 1857 Indian Mutiny Nepal-China War Nepali Envoy To China, 1792 Nepal, Newar, And The Newari Language Nepal-Sirmur Treaty 259 193 277 17 49 48 144/54, 195 120 190 220 58 18 20 52 96 99 16 177, 206 98 1 272 Contd....... 300. Nepal-Tibet War, 1791 Newar Traders In Lhasa Order Regarding Evidence of Citizenship Status, 19191 Order To Kipat-owing Chepangs In Pinda (West No. 1), 1847 Political Developments In Nepal, 1947 Population Of Kathmandu Valley Property Rights Of Widows Rates Of Interest Regulations On Inheritance Regulations On Translation Of Cannon From Kathmandu To Kumaun Remarks On A Tour Through Nepal In May, 1876 Revenue Futionaries In The Eastern Tarai Districts Rituals In Nepal Life Royal Dynasties During The Lichchhavi Period Shamshuuddin's Invasion Of Nepal Tharu Community And Their Culture Timber Trade In Morang, 1809-10 Village Panchayat During The Rana Period Who are The Doyas ? 267 123 97 167 27 117 127 49 45 64 136 107 227 135 65 189 35 206,241 (S.B.M.)