[COVER: The Barito Isolects of Borneo A Classification Based on Comparative Reconstruction and Lexicostatistics by Alfred B. Hudson (image of Southeast Asia) Data Paper No. 68 Southeast Asia Program Department of Far Eastern Studies Cornell University, Ithaca, New York August, 1967 Price $2.00] [Page Break] [Blank Page] THE BARITO ISOLECTS OF BORNEO A Classification Based on Comparative Reconstruction and Lexicostatistics [Page Break] THE CORNELL UNIVERSITY SOUTHEAST ASIA PROGRAM The Southeast Asia Program was organized at Cornell University in the Department of Far Eastern Studies in 1950. It is a teaching and research program of interdisciplinary studies in the humanities, social sciences and some natural sciences. It deals with Southeast Asia as a region, and with the individual countries of the area: Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. The activities of the Program are carried on both at Cornell and in Southeast Asia. They include an undergraduate and graduate curriculum at Cornell which provides instruction by specialists in Southeast Asian cultural history and present-day affairs and offers intensive training in each of the major languages of the area. The Program sponsors group research projects on Thailand, on Indonesia, on the Philippines, and on the area's Chinese minorities. At the same time, individual staff and students of the Program have done field research in every Southeast Asian country. A list of publications relating to Southeast Asia which may be obtained on prepaid order directly from the Program is given at the end of this volume. Information on Program staff, fellowships, requirements for degrees, and current course offerings will be found in an Announcement of the Department of Asian Studies, obtainable from the Director, Southeast Asia Program, Franklin Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14850. [Page Break] THE BARITO ISOLECTS OF BORNEO A Classification Based on Comparative Reconstruction and Lexicostatistics by Alfred B. Hudson Data Paper: Number 68 Southeast Asia Program Department of Asian Studies Cornell University, Ithaca, New York August 1967 Price: $2.00 [Page Break] (c) 1967 CORNELL UNIVERSITY SOUTHEAST ASIA PROGRAM [Page Break] FOREWORD This study of Bornean languages by Alfred B. Hudson constitutes a major contribution to the linguistic history of this group and its place within the large Austronesian family. Of special interest to the field of general linguistics, as well as to specialists in other disciplines, who are studying this important part of the world, results of the study are greatly enhanced by the author's use, both of the methods of comparative reconstruction and those of lexicostatistics. Indeed, the data alone are no small contribution, for in this area, as in many others, linguistic history is hampered by the lack of reliable information. Though Dr. Hudson wrote his dissertation, of which this study was a part, in the field of anthropology, he is demonstrably equally at home in the field of linguistics. His extensive study of the Ma'anjan on the one hand, and his linguistic studies on the other, virtually constitute two separate but integrated dissertations. Both fields may congratulate themselves on having a member who combines with such high competence the methods and techniques of each. Dr. Hudson has already begun plans for expanding his linguistic studies of Borneo, both in depth and breadth, in the near future. It is with considerable anticipation that the results of his further research are awaited. Robert B. Jones Jr. Associate Professor of Linguistics and Asian Studies Ithaca, New York August 1967 [Page Break] [Blank Page] PREFACE From December 1962 to May 1964, I was engaged in anthropological field research in three Ma'anjan Dajak communities in the Indonesian province of Central Kalimantan. In the course of my work, I collected traditional oral histories that indicated that the Ma'anjan had originated from an area somewhat to the east of their present territory, in an area called the Hulu Sungai district, that is now inhabited by speakers of Band jar Malay. I began a search, for historical corroboration of this tradition, but found little relevant data in the literature. In areas of the world where historical records plumb to no great depth, linguistic evidence often provides one of the few keys to the establishment of ethnic relationships and the interpretation of pre- and proto-historic events. I consulted published ethnic and linguistic classifications, but found much evident confusion, deriving primarily from a lack of accurate comparative data and from imprecision in the application of terminology in existing classifications. I thereupon began gathering my own linguistic data from various Dajak and Malay groups to provide the corpera for comparative analysis that was to provide a classification. The bulk of my field time in Borneo was spent within the confines of a small Ma'anjan community which offered few opportunities for the accumulation of linguistic material from non-Ma'anjan sources. Consequently, when I travelled to the coastal city of Banjarmasin every six months, to renew my cholera immunization, I made it a practice to seek out young Dajaks who were enrolled at the various educational and technical institutions located in that city. There I was able to find bright young people, in their late teens and early twenties, fresh from remote inland villages. I found that these students made excellent informants. However, since my sojourns in Bandjarmasin never lasted more than a few days to a week, I was forced to choose between working intensively with one or two informants, to collect large corpera on a small number of languages, or of limiting myself to the collection of a limited lexical list from a large number of languages. I ultimately decided on the latter course as being more productive at this period, and eventually collected comparable lexical material, representing twenty-five languages, or, as I term them, isolects. I employed both comparative reconstruction and lexico-statistical techniques in analyzing my materials, the two yielding essentially identical results in terms of the subgroupings that emerged. As the result of my analysis, I was able to assign fifteen of the isolects represented to a unit which I have labeled the Barito family. Three of the isolects turned out to be Malay; the rest of the lists represented isolects having affinities to languages beyond the domain of the Barito and Malay groups. vii [Page Break] It is the primary aim of this paper to set forth my classification of the Barito isolects, and to support the classification by presenting the evidence upon which it is based. Since by nature linguists are skeptics, I have appended the complete set of word lists with which my analyses have operated in order to facilitate replicability of results or correction of my own errors by other interested scholars. The problems involved in identifying and scoring cognates in the lexicostatistical method make it especially important that the comparative lists used be published, not only to provide the opportunity for replicability by independent scholars, but to facilitate the comparison of newly gathered material with old. The historical interpretation of my classification is not included in this work, but will appear in future publications. In a forthcoming article, to be published in the journal, INDONESIA, I will use the linguistic evidence of discontinuous distribution of the Southeast Barito isolects to substantiate my contention that early pepper cultivation in the Hulu Sungai area was in the hands of Dajaks practicing swidden cultivation, and only later taken over by Bandjar Malays when the Dutch monopoly in other areas of the Indonesian archipelago increased the demand for Bandjar pepper. Another article will deal with a re-evaluation of the evidence bearing on the purported immediate genetic relationship of Malagasy and Ma'anjan. Here I merely point out that there are many Dajak languages not exhibiting similarities to Malagasy, that are obviously more closely related to Ma'anjan than is the Madagascar isolect. It remains to be proven that Ma'anjan is the closest linguistic relative of Ma'anjan. A Malagasy list is appended for reference by interested scholars. I wish to acknowledge my debt to the Ford Foundation Foreign Area Training Program for supporting my Bornean field research. Alfred B. Hudson August 1967 viii [Page Break] TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Foreword .................................................. v Preface...................................................vii Introduction .............................................. 1 Linguistic Classification ................................. 5 The Barito Family ......................................... 6 The Relation Between the Barito Linguistic Classification and Mallinckrodt's Ethnie Classification .... 25 Bandjar................................................... 30 APPENDIX I Linguistic Analysis ........................... 33 Introduction ........................................... 33 Part I Sound Correspondences............................ 35 Correspondences Reflecting the East Barito : West Barito Split.......................... 37 Correspondences Reflecting the Northeast Barito : Central East-Southeast Barito Split . . 42 Correspondences Reflecting the Central East Barito : Southeast Barito Split .................... 44 Correspondences in which Northeast Barito : Central East Barito : Southeast Barito Contrast ............ 47 Correspondences in which Northwest Barito and Southwest Barito Contrast .......................... 49 Correspondences in which Katingan : Kapuas-Ba'amang Contrast, and in which Dohoi-Murung-1 : Siang-Murung-2 Contrast .................................... 51 Correspondence in which Dohoi Contrasts with all other Barito Isolects............................... 53 Barito-Mahakam Correspondences ....................... 54 Part II Lexicostatistical Analysis ..................... 58 ix [Page Break] Page APPENDIX II Comparative Word Lists ..................... 66 Introduction ......................................... 66 Articulatory Definitions of Phonetic Symbols Used in Word Lists.......................................... 68 Part I East Barito Isolects........................... 69 Part II Barito-Mahakam and West Barito Isolects . . 83 Part III Non-Barito Isolects............................ 97 Bibliography ............................................ Ill TABLES 1. General Scheme of Linguistic Classification of the Barito Family.............................. 14 2. Synopsis of Divergent Sound Correspondences Used in Subgrouping the Barito Languages .... 22 3. Reflexes of Proto-Barito Phonemes .................... 57 FIGURES 1. Diagram Showing the Relationship between Phonological and Lexicostatistical Classifications of Barito Family Languages .................... 26 2. Divergence Order of Barito Family Subgroups .... 34 3. Intragroup Cognate Percentages and Critical Differences of Barito Family Subgroups .............. 61 4. Highest Cognate Percentages Linking Major Barito Subgroups ................................... 63 MAPS 1. Borneo, Showing the Southeast Barito Basin .... 2 2. Approximate Distribution of Subgroups of the Barito Language Family .............................. 10 x [Page Break] INTRODUCTION Southern Borneo, comprising the Indonesian provinces of South and Central Kalimantan, is an area exhibiting a fair amount of linguistic variation within the confines of the West Indonesian branch of the Austronesian family. There are two main groups of languages represented in this area: the Malay and the Barito. The speakers of Malay inhabit mainly the coastal regions of the area but their distribution continues far inland along the courses of the larger rivers. The speakers of the Barito languages fall under the indeterminate rubric of Dajak, and occupy the inland areas to the east and west of the Barito River (see Maps 1 and 2). In this paper I will propose a more detailed, and I hope somewhat more consistent classification of the south Bornean languages than has been available heretofore. This classification is based on linguistic evidence derived from the phonological and lexicostatistical analysis of a set of comparable word lists collected in the field by the writer. It will be good to begin my exposition with a consideration of the much used, but frequently misunderstood terms, "Dajak" and "Malay". "Dajak" is a general term that has been used to denote all non-Moslem indigenous peoples of Kalimantan[superscript 1]. In summarizing his discussion of [line] [superscript 1] This convention has been regularly followed by Dutch and German scholars, [Page Break] 2 [MAP 1: BORNEO, SHOWING THS SOUTHEAST BASITO BASIN] [Page Break] 3 "Dajak," Hallinckrodt, the principal authority on ethnic classification in southern Borneo, finds that the origin of the word is debatable, but goes on to say that: ..it is certain that the population, with the exception of the Sea Dajaks, does not use the term to refer to themselves. For the majority of the population it is taken as an abusive term similar in meaning to "hick," "yokel" and "hillbilly." However, in most recent times, since Nationalism has made an entrance into Borneo, the people consider it a suitable word with which to express the solidarity of the Bornean population. At least the word has been incorporated into the names of some associations, such as the Sarikat Dajak and the Co-operatie Dajaks the first pursues political ends with a nationalistic tendency while the second establishes the economic interests of the Dajak population in opposition to those of foreigners, especially Malays and Chinese. The lumping together of all the heathen tribes under the rubric "Dajak" has the disadvantage that the often very considerable mutual differences tendto be obscured, giving the impression that they all have the same origin, which is by no means proven. The converted heathens who have embraced Christianity also consider themselves to be Dajaks.[superscript 2] Thus "Dajak" has about the same specificity of meaning as the term (American) "Indian," and both of these categories can be broken down into a number of more meaningful units consisting of tribes, or the Indonesian equivalent, suku. In the Bornean context, the term "Malay" is the reciprocal of "Dajak," and in an equally general way is used as a cover for all Moslems of "Indonesian" origin [superscript 3]. Moslems of Dajak origin have usually been placed in [line] and others dealing primarily with the Indonesian part of the island. Leach, under the influence of Harrisson, has suggested that this practice also be followed by investigators concerned with Sarawak and Sabah. See Leach 1950, 51. [superscript 2]Hallinckrodt 19281 I, 10. Translated by the author. [superscript 3]Hallinckrodt 1928: I, 9. The “Indonesian” qualification distinguishes Moslems indigenous to the Indonesian archipelago and vicinity from those of Arabic, Indian or other foreign origin. [Page Break] 4 the Malay category, but there are inconsistencies in this respect. For example, Mallinckrodt appends the Bakumpai, a Dajak tribe that was converted to Islam some centuries ago, to his Ngadju Dajak category, with the ambiguous note that, "strictly speaking, this tribe which consists of devout Moslems does not belong here. However, by descent they do." [superscript 4] The reason for this ambiguity becomes apparent in the light of the additional information that the Bakumpai "originally belonged to the Ngadju and their language is a dialect thereof."[superscript 5] in short, linguistic factors crosscut the purely religious definition of "Malay" and "Dajak," and Mallinckrodt could not quite bring himself to class the Bakumpai, whom he knew through personal contact to be ethnically closely related to known Dajak tribes, with the "real" Malay Band jar, with whom they shared a common religion but from whom they otherwise remained quite distinct. In this case we have a strongly Islamicized group that retains its native Dajak language. In the case of the Iban, or Sea Dajaks of West Kalimantan and Sarawak, we have a non-Islamic group that speaks a language obviously derived from the Malay-South Sumatra homeland of the "Malay" language.[superscript 6] As Mallinckrodt himself realizes, the classical Dajak-Malay distinction "has to do with differences of a religious nature, rather than with differences of origin."[superscript 7] However, it was not by choioe that he based his ethnic classification of Bornean peoples on distinctions of religion and adat, or customary law. [line] [superscript 4]Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 27. [superscript 5]Mallinckrodt 1927, 578. [superscript 6]Sandin 1956, 51-81. [superscript 7]Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 9. [Page Break] 5 ...One great defect pervades the entire literature on Borneo, virtually obstructing the investigation of the tribal relationships obtaining between the different subgroups of the population. This is the fact that no linguists have studied the most prominent languages of the island, with the result that almost nothing is known about them. Hardeland's Ngadju dictionary stands alone; the various other word lists that exist were all compiled by laymen and are of comparatively little use for the determination of language relationships...We must thus, on the whole, base a tribal classification on material derived from adat law... [superscript 8] Along with Mallinckrodt, I feel that an ethnic classification based on linguistic relationships would be very useful at this stage in the development of Borneo research. Fortunately there is enough material available today to allow us to attempt one, at least for the part of southern Borneo with which we are concerned. Linguistic Classification Henceforth the term "Dajak" will be reserved for languages, and their speakers, indigenous to Borneo. A language will be considered indigenous to Borneo if it has not been shown to have closer affinities to languages indigenous to regions outside Borneo than it has to other Borneo languages. This definition is purposely put in the negative, Borneo languages will be considered to be indigenous, i.e., "Dajak," until shown to be otherwise.[superscript 9] [line] [superscript 8]Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 5-6. Mallinckrodt apparently had no linguistic training and little respect for word lists. There is no denying the paucity of linguistic materials for Borneo and especially for what is now Indonesian Kalimantan, but the compilation of a few word lists for languages spoken in the Barito region, where Mallinckrodt lived for some years, might have clarified some aspects of the picture of ethnic relationships that he presents in his writings. [superscript 9]It should be noted that this definition excludes the Ibans or Sea Dajaks, sometimes considered to represent the epitome of Dajakness, In reality, the Iban are fairly late-comers to the Eornean scene who became [Page Break] 6 Non-Dajak languages fall into several categories, of which "Malay" is one, ,,.It is to be observed at present that on Borneo, along the coasts and along the rivers up to deep into the interior, languages are spoken which, in spite of small differences between them, show a striking similarity with Malay as it is used, with many variations, over a large area on Sumatra and in the Malay Penninsula. This similarity is so striking that scholars have been fully Justified in calling them Malay dialects. Other languages, which are occasionally indicated by a name of their own, like Banjarese and Sea Dayak will undoubtedly have to be counted among these dialects. [superscript 10] The term "Malay" will be used to indicate languages more closely related to those of the Malaya-South Sumatra region than to other indigenous Bornean languages.[superscript 11] Other non-Dajak languages include Bugis, originating in south Celebes, various languages from the Philippines, and several Chinese languages. So much for general terminology. Since we are primarily interested in the Southeast Barito Basin, it will be sufficient to discuss one Malay language, Bandjar, and a closely related group of Dajak languages that form what I call the Barito family, I will deal with the latter first. The Barito Family Languages of the Barito family are spoken in the area of southern [line] hyperacculturated to Bornean ways. They came, apparently, from Sumatra and settled originally in the Kapuas basin of western Borneo. They did not move extensively into Sarawak until the end of the eighteenth century. See Richards 19^9 and Sandin 1956. The Malay affiliation of the Iban language is supported by the quotation cited on p. 28. [superscript 10]Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958, 3-4. [superscript 11]For a summary of the Malay dialects of Borneo, see Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958, 7-13. [Page Break] 7 Kalimantan limited roughly by the Sampit (or Mentaja) River on the west;[superscript 12] the Schwaner and Muller ranges, the Busang, Murung and Mahakam rivers on the north; and, disregarding the Malay and Bugis coastal groups, by the Java Sea and Macassar Strait on the south and east (see Map 2). This is the area inhabited by the "Ngadju" ethnic group according to Kennedy,[superscript 13] the "Ot Danum" by Mallinckrodt,[superscript 14] and alternately "Ot Danum" and "Ngadju" by Esser.[superscript 15] Tjilik Riwut divides this area into two coordinate ethnic regions, the "Ot Danum" and the "Ngadju."[superscript 16] Neither "Ot Danum" nor "Ngadju" has a precise ethnic referent. Like "Dajak," both had an original pejorative connotation of "hick" or "person of the interior, and neither is used by any group to refer to itself. Among scholars the terms have gained respectability through recurrent usage, but even here they remain ambiguous. While both Ngadju and Ot Danum are used on occasion to indicate the extended linguistic group I call the Bari- to family, they are also commonly used to refer to ethnic linguistic groups of more limited extent, Ngadju for my Southwest Barito group,[superscript 17] and Ot [line] [superscript 12]For a comment on the western limits of the Barito family, see pp. 29-30 below. [superscript 13]Kennedy 1962, 84. [superscript 14]Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 21.-31. [superscript 15]Esser follows Mallinckrodt in using the term Ot Danum in his list of major Borneo language families. However, on his map he has the word "Ngadju” prominently displayed in the middle of the relavent area, and the term "Ot Danum'3 does not appear, Atlas 1938, Map 9b. [superscript 16]Tjilik Riwut 1958, 207. [superscript 17]E.g. see Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 26-2?; Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958, 42- 45; Hardeland, the author of the standard Ngadju grammar and dictionary, uses the term in this limited sense. [Page Break] 8 Danum both for ray Northwest Barito group(superscript 18) or even more narrowly for the Dohoi language.[superscript 19] Because of the denotative ambiguity and the underlying pejorative meaning of "Ngadju" and "Ot Danum," I propose to use the term Barito family to refer to the collective group of languages spoken in the southern Kalimantan region delimited in the preceding paragraph, I use "Barito" for several reasons: it is a term of some antiquity in the region, appearing in historical records as early as the fourteenth century;[superscript 20] it appears to be neutral in connotation; it has not been used before in an ethnic or linguistic sense and thus will not introduce any new ambiguities; it does not give "preference" to any constituent language or language group;[superscript 21] and finally, because the main bundle of isoglosses separating the two immediate subgroups of the southern Kalimantan region runs roughly along the Barito River. I will now give an outline of my classification of the languages of the Barito family. This is not the place to give a complete analysis of all the data bearing on the problem, and I will present only enough examples to indicate the general line of reasoning upon which the classification is based. The classification is based on two independent techniques of analysis, the establishment of contrastive sound correspondences, and lexico- [line] [superscript 18]See Hallinckrodt 1928: I, 21-25; Cense and Uhleribeck 1958. 45-46. [superscript 19]See Lumholtz 1920: U, 327. [superscript 20]Pigeaud 1962: IH, 16; IV, 32. [superscript 21]"Ngadju" and "Ot Danum" in their more restricted meanings apply only to languages of my West Barito group. [Page Break] 9 statistical subgrouping.[superscript 22] My data are taken from sixteen word lists collected in Kalimantan. The lists consist of some 350 terms divided among three sections. The first section contains the 215 items of the original Lees-Swadesh basic vocabulary list;[superscript 23] the second contains 107 items of basic Dajak vocabulary compiled by the author; the third consists of kinship terminology extending up and down three to five generations, outward to three to five degrees of collateral!ty and including affines.[superscript 24] Items from all three sections were used for establishing sound correspondences, and 196 of the items on the Lees-Swadesh list were used for the lexico-statistical analysis.[superscript 25] Each informant from whom a list was obtained was a native speaker of the "language" represented by that list. That is, it was the language of orientation in his natal household. Host of the lists were obtained in Bandjarmasin on the few occasions that I visited the city, [superscript 26] for it was [line] [superscript 22] "Lexicostatistical subgrouping" is not to be confused with "glotto-chronology." See Hymes I960, 4. For a discussion of the methodology of lexicostatistical subgrouping, see Dyen I960, 1962, 19655 and Hymes I960, 24-27. [superscript 23] See Lees 1953. [superscript 24] The completed word lists for the sixteen languages of the Barito family, plus a Bandjar list, appear in Appendix II. [superscript 25] It seemed reasonable to use the same 196 items already utilized by Eyen for his Austronesian classification. See Byen 1965, 16-17. [superscript 26]With the exception of the one or two languages accessible to me in Te-lang, I was able to devote only about two to three weeks to collecting linguistic material when I was in Bandjarmasin. I decided that it would be best to use the limited amount of time available to collect a fairly extensive word list from as many languages as possible, for purposes of subgrouping, rather than concentrate on a more detailed description of one or two languages. (These remarks do not apply to Ma'anjan.) In all I collected some 22 lists representing not only the Barito family, but several other Halay and Dajak languages. I obtained two lists each for Paku, Dusun Dejah and Dusun Witu. 10 [MAP 2: Approximate Distribution of Subgroups of the Barito Language Family] 11 KEY TO MAP 2: LANGUAGE GROUPS OF THE BARITO FAMILY Numbers indicate location of informants' home villages; letters indicate related dialects not represented by full word lists. ISOLECT VILLAGE OF ORIGIN Southwest Barito: 1 Ba'amang Ba'amang (Sampit) 2 Kapuas Kuala Kapuas 3 Katingan Pendahara C Mengkatip D Eakumpai E Kahajan Northwest Barito: 4 Dohoi Tumbang Sian 5 Murung-1 Muara Djuloy 6 Murung-2 Kelapi' Baru 7 Siang Olung Apat Barito-Mahakam: 8 Tundjung Muara Bunjut Northeast Barito: 9 Tabojan Malungai 10 Lawangan Ampah A Pasir B Bawu Central East Barito: Dusun Dejah Mengkopong Southeast Barito: 12 Paku Tampa 13 Ma'anjan Siong 14 Samihim Manka' 15 Dusun Witu Baruang, Marawan 16 Dusun Nihan Coastal Malay: 17 Bandjar Kelanis 18 Delang Delang 19 Tamuan Luwuk Buntur [Page Break] 12 only there that I was able to find speakers of languages from the more remote parts of Kalimantan. Host of the informants were students at various educational institutions in Bandjarmasin, were young and had not been away from their natal region long enough to lose command of their native language. Numbers indicating the location of each informant's village of origin will be found on Map 2. The language appellations applied to each list were supplied by the informants. Although each list is identified by a different name, they do not all necessarily represent independent languages. The distinction between language and dialect is often a difficult one to make, and this is particularly true in Kalimantan. The same language is known by different regional names in different places. I will use the term "isolect" for any language unit that is accorded a separate name by its speakers, regardless of whether it is, technically, a dialect or language.[superscript 27] Thus, the Southwest Barito group (see below), for example, may very well form a single dialect area,[superscript 28] but in each river drainage the language receives a separate name, e.g., Bahasa Mangkatip,[superscript 29] Bahasa Kapuas, Bahasa Katingan, Bahasa Ba-kumpai, Bahasa Kahajan, Bahasa Sampit, etc., leading to a seeming prolifera- [line] [superscript 27]The term "isolect," which I propose here, denotes a language isolate of undefined scope. It subsumes the traditional linguistic appellations of "dialect" and "language" in both their technical and nontechnical meanings. The use of "isolect," which is connotationally neutral in regard to dialect-language identification, obviates the need for defining the precise status of a language isolate when such a definition is, for any reason, impracticable, and it eliminates any possibility of ambiguity that might arise from the misconstruction of the specificity of the terms "language" or "dialect" by the unwary reader. [superscript 28] Bloomfield 1933, 51. [superscript 29] Bahasa is the Indonesian term for 'language', or rather, 'isolect'. [Page Break] 13 tion of languages in the area. This multiplicty of names should not be allowed to give the impression that this is necessarily an area of great linguistic diversity. Although a certain reserve is necessary in view of the great gaps in our knowledge, we still agree with Kern and Leach that the profusion of languages in Borneo has been overestimated by former observers and even to a certain extent by Ray. Slight differences, mostly of a lexical nature and occasionally in some parts of the phonemic system, have led the observers, who usually lacked linguistic training, to postulate the presence of separate languages on occasions when there hardly seems to exist a reason to speak of separate dialects.[superscript 30] The sixteen lists represent the following isolects: Ba'amang, Dohoi, Dusun Dejah, Dusun Malang, Dusun Witu, Kapuas, Katingan, Lawangan, Ma'anjan, Murung-1, Hurung-2, Paku, Samihim, Siang, Tabojan, and Tundjung. This set of lists by no means exhausts the roster of isolects belonging to the Barito family, but it does give representation to the principal subgroups of that family. Two languages, Tundjung and Murung-i, are represented by incomplete lists, although occasional forms are missing for some other languages as well. The Barito family is divided into three major subgroups: the West Barito, the East Barito and the Barito-Hahakam groups. The Barito-Mahakam group is represented by only one list and is not further subdivided here. [superscript 31] group Í3 represented by only one list and is not further subdivide the Northwest and the Southwest Barito groups. Similarly, East Barito contains three minor subgroups: the Northeast, the Central East and the Southeast Barito groups. The constituents of minor subgroups are individual iso- [line] [superscript 30] Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958, 6. [supersscript 31] When more language material is available from the Mahakam region, the Barito-Mahakam group may be found to have minor subgroup diversity similar to that of the East and West Barito groups. [Page Break] 14 lects. The general scheme of the classification is presented in Table 1. TABLE 1: GENERAL SCHEME OF LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF THE BARITO FAMILY Family Major Subgroup Minor Subgroup Isolect Barito Barito-Mahakam Tundjung West Barito Northwest Barito Dohoi Murung-1 Murung-2 Siang Southwest Barito Ba'amang Kapuas Katingan East Barito Northeast Barito Tabojan Lawangan Central East Barito Dusun Dejah Southeast Barito Dusun Malang Dusun Witu Paku Ma'anjan Samihim The following summary will refer mainly to divergent sound correspondences isolating subgroups within the East and West Barito groups. Since the list of items representing Tundjung is not complete, there is not enough material available to allow any strong conclusions to be drawn regarding the precise status of the Barito-Mahakam group vis-a-vis the other major subgroups of the Barito family. It can only be mentioned that although Tundjung appears to show closer affinities with the West Barito [Page Break] 15 [This page has a copy error that has a blank section down the middle of the page obscuring the words. This page is transcribed as best as possible] than with the East Barito group.[faded text]so contrasts with the West Barito languages in certain respects[superscript 33][faded text]also, since Tundjung shares some characteristics with the Ncrthw[faded text]group, some with the Southwest Barito group, and contrasts with[faded text]the West Barito languages in others, for the present I prefer[faded text]Barito-Mahakam as a separate major subgroup within the Barito[faded text]coordinate with both East Barito and West Barito. The main criteria distin[faded text]the East Burito from the West Barito isolects are based on their[faded text]reflexes of the Proto-Barito phonemese */h/ amd */tj/. Proto-[faded text]/h/ continued as */h/ in Proto-West Barito, but was replaced by[faded text]Proto-East Barito.[superscript 34]. Proto-Barito */tj/ apparently had two pho[faded text]ly conditioned allophones.[superscript 35] Proto-Barito */tj/ continued as[faded text]Proto-West Barito, where it is reflected by /tj/ and/or /dj/ [faded text] West Barito isolects. The allophones of */tj/ (P-B) split in [faded text] Barito, with one allophone merging with */r/ (P-EB) and the [faded text] phone merging with */l/ (P-EB). This split and coalescence prod[faded text]ted in the loss of /tj/ from the inventory of Proto-East Barito [faded text]. The shifts that led to the contrastive sound correspondences [faded texttinguishe from each other the isolects of the East Barito and West[faded text] groups are summarized below. The [line] [superscript 32] Tundjung, like the West Barito[faded text], shows a /tj/ relex of Proto-Barito */tj/, and an /h/ refl[faded text]Proto-Barito */h/, both of which ccontrast with the East Barito [faded text] of these protophonemes. See Appendix I, pp, 38-42. [superscript 33] See Appendix I, pp, 55-57. [superscript 34] /j/ represents a palatal semi[faded text] [superscript 35] See Appendix: I, p. 39. [Page Break] 16 [the diagrams drawn on this page are complicated. An attempt was made to make them understandable] conditioning factors governing phonemic splits are indicated to the right of this and subsequent summary diagrams. [P-B *r is related to P-WB *r and P-EB *r] [P-B *tj is related to P-WB *tj and P-EB *r and P-EBi *l] [P-B *l is related to P-WB *l and P-EB *l] [P-B *h is related to P-WB *h and P-EB *j] *tj(P-B)/_V(C)#/>*r(P-EB) *tj(P-B)/elsewhere/>*1(P-EB) Within the East Barito group, the criteria distinguishing the Northeast Barito iselects from the Central East and Southeast Barito iso-lects are based on their divergent reflexes of Proto-East Barito */b/, */d/, and */t/.[superscript 36] Proto-East Barito */b/ continues as */b/ in Proto-Northeast Barito (P-NEB), but merges with */w/ in Proto-Central East-Southeast Barito (P-CSB).[superscript 37] P-EB */d/ continues as */d/ in P-NEB, but merges with */r/ in P-CSB, The contrasting reflexes produced by these two shifts may be depicted as [P-EB *d is related to P-NEB *d and P-SCB *r] [P-EB *r is related to P-NEB *r and P-SCB *r] [P-EB *b is related to P-NEB *b and P-SCB *w] [P-EB *w is related to P-NEB *w and P-SCB *w] [line] [superscript 36] */b/(P-EB)<*/b/(P-B); */d/(P-2B)<*/d/(P-B); *t/(P-EB) */h/(P-SEB) had taken place. The other allophone of */t/(P-CSB) continued as */t/ in P-CEB and P-SEB. Proto-Southeast Barito */l/ also had two allophones, with one occurring immediately before */i/(P-SEB) (i.e., */__i/) and the other occur- ring elsewhere, Proto-SSB */l/ split, with the first allophone merging with */d/(P-SSB) and the second allophone continuing as */l/(P-SSB). Proto-SEB */j/ also split, with one allophone, occurring either finally or as the initial consonant in a final syllable terminated with a voiceless stop (i.e., */ $/ or */ VT[superscript vcl]#/). being replaced by */'/(P-SEB),[superscript 40] and the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, continuing as */j/(P-SEB). These shifts may be represented briefly as [line] [superscript 38] */s/(P-CSB)< */s/(P-B); */l/(P-CSB)<(P-B) and< */tj/(P-B); */j/ (P-CSB)< */h/(P-B). [superscript 39] See Appendix I, pp. 45-46. [superscript 40] /'/ represents a glottal stop. [Page Break] 18 [the diagrams drawn on this page are complicated. An attempt was made to make them understandable] [P-CSB *s is related to P-CEB *s and P-SEB *h] [P-CSB *t is related to P-CEB *s and P-CEB *t and P-SEB *s and P-SEB *t] [P-CSB *l is related to P-CEB *l and P-SEB *l and P-SEB *d] [P-CSB *d is related to P-CEB *d and P-SEB *d] [P-CSB *j is related to P-CEB *j and P-SEB *j and P-SEB *'] *t(P-CSB)/_i/> *s(P-SEB, P-CEB) *1(P-CSB)/_i/> *d(P-SEB) *j(P-CsB)/_#/, /_V(C)#/> *'(P=SEB) The three constituent subgroups of the East Barito group exhibit a three-way contrast in the reflexes of Proto-East Barito */+-/[superscrip 41]. Proto-EB */+-/ split in P-HEB, with one allophone, occurring before final consonants (i.e., */ C#/)j continuing as /+-(P-NEB) and the other, occurring elsewhere, becoming established as an independent phoneme */o/(P-NEB). */+-/ (P-EB) continued as */+-/ in Proto-CSB. This shift may be depicted as [P-EB *+- is related to P-NEB *+- amd P-NEB *o and P-CSB *+-] *+-(P-EB)/_C#/>*+-(P-NEB) *+-(P_EB)/elswhere/>*o(P-NEB) Proto-CSB */+-/ became gradually backed in P-CEB and eventually became established as */o/(P-CEB). In contrast, */+-/(P-CSB) became fronted in P-SEB and became established as */e/(P-SEB). [P-CSB *+- is related to P-CEB *o and P-SEB *e] [line] [superscript 41] /+- represents a high, central vowel, */+-/(P-EB)< */+-/(P-B). [Page Break] 19 [the diagrams drawn on this page are complicated. An attempt was made to make them understandable] Thus, */+-/(P-EB) is reflected by /e/ in SEB isolects, by /o/ in CEB, and by both /+-/ and /o/ in NEB isolects. The reflexes of */ei/(P-EB)[superscript 42] offer a contrast between the SEB isolects on the one hand, and the CEB and NEB isolects on the other. It appears that */ei/(P~EB)> */e/(P-NEB), and that this shift spread to contiguous CEB by diffusion, since Dusun Dejah exhibits an /e/ reflex of */ei/ (P-EB) that must have been acquired after the separation of P-NEB and P-CSB Within the West Barito group, the contrasting reflexes of Proto-West Barito (P-WB) */+-/, */ei/, */au/, and */s/[superscript 43] distinguish the isolects of the Northwest Barito group from those of the Southwest Barito group. The Proto-Southwest Barito (P-SWB) reflexes of P-WB */+-/> */ei/, and */au/ are, respectively, */e/, */ei/, and */au/, while the Proto-Northwest Barito (P-NWB) reflexes are */o/, */oi/, and */ou/. P-WB */s/ continues as */s/ in P-SWB, but splits in P-NWB, where one allophone, occurring in final position (i.e., */_/#), merged with */h/(P-NWB), while the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, continued as */s/(P-NWB). These shifts may be represented in tabular form as [P-WB *+- is related to P-SWB *e and P-NWB *o] [P-WB *ei is related to P-SWB *ei and P-NWB *oi] [P-WB *au is related to P-SWB *au and P-NWB *ou] [P-WB *s is related to P-SWB *s and P-NWB *s and P-NWB *h] [P-WB *h is related to P-SWB *h and P-NWB *h] *s(P-WB)/_#/>*h(P-NWB) [line] [superscript 42] */ei/(P-EB_<*/ei/(P-B). [superscript 43] */+-/(P-WB)<*/+-/(P-B); */ei/(P-WB)<*/ei/(P-B); */au/(P-WB)<*/au/(P-B); */s/(P-WB)<*/s/(P-B). [Page Break] 20 [the diagrams drawn on this page are complicated. An attempt was made to make them understandable] Further subgroupning within the Southwest Barito and Northwest Barito groups can be made on the basis of contrastive sound correspondences brought about by shifts involving the reflexes of Proto-Barato */tj/ and */NT[superscript v1]/ clusters (i.e., clusters composed of a voiceless stop immediately preceded by a homorganic nasal). In the Southwest Barito group, */tj/ (P-SWB)[superscript 44] merged with */dj/ in Proto-Kapuas-Ba'amang (P-KB), and split in Katingan (Kat), with one allophone, occurring as the initial consonant in a final syllable (i.e., */_V(C)#/), continuing as /tj/(Kat), and the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, merging with /dj/(Kat). Katingan has lost the nasal member in its reflexes of */NT[superscript v1](P-SWB) clusters, a feature that also contrasts with Kapuas-Ba'amang. These contrastive shifts may be tabulated as [P-SWB *tj is related to P-SB *dj and Kat tj and Kat dj] [P-SWB *dj is related to P-SB *dj and Kat dj] [P-SWB *NT[superscript v1] is related to P-SB *NT[superscript v1] and Kat T[superscript v1]] *tj(P-SWB/_V(C)#/>tj(Kat) *tj(P-SWB)/elsewhere/>dj(Kat) In the Northwest Barito group, Dohoi and Murung-1 form a subgroup in opposition to Siang and Murung-2. In Proto-Siang-Murung-2 (P-SM2), */tj/(P-NWB)[superscript 45] continues as */tj/(P-SM2), while in Proto-Dohoi-Murung-1 (P-DMl) the protoallophones of */tj/(P-NWB) have split in the same manner as in Katingan, with one allophone continuing as */tj/(P-DMl ), and the other merging with */dj/(P-DMl ). Similarly, the */NT[superscript v1](P-NWB) cluster is reflected by */NT[superscript v1]/(P-SM2) and */T[superscript v1]/(P-DM1). These shifts may be sum- [line] [superscript 44] */tj/(P-SWB)<*/tj/(P-B). [superscript 45] */tj/(P-NWB) <*/tj/(P-B). [Page Break] 21 [the diagrams drawn on this page are complicated. An attempt was made to make them understandable] marized by [P-NWB *tj is related to P-DM1 *tj and P-DM1 *dj and P-SM2 *tj] [P-NWB *dj is related to P-DM1 *dj and P-SM2 *dj] [P-NWB *dj is related to P-DM1 *T[superscript v1] and P-SM2 *NT[superscript v1]] Dohoi is distinctive among all the Barito isolects for its medial preaspirated stops and spirant. However, I have not yet been able to discover an environmental factor that would have conditioned the merger of */0/(P-NWB) with /h/(Dohoi). It is possible that this medial preaspiration element reflects the vestige of a proto-phoneme that has been lost in that position in all other Barito groups, but, at the present time, there is too little evidence at hand to make possible any clear statement one way or the other on the subject. A synopsis of examples illustrating the divergent sound correspondences used in subgrouping the Barito isolects appears in Table 2 below. A list of Proto-Barito phonemes and their reflexes in the various isolects of the Barito group will be found in Appendix I, Table 3. The approximate distribution of the subgroups of the Barito family is indicated on Map 2. [Page Break] 22 TABLE 2: SYNOPSIS OF DIVERGENT SOUND CORRESPONDENCES USED IN SUEGROUPING THE BARITO LANGUAGES Barito-Mahakam and West Barito vs. East Barito: 1. */tj/ tj:r utjan (Kat, NWB, EM), udjan (Kap, Ba); uran (NEB, CEB, SEB) 'rain' 2. */tj/ dj:l djela' (SWB), djola' (Doh, Mu1), tjola' (S1, Mu2), tjela' (EM); lola' (NEB), lela' (CEB, SEB) 'tongue' 3. */h/ h:j ahem (Kat), ahom (NWB); ajim (NEB), ajom (CEB), ajem (SEB) 'anteater' Northeast vs. Central and Southeast Barito: 4. */b/ b:w batu' (NEB), watu (CEB, SEB); also batu' (SWB, NWB, BM), bahtu' (Doh) 'stone' 5. */d/ d:r du+- (NEB), rueh (CEB, SEB); also due' (SWB), duo (NWB); r^ga' (BM) 'two' 6. */t/ t:s bitik (NEB), wisik (CEB, SEB); also bitik (SWB, NWB), bihtik (Doh) 'ant' Northeast and Central vs. Southeast Barito: 7. */s/ s:h pasu' (NEB), pasu (CEB), pahu (SEB) 'cheek' 8.*/al/ e:ei bawe (NEB), wawe (CEB), wawei (SEB) 'woman' 9.*/l/ l:d tali (NEB, CEE), tadi (SEB); also tali' (SWB, NWB, EM) 'rope' 10. */h/ j:' daja (NEB), raja' (CEB), ira' (SEB); also daha' (SWB, NWB), raha' (EM) 'blood' 11. */h/ j:' bojat (NEB), we'at (SEB); also bahat (NWB, EM), babehat (SWB) 'heavy' [Page Break] 23 Northeast vs. Central East vs. Southeast Barito: 12. */+-/ +-:o:e ut+-k (NEB), utok (CEB), utek (SEB) 'head' as+-k (NEB), asok (CEB), ehek (SEB) 'dibble stick' Southwest vs. Northwest Barito: 13. */+-/ e:o lawu' (SWB), lowu' (NWB) 'village' beruk (SWB), boruk (NWB) 'k.o. monkey' 14. */ei/ ei:oi atei (SWB)j atoi (NWB)$ also ate (NEB, CEB), atei (SEB) 'liver' 15. */au/ au: ou balau (SWB), balou (NWB)i also alau (BM), balo (NEB), walo (CEB), wulu (SEB) 'hair' 16. */s/ s:h baras (SWB), barah (NWB) 'sand' banipis. (Kap, Kat), mipih (Si, Mu2), mihpih (Doh) 'thin' Karma-Ba'amang vs. Katingan: 17.*/tj/ dj:tj idje' (K-B), itje' (Kat); also itjo (Si, Mu2), ihtjo' (Doh), tja' (BM), erai (NEB, CEB) 'one' 18.*/tj/ dj:dj djalan (K-B), Kat)5 also tjalan (Si), lalan (CEB, SEB) 'path' 19.*/NC[superscript v1]/ NC[superscript v1]:C[superscript v1] sampit (Pa), sepit (Kat) 'narrow' buntal (lap, Ba), butal (Kat) 'blowfish' tengkuk (Kap, Ba), tekuk (Kat) 'nape of neck' [Page Break] 24 Dohoi-Murung[superscript 1] vs. Siang-Murung[superscript 2]: 20. */tj/ tj:tj -lutja' (Doh, Mul, Mu2); also -lutja' (Kat), ludja; (Kap, Ba), njura'(NWB), irura' (Pak) 'to spit' */tj/ dj:tj See example 2 above. 21. */NC[subperscript v1] C[superscript v1]:NC[superscript v1] lapang (Doh, Kat), lampung (Si, Mu2), lampang (Kap) 'to float' otu'(Doh), ontu'(Mu2), hantu' (Kap) 'corpse' lukung (Doh), lungkung (Si, Mu2), lukeng (Kat) 'worm' Dohoi vs. Other Barito Languages; 22.*/C[superscript v1]/ hC:C ohpat (Doh), opat (Mu2, Si, NEB, CSB), epat (SSB), pat (EM) 'four' [Page Break] A subgrouping of the Barito languages based on lexicostatistical analysis of cognate percentages generally corroborates the previously presented subgrouping based on the comparative method. Each of the subgroups identified appears to be a discrete unit, but there are varying degrees of statistical confidence: Southwest Barito and Siang-Murung-2 are signifi- cantly discrete at the 5 per cent confidence level; Northwest Barito and Southeast Barito, at the 10 per cent confidence level; Dohoi and Murung-1, 15 per cent; Northwest Barito, 25 per cent; West Barito, 40 per cent; Barito-Mahakam and East Barito, less than 60 per cent. See Appendix I, pp. 499-506 for an analysis of the lexicostatistical data. Figure 1 gives a diagram of Barito intra-family relationships showing a lexicostatistical classification superimposed on the classification derived by the comparative method; the vertical dashed lines represent isogloss bundles. The Relation Between the Barito Linguistic Classification and Mallinckrodt's Ethnic Classification The general relationship between the linguistic classification presented above, and Mallinckrodt's ethnic classification from Het Adatrecht van Borneo, is as follows: Mallinckrodt's "stammenras der Ot Danum"[superscript 46] has the same ethnic referent as the Barito family. The Ot Danum "stammenras" has five subgroups. (1) "Ot Danum"[superscript 47] is equivalent to the Northwest Barito group. It might be noted here, that the term "Murung" is a general geographical term, referring to the region of the upper Barito River, that [line] [superscript 46] Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 21-30. [superscript 47] Ibid. pp. 21-25. [Page Break] 26 FIGURE 1: DIAGRAM SHOWING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PHONOLOGICAL AND LEXICOSTATISTICAL CLASSIFICATIONS OF BARITO FAMILY LANGUAGES [Diagram is too complicated to represent via transcription] [Page Break] 27 has little meaning in terms of indicating the immediate genetic relationship between languages to which it is applied. At least three varieties of "Murung" were identified by my Murung informants Murung hulu or upriver Murung = my Murung-1; Murung tengah or middle Murung = Murung-2; Murung hilir or downriver Murung = Dusun Malang. Murung-1 and Murung-2 were shown to be more similar, in terms of shared sound correspondences, to other isolects, respectively to Dohoi and Siang, than they were to each other. This is corroborated by lexicostatistical evidence. Dohoi and Murung-1 share 75 per cent of the Swadesh word list items, while Siang and Murung-2 share 80 per cent. However, Murung-1 and Murung-2 share only 66 per cent. Murung hilir or Dusun Malang has been shown to be a member not of Northwest Barito but of Southeast Barito, although Dusun Malang has borrowed considerable vocabulary from the adjacent Northwest Barito languages. It is possible that other varieties of "Murung" will be found in future investigations even further up the Barito River. (2) The "stammengroep der Ngadju"[superscript 48] is equivalent to the Southwest Barito group. However, future linguistic research may show that some of Mallinckrodt's ethnic groups should be assigned to other categories. For example, Mallinckrodt places Tamuan in the Ngadju group, but analysis of a Tamuan word list that I obtained in the field indicates clearly that Tamuan is a Malay language with close affinities to Bandjar (see Appendix II, Part III). [line] [superscript 48] Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 26-27. [Page Break] 28 (3)The "stammengroep Maanjan"[superscript 49] is equivalent to only part of the Southeast Barito group. The languages of the various Ma'anjan ethnic groups identified by Mallinckrodt are practically identical, with only a few very slight dialectal variations to distinguish among them. The adat differences separating them are somewhat more significant, however. (4) The "Doessoen stammengroep" makes up the remaining portion of the Southeast Barito group. Like "Murung," "Dusun" is more a geographical than a linguistic term, relating generally to the east bank of the middle section of the Barito River. Dusun appears as an alternate name for the Barito River on many Dutch maps. (5) The "stammengroep der Lawangan"[superscript 50] is roughly equivalent to the Northeast Barito group. I know that Mallinckrodt1s assignment of Bawu to the same category as Tabojan and Lawangan is correct.[superscript 51] However, Mallinckrodt includes Tundjung and Paku in his Lawangan group, where they obviously do not belong on linguistic grounds, the former being more properly allocated to the Barito-Mahakam category and the latter to the Southeast Barito group. Mallinckrodt also assigns Bukit, an ethnic group inhabiting the southern Meratus Mountains (see Map 1), to his Lawangan group, which may be open to question. There appears to be an approximate correlation between habitat and language distribution in the southern [line] [superscript 49] Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 27-28. [superscript 50] Ibid., pp. 28-30. [superscript 51] For Bawu, I have collected a few diagnostic terms from a Lawangan speaker who also knew Bawu. [Page Break] 29 Kalimantan region. The speakers of Northwest Barito and Northeast Barito languages inhabit the extremely hilly and mountainous interior regions in the upper drainages of the major rivers, while the Southwest Barito, Central Bast Barito and Southeast Barito speakers live in the areas of low rolling hills and flat regions of the lower drainages. However, one question remains to be answered in regard to this apparent correlation: to which group does Bukit belong? The correlation would suggest its membership in Northeast Barito, but, if the correlation is spurious, it could equally well belong to Southeast Barito, since the Bukit region intersects segments of the Southeast Barito region, or to Central Bast Barito, which is contiguous to the Bukit area in the north. Mallinckrodt is probably correct in questioning Dewal's earlier statement that the Bukit ethnic group was of Bandjar origin,[superscript 52] but unfortunately he gives no evidence to support his inclusion of Bukit in the Lawangan (i.e., Northeast Barito) group. The allocation of the Bukit isolect will have to be held in abeyance pending the acquisiton of reliable linguistic data. It is interesting to note that most maps purporting to delimit the ethnic groups of Borneo indicate that the territory occupied by speakers of Barito family languages extends as far west as the Pembuang (Mallinckrodt) or even the Lamandau (Kennedy, Tjilik Riwut) rivers. However, I have as yet found no evidence that Barito languages are spoken to the west of the Sampit drainage. There is no indication, other than Mallinckrodt* s supposition, that many of the groups that inhabit the Sampit region [line] [superscript 52] Mallinckrodt 1928: I, 30. [Page Break] 30 itself properly belong to his Ngadju group, Tamuan, at least, appears to be a Malay rather than a Dajak language, though it may perhaps represent an eastward extension of the "Land Dajak" languages of West Kalimantan.[superscript 53] Tamuan and Bandjar share 66 per cent of their Swadesh word list vocabulary, while Tamuan and contiguous Ba'amang share 57 per cent. Mallinckrodt's map also indicates that the territory of his Ot Daman group extends northward as far as the Kapuas River of West Kalimantan.[superscript 54] Though speakers of Northwest Barito languages have probably traveled extensively in the Kapuas drainage, the existence of permanent Dohoi settlements on the Kapuas itself should be accepted with caution until it is verified by linguistic evidence. Bandjar Bandjar is the principal representative of the Malay language family found in the south Kalimantan region. It is spoken not only in the Bandjar region of the Southeast Barito Basin, where several dialects have been recognized, but in the coastal regions of Pulau Laut, Kutai and Pasir[superscript 55] in the east, and at least as far as the Sampit area in the west."[superscript 56] Although Bandjar is undoubtedly a Malay language, it appears to contain some elements borrowed from Javanese, probably during the seventeenth century when many Javanese refugees fled to Bandjarmasin to escape the Mata- [line] [superscript 53] See Cense and Uhlenbeck 195$, 13-17, for a discussion of the Land Dajak problem. [superscript 54] Not to be confused with the Kapuas River of southern Kalimantan. [superscript 55] Knappert 1905, 588-590; Nusselein 1905, 555-560; Hamer 1889, 456. [superscript 56] Hamer 1889, 456. [Page Break] 31 ram onslaught. Thus, for example, we find the fol- lowing Javanese lexical items in Bandjar:[superscript 57] Bandjar Javanese Malay Gloss kiwa' kiwo(K,Ng) kiri 'left' rig^t r^g^t(K,Ng) kotor 'dirty' gulu' gulu(K,Mg) tengkuk 'nape' ilat ilat(Hg) lidah 'tongue' In discussing Javanese influences on Bandjar, Cense reports that: We already have evidence of this from the seventeenth century, for in 1633 we hear from Van den Kerkhoven that "the Malay language that is spoken here is not pure, but is mixed with the Javanese language." Somewhat later (1691) Jacob Jansz de Roy informs us that, as a result of the great intermixing of the popultion in this region, Bandjarese is made up of Malay, Javanese and native elements...All along the southeast coast, for that matter, the language, especially the court language, was influenced by Javanese. This was true in Kutei, Kotawaringin, and in Sukadana.[superscript 58] Whatever the extent of Javanese influence on Bandjar, the latter retains its primary status as a Malay dialect. Bandjar shares a cognate percentage of 73 with Indonesian Malay (see the word lists of Bandjar and Malay in Appendix II), Bandjar shares much lower cognate percentages with representatives of the various Barito subgroups; e.g., 39 per cent (Kapuas), 38 per cent (Dusun Dejah, Tundjung), 32 per cent (Ma'anjan, Lawangan), 30 per cent (Siang).[superscript 59] These figures clearly reflect the linguistic [line] [superscript 57] Ng = Ngoko; K - Kromo. [superscript 58] Cense 1928, 117-118. See also Hamer 1889, 480, note 1. [superscript 59] Ba'amang, which has borrowed heavily from Bandjar, shares a 60 per cent cognate percentage with it. See Appendix I, p, 60. [Page Break] 32 cleavage between the Barito family and Bandjar Malay. It is beyond the scope of this study to enter into a discussion of Bandjar-Barito sound correspondences. [Page Break] APPENDIX I LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS Introduction This appendix contains a comparative analysis to support the subgrouping of the Barito languages outlined in the body of the text. The appendix contains two sections: Part I is comprised of an analysis of the major diagnostic sound correspondences obtaining among the various isolects that I have used in delimiting the various groups and subgroups within the Barito family; Part II presents the evidence for a lexicostatistical subgrouping of the Barito isolects. It will be shown that the lexicostatistical classification agrees on every major point with the classification based on the analysis of sound correspondences. The illustrative examples contained in Appendix I are rendered in phonemic transcription. Appendix II contains all the raw word lists upon which the analyses in this appendix are based. The lexical items presented in Appendix II are rendered in phonetic transcription. The genetic relationship and divergence order of the various Barito family subgroups is illustrated in Figure 2 below. 33 [Page Break] 34 FIGURE 2 : DIVERGENCE ORDER OF BARITO FAMILY SUBGROUPS [This diagram is too complicated to depict in this transliteration. We have atttempted to describe it as best as possible] [P-B diverges to P-WB, P-BM and P-EB] [P-WB diverges to P-NWB and P-SWB] [P-NWB diverges to P-DM1 which has 2 Isolects: Dohoi and Murung-1] [P-NWB diverges to P-SM2 which has 2 Isolects: Siang and Murung-2] [P-SWB diverges to P-KB which has 2 Isolects: Kapuas and Ba'amang] [P-SWB diverges to P-Kat which has 1 Isolect: Katingan] [P-BM has 1 Isolect: Tundjung] [P-EB diverges to P-NEB and P-CSB] [P-NEB has 2 Isolects: Tabojan and Lawangan] [P-CSB diverges to P-CEB and P-SEB] [P-CEB has 1 Isolect: Dusun Dejah] [P-SEB has 5 Isolects: Paku, Dusun Witu, Dusun Malang, Ma'anjan and Samihim] [Page Break] PART I: SOUND CORRESPONDENCES In the following section I will present evidence, based on the establishment of oontrastive sound correspondences in cognates drawn from the various languages of the Barito family, to support the classification outlined above. Because there is only one representative of the Barito-Mahakam group, I will limit my discussion of that group to a few summary comments at the end of this section, The main concentration will be on the East and West Barito groups, and even there the analysis is intended by no means to be exhaustive, but merely indicative. Examples cited will be drawn from the word lists appearing in Appendix II. The citations will consist of a three letter prefix (to indicate one of the three special lists), a number (to indicate its position in the list) and a gloss. The following symbols will be used in this section: For proto-languages: P- plus one of the language group abbreviations For language groups: B Barito SB East Barito WB West Barito EM Barito-Mahakam NEB Northeast Barito CSB Central East-Southeast Barito SEB Southeast Barito NWB Northwest Barito EMI Dohoi-Hurung-l SM2 Siang-Murung-2 SWB Southwest Barito KB Kapua s-Ba1amang CEB Central East Barito 35 [Page Break] 36 For isolects: Ba Ba'amang Dej Dusun Dejah Doh Dohoi Kap Kapuas Kat ICatingan Law Lawangan Ha Ma'anjan Mai Dusun Malang Mul Hurung-1 Mu2 Murung-2 Pak Paku Sam Sami him Si Siang Tab Tabojan Tun Tundjung vat Dusun Tatu For subsections of word lists in Appendix II used in citations: SWL Swadesh word list SDL Special Dajak list KTL Kinship term list For phonemic environments: V Vowel C Consonant T[superscript v1] Voiceless stop and affricate N Nasal Consonant # Lexical boundary ( ) Optional element Guide to special phonic values used in examples: tj voiceless palatal affricate dj voiced palatal affricate j palatal semivowel w bilabial semivowel in Kapuas and Lawangan; voiced bilabial spirant in other isolects ' glottal stop +- lower high central vowel L voiced palatal lateral flap Where proto-phonemes are reconstructed, they do not necessarily have the phonetic values that might be implied by the symbols representing them. Reconstructed phonemes are preceded by *. [Page Break] 37 The inventory of Proto-Barito phonemes that I have been able to reconstruct so far with a fair degree of certainty ares Consonants: *b *d *dj *P *t *tj *k *' *m *n *ng *w *s *h *l *r Vowels: *i *+- *u *a Diphthongs; *ei *au However, it is quite possible that future analysis of a wider body of Barito linguistic material will reveal additional evidence for other protophonemes as well. Correspondences Reflecting the East Barjto:West Barito Split The major evidence reflecting the divergence of P-EB and P-WB from P-B is derived from the reflexes of P-B *tj and *h exhibited in the various isolects of the two groups. *tj(P-B) continued as *tj in P-WB, but split to merge with *r and *1 in P-EB. *h(P-B) continued as *h in P-WB, but was replaced by *j in P-EB. [Page Break] 38 [Diagram on this page is too complicated to describe in this transliteration] Upon consideration of the history of the Proto-Barito phoneme that I have represented as *tj, it seems apparent that this proto-phoneme had two allophones whose conditioning environments may be deduced, but whose precise phonetic attributes remain indeterminate, The first allophone, which may be symbolized as *tj[superscript 1], occurred in the Proto-Barito environment */_V(C)#/ as the initial consonant in a final syllable. This may be termed *tj environment 1 (*tj/env-l/). The second allophone, symbolized as *tj[superscript 2] , oocurred elsewhere. This may be termed *tj environment 2 (*tj /env-2/). In Proto-East Barito, the phonetic qualities of each allophone altered and diverged to the point where each merged with a different P-SB phoneme, *tj(P-B)/env-l/ merging with *r(P-E3) and *tj(P-B)/env~2/ merging with *l(P-EB). In Proto-West Barito, however, both allophones retained a phonetic distinctiveness and distributional complementation that maintained their position as allophones of *tj(P-WB) in the Proto-West Barito phonemic system. Evidence will be given later in the appendix to demonstrate that the final developments in the history of the *tj[superscript 1] and *tj[superscript 2] allophones did not take place until after P-SWB and P-NWB had diverged from P-WB. Examples of reflexes of *tj(P-B), *tj(P-B)/env-l/> *tj(P-WB), *r(P-EB)i 1. utjan (Tun;Kat;Doh,Mu2,Si) SWL 138 'rain' udjan (Kap,Ba) uran (Tab,Law;Dej;Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) [Page Break] 39 2. matjuh (Tun) SWL 39 'to spit' -lutja' (Kat;Doh,Mu1,Mu2) maludja' (Kap,Pa) njura (Tab) ndura' (Dej) ndora' (Sam) njura' (Mal) irura (Ma) irura' (Pak) *tj(P-B)/env-2/> *tj(P-WB), *1(P-EB): 3. djela' (Kap,Ba,Kat) SWL 35 'tongue' djola' (Doh,Mu1) tjola' (Mu2,Si) tjela' (Tun) lola (Tab,Law) lela' (Dej;Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) 4. djalan (Kap,Ba) SWL 7 'path' tjalan (Si) lalan (Dej;Sam,Wit,Ma) 5. -djatuh (Kap,Ba) SWL 95 'to fall' lotu (Tab,Law;Pak) latu' (Dej;Sam) It will be noted that *tj[superscript 2] is reflected by /dj/ in all the contemporary WB isolects except Siang and Murung-2. However, the merging of *tj[superscript 2] with /dj/ in the West Barito isolects results from later developments in P-SWB and P-NWB that will be discussed below. *tj(P-B) has been reconstructed for both tj:r and dj:l correspondences between West Barito and East Barito isolects. It has already been mentioned that the two correspondences are in complementary distribution, but this fact in itself would not preclude the reconstruction of *dj(P-B) for the dj:l(WB:WB) correspondence. However, several considerations preclude this. First, /tj/ is statistically extremely infrequent in the EB isolects, indicating that all reflexes of *tj(P-B) have merged with other sounds, notably /r/ and /l/, while at the same time /dj/ is a phoneme of fairly high frequency of occurrence in East Barito isolects. Secondly, [Page Break] 40 it can be shown that there is a dj:dj(WB:EB) correspondence between East Barito and West Barito isolects that is the logical reflex of a *dj(P-B) proto-phoneme. Examples of reflexes of *dj(P-B). *dj(P-B) > *dj(P-WB,P-EB): 6. djantung (Mal,Sam,Pak,Ma;Ba,Kat;Doh,Mu1) SLL 22 'heart' 7. djala' ( Dej;Sam;Doh,Mu2) SDL 48 'fish net' 8. pandjang (Tab,Law;Kap,Ba,Kat) SWL 160 'long' 9. djiukung (Kap,Ba;Mu2;Tab,Law;Dej;Mal,Wit,Pak,Ma) SDL 47 'canoe' Thirdly, there is an r:r(WB:EB) correspondence that should logically be reconstructed as *r(P~B). Examples of reflexes of *r(P-B), *r(P-B)> *r(P-WB,P-EB): 10. ugung (Tab,Law;Dej;Kal,Sam,Wit, SWL 30 'nose' Pak,Ma;Tun;Kap,Kat;Doh,Mu1,Mu2,Si) 11. rata' (Tab,Law;Mal,Wit,Ma; SWL 146 'smooth' Kap,Kat;Mu2) rata (Dej;Pak;Ba) ratat (Tun) Lahta (Doh) 12. aran (Tab,Law;Mal,Sam,Wit;Doh, SWLL 63 'name' Mu2,Si) ngaran (Dej;Pak,Ma;Kat) aram (Kap) arai (Mu1) 13. turui (Tab,Law;Dej) SWL 49 'sleep' surui (Pak) tirui (Mu1,Mu2,Si) -tiruh (Kap,Ba,Kat) tiro (Tun) Note:See also Ex. 52. [Page Break] 41 Similarly, there is a regular l:l(WEB:EB) correspondence that should be reconstructed as *1(P-B). Examples of reflexes of *1(P~E). *1(P-B)> *1(P-WB,P-EB): 14. ulun (Tab,Law;Dej;Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma;Tun;Kat;Mu2) SWL 53 'person' lun (Mal) duLun (Si) kolunon (Doh) uluh (Kap,Ba) 15. tolu' (Tab,Law;Kat;Doh,Mu2) SWL 206 'three' tolu (Dei) toLu (Si) telu (Mal,Pak) telu' (Ba,Kat) telo (Sam,Wit,Ma) telo' (Kap) talu (Tun) 16. bulu' (Tab;Tun;Kap,Ba,Kat) SWL 99 'feather' bulu (Law;Mu2) buLui (Doh,Mu1) buLun (Si) wulu (Dej;Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) ulu (Mal) Note: See also Exs. 3, 7, 40, 41, 43, 49, 57 amd 77. Examples of reflexes of *h(P-B). *h(P-B)>*h(P-WB), *j(P-3B): 17. ahem (Kat) SDL 82 'anteater' ahom (Doh,Mu2,Si) ajim (Law) ajom (Dej) ajem (Wit,Ma) ajum (Pak) 18. bahuang (Kap,Kat) SDL 58 'bear' bohuang (Doh,Mu2) bijang (Tab,Law) wajuang (Ma) wojuang (Sam) [Page Break] 42 Correspondences Reflecting the Northeast Barito : Central East-Southeast Borito Split The major evidence reflecting the divergence of P-NEB and P-CSB from P-EB is derived from the reflexes of P-EB *b, *d, and *'. *b(P-EB) < *b(P-B); *d(P-EB)<*d(P-B); *'(P-EB)< *'(P-B). The Eest Barito cognates included in the examples given below seem to indicate that the P-CSB reflexes are divergent, while P-NEB conserves the common Barito reflexes of P-B *b, *d, and *'. *b(P-EB) continued as *b in P-NEB but merged with *w in P-CSB. *d(P-EB) continued as *d in P-NEB but merged with *r in P-CSB. *'(P-EB) continued as *' in P-NEB but split in P-CSB, with one former allophone, occurring finally after *+-(P-EB) (i.e., */+-_#/) merging with zero in P-CSB, and the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, continuing as *'(P-CSB). [The following diagram is too complicated to describe in this transliteration] Examples of reflexes of *b(P-EB). *b(P-B) >*w(P-CSB), *b(P-NEB): 19. watu (Dej;Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) SWL 120 'stone' batu' (Tab,Law;Tun;Kap,Kat;Mu2) batu (Si) bahtu (Doh) [Page Break] 43 20. watang (Dej;Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) SWL 79 'stick' batang (Tab,La;Kap,Ba,Kat,Mu1,Mu2,Si) bahtang (Doh) Note: See also Exs. 18, 29, 35, 40 and 47. There is a regular w:w:w(NEB:CSB:WB) correspondence that should be reconstructed as *w(P-EB)< *w(P-B). Examples of reflexes of *w(P-EB). *w(P-EB)> *w(P-NEB,P-CSB): 21. biwi' (Tab,Law) SDL 3 'lip' biwih (Kap,Kat;Doh) beweh (Mu2,Si) wiwi (Dej,Sam,Wit,Pak) wiwi' (Ma) 22. bawui (Law;Kap,Kat;Doh,Mu2,Si) SDL 56 'wild pig' baui (Tab) wawui (Dej;Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) Note: See also Exs. 47 and 51. Examples of reflexes of *d(P-EB). *d(P-EB)> *r(P-CSB), *d(P-NEB): 23. ranu' (Dej;Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) SWL 122 'water' danum (Tab,Law;Kap,Ba,Kat;Doh,Mu2,Si) 24. rueh (Daj;Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) SWL 205 'two' ruo (Pak) du+-' (Tab,Law) due' (Kap,Ba,Kat) duo' (Doh,Mu2) duo (Si) raga' (Tun) 25. anrau (Mal,Sam,Ma) SWL 172 'day' kanrau (Wit) konrou (Dej) ka'unrou (Pak) andau (Kap,Ba,Kat) ondou (Doh,Mu2,Si) Note: The NEB forms for 'day' are /olo/, which seem obviously related to but technically cognate with the other forms cited in Ex. 25. For reflexes of *r(P-B), see Exs. 10-13. [Page Break] 44 Examples of reflexes of *'(P-EB). *'(P-EB)/+-_#/> 0(P-CSB): See Exs. 24, 39, 43, 75 and 76. The CSB isolects also contrast with those of NEB in regard to their respective reflexes of *t(P-EB). *t(P-EB)<*t(P-B). *t(P-EB) continued as *t in P-NEB, but split in CEB and P-SEB. However, evidence from SEB indicates that this latter split took place independently in CSB and P-SEB after these two groups had diverged from P-CSB, so that I will treat this phenomenon in the following section. Correspondences reflecting the Central East Barito:Southeast Barito split. The evidence reflecting the divergence of P-SEB and CEB from P-CSB is derived from the reflexes of P-CSB *s, *t, *l, and *j. *s (P-CSB) continued as *s in CEB but was replaced by *h in P-SEB. After the latter shift took place in P-SEB, *t(P-CSB) split in P-SEB with one former allophone, occurring before *i (i.e. */_i/) being replaced by *s(P-SEB) in the phonemic slot vacated by the *s(P-CSB)>*h(P-SEB) shift, the other, occurring elsewhere, continuing as *t(P-SEB). CEB also exhibits the split of *t(P-CSB) to *t-*s(CSB) under the identical environmental conditions governing the parallel split in P-SEB. The parallel splits in CEB and P-SEB either took place independently, or took place first in P-SEB, where there was a temporary /s/ gap in the phonemic system, and then diffused to CEB. The fact that the *s(P-SEB) reflecting *t(P-CSB) was not affected by the *s(P-CSB)>*h(P-S3B) shift, indicates that this latter shift took place first, and, since CEB does not exhibit the effects of the *s(P-CSB)>*h(P-SEB) replacement, both shifts must have taken place after P-SEB and CEB had diverged from P-C33, al- [Page Break] 45 though the allophonic conditions prerequisite to the *t(P-CSB) split were undoubtedly present in P-CS3. *l(P-CS3) continued as *l in CEB but split in P-SEB, with one former allophone, occurring before *i (i.e., */_i/), merging with *d(P-SEB) and the other, occurring elsewhere, continuing as *l(P-SEB). It will be noted that the allophonic conditioning factors governing this latter P-SEB split were identical with those governing the *t-*s split in P-SEB. *j(P-CSB) continued as *j in CEB but split in P-SEB, with one former allophone, occurring either finally, or as the initial consonant in a final syllable terminated with a voiceless stop (i.e,s */_#/, */_VT[superscript v1]#/), being replaced by *'(P-SEB), and the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, continuing as *j(P-SEB). It may be seen that in most of these shifts that CEB retains conservative reflexes of the P-CSB protophonemes, while P-SEB is quite innovative. [the followinf diagram is too complicated to describe in this transliteration] Examples of reflexes of *s(P-CSB). *s (P-CSB )> *h(P-SEB, *s(CEB): 26. hungei (Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) SWL 130 'river' sungei (Dej;Kap,Kat) sunge (Tab,Law) sungoi (Doh,Mu2,Si) sungai (Tun) Note: The final diphthong in the Dej form is irregular. See the section below on the e/ei correspondence. [Page Break] 46 27. tahu' (Mal,Wit) SWL 96 'dog' antahu' (Ma) antahu (Pak) asu (Dej) asu' (Kap,Ba,Kat;Doh,Mu1,Mu2) asut (Si) 28. pahu (Sam.Wit.Pak,Ma) SDL 2 'cheek' pasu (Dej) pasu' (Tab,Law) Note: See also Exs. 38 arid 44. Example of reflexes of *t(P-CSB). *t(CSB)/_i/>*s(P-SEB, CEB): 29. wisik (Dej,Mal,Sam,Pak,Ma) SDL 77 'ant' usik (Wit) bitik (Kap,Ba;Mu2,Si) bihtik (Doh) betik (Kat) 30. punsi (Dej;Mal,Wit,Pak,Ma) SDL 91 'banana' puti' (Tab,Law;Doh) punti' (Mu2) punti (Si) *t(CSB)/elsewhere/> *t(P-SEB,CEB): See Exs. 5, 6, 11, 27, 35, 41, 46, 53, 54, 56, 60, 71 and 72. Examples of reflexes of *l(P-CSB). *l(P-CSB)/_i/> *d(P-SEB), *l(CSB): 31. tadi (Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) SWL 65 'rope' tali (Dej;Tab,Law;Ba,Kat;Mul,Si) tali' (Kap;Doh,Mu2;Tun) 32. ngadi (Mal,Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) SWL 90 'to dig' ngali (Dej) ngali' (Tab,Law;Doh,Mu2,Si;Tun) mangali' (Kap,Kat) 33. kudit (Sam,Ma) SWL 16 'skin' kulit (Ba;Tun) Note: The original conditioning environment for this corres- pondence was probably *l/_i/> d(SEB). 1(NEB,CSB), However, there are SEB forms that now show l in the environment /_i/, e.g., Ex. 43 below. [Page Break] 47 *l(P-CSB)/elsewhere/> *l(P-SEB,CEB): See Exs, 14-16. Examples of reflexes of *j(P-CS3). *j(P-CSB> <*j(P~SB) <*h(P~B) *j (P-CSB )/_#/>*'(P-SEB), *j(CEB): 34. ira' (Sam,Wit,Pak,Ma) SWL 26 'blood' raja' (Dej) daja (Tab,Law) daha' (Kap,Ba,Kat;Doh,Mul,Mu2,Si) raha' (Tun) *j (P-CSB)/_VT[superscript v1]#/> *'P-SEB), *j(CEB): 35. we'at (Sara,Wit,Ma) SWL 147 'heavy' bojat (Tab) bahat (Tun;Doh,Mu2,Si) babehat (Kap,Ba) 36. ri'et (Sam,Pak,Ka) SWL 181 'near' rijet (Dej) *j(P-CSB)/elsewhere/> *j(P-SEB,CEB)" See Exs. 17 and 18. Correspondences in which Northeast Barito : Central Bast Barito : Southeast Barito Contrast NEB, CEB, and SEB isolects contrast, at least partially, in their reflexes of *+- and *ei. *+-(P-EB) continued as *+- in P-CSB but split in P-NEB, with one former allophone, occurring before final consonants (i.e., */_ C#/), continuing as *+-(P-NEB), and the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, being replaced by *o(P-NEB). Later, *+-(P-CSB) became backed in P-CEB to become established as *o(P-CEB), and became fronted in P-SEB, to become established as *e(P-SEB). The *+-(P-CSB) >*o(CEB) shift may have been influenced, through diffusion, by the earlier *+- - *o split in contiguous NEB isolects. *+- apparently had not split in P-CSB, since it furnished the condtioning environment for the *'(P-EB)/+-__#/> 0(P-CSB) shift [Page Break] 48 reflected in isolects of both CEB and SEB (cf, pp. 43-45 above). *ei(P-EB) seems to have followed a sort of parallel development, *ei(P-EB) shifted to *e in P-NEB but continued as *ei in P-CSB, Then, *ei(P-CSB) continued as *ei in P-SEB, but shifted to *e in CEB, this latter shift, again, perhaps being influenced by diffusion from contiguous NEB isolects. [The diagram displayed is too complicated to be described in this transliteration] Examples of reflexes of *+-(P-EB). *+-(P-EB)/_C#/> *+-(P-NEB), *o(CEB), *e(P-SEB): 37. ut+-k (Tab,Law) SWL 27 'head' utok (Dei) utek (Mal) 38. as+-k (Tab,Law) SDL 35 'dibble stick' asol (Del) ehek (Mai,Sam,Wit,Ma) 39. um+-' (Tab,Law) SDL 29 'swidden field' umo (Dej) urns. (Hal,Sam,Ma) *+-(P-EB)/elsewhere/>*o(P-NEB,CEB), *e(P-SEB): 40. bolum (Tab,Law ) SWL 76 'to live' wolum (Dei;Pak) welum (Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) 41. tolui (Tab,Law;Dei) SWL 98 'egg' telui (Mal,Wit) atelui (Pak,Ma) untelui (Sam) 42. potan (Tab,Law;Pak) SDL 45 'blowgun' simpotan (Dei) petan (Mal,Sam,Hit,Ma) [Page Break] 49 Note: /+-/ has full phonemic status in current NEB languages, for in SWL 96 /koko/ 'dog' we find /o/ in the environment /_C#/. /+-/ also enters into diphthongs as in SWL 17 /bangk+-i/ 'corpse' and SWL 38 /ngot+-u/ 'to cut padi.' It is possible that the NEB phoneme /+-/ represents the phonetic quality of PB *+-, becoming fronted in SEB, and backed in CEB and in some environments in NEB. NEB /+-/ also occurs as a reflex of PB proto-phonemes other than *+-, for generally in polysyllabic words, a vowel in any syllable preceding the penultimate syllable is represented by +-, as in the following examples: 43. k+-ing+-' (Tab,Law) SWL 45 'ear' talingo (Dej) kilinge (Mal) 44. k+-sapang (Tab,Law) SDL 11 'thigh' kesapang (Dej) kahapang (Mal,Pak,Ma) 45. t+-ngk+-laga' (Tab) SDL 72 'spider' tangkalaga'ang (Mal) Examples of reflexes of *ei(P-EB). *ei(P-EB)>*e(P-NEB,CEB), *ei(P-SEB): 46. ate (Tab,Law;Dej;Pak) SWL 21 'liver' atei (Sam,Wit,Ma) 47. bawe (Tab,Law) SWL 55 'woman' wawe (Pak;Dej) wawei (Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) 48. pare (Tab,Law;Dej;Pak) SDL 30 'padi' parei (Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) Note: In Sxs, 40, 42, 46, 47, and 48, Paku (SEB) agrees with Dusun Dejah (CEB) rather than with the other SEB isolects in its reflexes of P-EB *+- and *ei* This is probably due to diffusion from contiguous NEB isolects or from CEB isolects into Paku after the latter had diverged from P-SEB. Correspondences in which Northwest Barito and Southwest Barito Contrast The evidence reflecting the divergence of P-NWB and P-SWB from P-WB is derived from the reflexes of P-WB *+-, *ei, *au, and *s. *+-(P-WB) became *o(P-NWB) and *e(P-SWB). *ei(P-WB) continued as *ei in P-SWB but {Page Break] 50 became *oi in P-NWB. *au(P-WB) continued as *au in P-SWB but became *ou in P-NWB. *s(P-WB) continued as *s in P-SWB but split in P-NWB, with one former allophone, occurring in final position (i.e., */_#/) merging with *h(P-NWB), and the other allophone, occurring elsewhere, continuing as *s(PNWB). [the digram displayed to too complicated to be described in this transliteration] Examples of reflexes of *+-(P-WB). *+-(P-WB)>*o(P-NWB), *e(P-SWB): 49. lowu' (Doh,Mu2,Si) SDL 'village' lewu' (Kap,Kat) Note : These forms are obviously cognate with the CEB and SEB terms for SDL 18 'house' : lowu' (Dej;Pak); lewu' (Wit,Ma). 50. bonji' (Doh,Mu2) SDL 34 'padi seed' benji' (Kat) 51. nuwo' (Doh,Mu2) SDL 51 'to fish-poison' manuwe' (Kap,iBa,Kat) 52. boruk (Doh,Mu2,Si) SDL 60 'kind of monkey' beruk (Kap,Ba,Kat) Examples of reflexes of *ei(P-WB). *ei(P-WB) >*oi(P-NWB), *ei(P-SWB): 53. atoi (Doh,Mu2,Si) SWL 21 'liver' atei (Kap,Ba,Kat) 54. matoi (Mu1,Mu2,Si) SWL 75 'to die' mahtoi (Doh) matei (Kap,Kat) [Page Break] 51 55. uoi (Doh,Mu2,Si) SWL 87 'rattan' uei (Kap,Kat) Examples of reflexes of *au(P-UB). *au(P-WB)>*ou(P-NWB), *au(P-SWB): 56. kotou' (Doh) SWL 3 'right' katou' (Mu2) katou (Mu1) knotou (Si) gantau (Kap,Kat) tau' (Tun) 57. balou (Doh,Mu1,Mu2.Si) SWL 20 'hair' balau (Kap,Ba,Kat) alau (Tun) 58. lingkou (Mu2,Si) SDL 1 'forehead' likou (Doh) likau (Kat) lingkau (Kap) Examples of reflexes of *s(P-WB). *s(P-WB)/_#/ >*h(P-NWB), *s(P-SWB): 59. mipih (Mu2,Si) SWL 161 'thin' mihpih (Doh) banipis (Kap,Kat) tipis (Ba) 60. -katuih (Doh) SWL 215 'hundred' -ratuh (Mu2,Si) -ratus (Kap,Ba,Kat) 61. barah (Mu2,Si) SWL 121 'sand' baras (Kap,Kat) *s(P-WB)/elsewhere/ >*s(P-NWB,P-SWB): See Ex. 26, SWL 31, SWL 145, SDL 7, SDL 49, SDL 69. Correspondences in which Katingan : Kapuas-Ba'amang Contrast, and in which Dohoi-Murung-1 : Siang-Murung-2 Contrast Further subgrouping within the SWB and NWB groups can be made on the basis of evidence derived from the contrastive sound correspondences reflecting P-WB *tj, and *NT[superscript v1] clusters (i.e., clusters composed of a [Page Break] 52 voiceless stop preceded by a homorganic nasal), *tj(P-WB)> *tj(P-NWB, P-SWB); *NT[superscript vl](P-WB)> *NT[superscript vl](P-NWB,P-SWB). In the SWB group, Kapuas and Ba'amang form a subgroup in opposition to Katingan; in the NWB group, Do-hoi and Murung-1 form a subgroup in opposition to Siang and Murung-2, See p, 479 above for definitions of "env-1" and "env-2" in relation to *tj allophonic conditioning environments. Examples of reflexes of *tj(P-SWB,P-NWB). *tj(P-SWB)/env-1/> *dj(P-KB), tj(Kat); *tj(P-NWB)/env-l/> *tj(P-DM1,P-SM2): 62. idje' (Kap,Ba) SWL 204 'one' itje' (Kat) ihtjo' (Doh) itjo' (Mu2) itjo (SI) tja' (Tun) 63. kedjau (Kap,Ba) SWL 182 'far' ketjau (Kat) mahtju' (Doh) matjo' (Mu2) oiju (Si) ntjo' (Tun) Note; See also Exs. 1 and 2. *tj(P-SWB)/env-2/ >*dj(P-KB,Kat); *tj(P-NWB)/env-2/ >*dj(P-DM1), *tj(P-SM2): See Exs. 3 and 4. Examples of reflexes of *NT[superscript vl](P-SWB,P-NWB). *N(P-SWB)/_T[superscript vl]/>0(Kat), *N(P-KB)l *N(P-NWB)/_T[superscript vl]/> *0(P-DM1), *N(P-SM2): *m 64. lampang (Kap) SWL 126 'to float' -lampung (Mu2,Si) lapang (Kat;Doh) 65. sampit (Ba;Tun) SWL 163 'narrow' sepit (Kat) [Page Break] 53 *n 66. hantu' (Kap) SDL 17 'corpse' ontu' (Mu2) hatu' (Kat) otu' (Doh) 67. buntal (Kap,Ba) SDL 54 'blowfish' butal (Kat) 68. lonting (Mu2,Si) SWL 87 'to swell' loting (Doh) *ng 69. tengkuk (Kap,Ba) SDL 6 'nape' tekuk (Kat) 70. lungkung (Mu2,Si) SWL 107 'worm' lukung (Doh) lukeng (Kat) See Ex. 58 also. *N(P-SWB,P-NWB)/elsewhere/ >*N(Kat,P-KB,P-DMl,P-SM2): *m See Exs. 17, 54, 75, and 77. *n See Exs, 1, 12, 14, 25, and 51. *ng See Exs. 6, 8, 9, 10, 18, 20, 26, 32, and 73. Correspondence In which Dohoi Contrasts with all other Barito Isolects Dohoi is distinctive among all the Barito isolects for its medial preaspirated voiceless stops and affricate. Whether this is a Dohoi innovation or the vestige of a proto-phoneme that has been lost in that environment in all other Barito isolects is indeterminate at the present time. If it represents an innovation, it would appear that *T[superscrupt v1](P-DM1) (i.e., voiceless stop and affricate proto-phonemes) became preaspirated in medial position (i.e., /V)V/) in Proto-Dohoi. This holds true for the vast majority of Dohoi forms that can be shown to represent P-B forms, However, Ex. 53 presents an exception to this. It is quite true that in contemporary Dohoi both preaspirated and non-preaspirated voiceless stops occur. The Dohoi forms atoi 'liver' (Ex. 53) and mahtoi 'to die' (Ex. 54) [Page Break] 54 provide sub-minimal pairs in this respect. Examples illustrating the distinctive medial preaspirated voiceless stops of Dohoi. *T[superscript vl](P-DM1)/V_V/> *hT[superscript vl](Dohoi): 71. ohnat (Doh) SWL 207 'four' opat (HM2,Si;Tab,Law;Dej;Pak) epat (Kap,Ba,Kat;Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) pat (Tun) 72. mahta' (Doh) SWL 47 'eye' mata' (Kap;Mu2) mate' (Ba,Kat) mata (Si) matam (Hui) mat+-' (Tab,Law) mato (Dej;Pak) mate (Mal,Sam,Wit,Ma) 73. uhtjang (Doh) SDL 65 'deer' utjang (Mu2) otjang (Si) batjang (Kat) badjang (Kap) 74. ihkuh (Doh) SWL 105 'tail' ikuh (Kap,Kat;Mul) ikui (Tab,Law;Mal,Wit) ukai (Dej;Sam,Pak,Wa) ukoi (Mu2, Si) Note: See also Exs. 11, 19, 20, 29, 54, 59, 62 and 63. Barito-Mahakam Correspondences Barito-Hahakam is represented by only one isolect in my sample, Tundjung, and unfortunately the Tundjung list is not complete, being limited to the items of the Swadesh list only. Therefore, there is not as much BM material available for comparative purposes as we have for the other isolects of the Barito family. However, on the basis of the main diagnostic sound correspondences distinguishing EB isolects from WB isolects, it seems clear that Tundjung has closer affinities with the latter. [Page Break] 55 The Tun reflex of P-B *h is /h/ (Cf. Exs. 34 and 35). The Tun reflex of P-B *tj is reflected by /tj/ in both /env-l/ and /env-2/ (cf* Exs. 1, 2, 3, 62 and 63), a characteristic shared with the Siang and Murung-2 isolects of NWB. The Tun reflex of P-B *au is /au/, a characteristic shared with SWB isolects. Tun contrasts with both SWB and NWB, as well as the EB isolects, in the reflex of P-B *+- that occurs before a final consonant. This is the same environment where *+-(P-B) is reflected by in P-NEB (cf. Exs. 37, 38 and 39). Examples of reflexes of *+-(P-B)/_C#/. *+-(P-B)/_C#/ >*a(B-M), *e(P-SEB,P-SWB), *o(P-NWB,CEB), *+-(P-NEB): 75. lima' (Tun) SWL 208 'five' lime' (Kap,Ba,Kat) limo' (Doh,Mu2,Si) lim+- (Tab,law) limo (Dej) dime (Mai,Sam,Wit,Ma) 76. nipa' (Tun) SWL 106 'snake' handipe' (Kap,Kat) njipo' (Si) nip+-' (Tab,Law) nipo (Dej) nipe (Mai, Wit) Note: Remember that *'(P-B)/+-_#/>0(CEB,SEB). 77. kalam (Tun) SWL 171 'night' hamalem (Kap,Ba,Kat mamalon (Mu2,Si) mal+-m (Law) kamalem (Sam,Ma) nihimalem (Wit) Tundjung appears to contrast with the WB isolects in other characteristics. For instance, the Tun reflex of P-B *d is /r/, a characteristic shared with the CSB isolects of the East Barito group (cf. Exs. 24, 34, and SWL 112), However, the evidence is still too sketchy to afford us a clear view of the details. More data are needed from Barito-Mahakam iso- [Page Break] 56 lects, In the meantime, since Tun shares sane characteristics with NWB, some with SWB, and contrasts with VB in others, I prefer to classify Barito-Mahakam as a separate major subgroup within the Barito family, coordinate with EB and WB. The approximate distribution of the subgroups of the Barito family has been indicated above on Map 2, p.12. See Table 3 below for a list of Proto-Barito phonemes and their reflexes in the various isolects of the Barito family. [Page Break] 57 TABLE 3: REFLEXES OF PROTO-BARITO PHONEMES [this table is too difficult to transcribe] [Page Break] PART II: LEXICOSTATISTICAL ANALYSIS A subgrouping of the Barito isolects based on lexicostatis-tical analysis of cognate percentages generally corroborates the sub-grouping based on the comparative method. However, in several instances, notably those involving Ba’amang in Southwest Barito and Dusun ilalang in Southeast Barito, extensive lexical borrowing from languages of non-immediate relationship has tended to obscure the classification based on phonological comparison. Where the lexico-statistical and comparative methods yield conflicting results, my own classification gives stronger weight to the comparative method.[superscript 1] I will omit Ba'amang and Dusun Malang from consideration in the following discussion because the former shows evidences of heavy borrowing from Bandjar Malay,[superscript 2] the latter from the contiguous North-east Barito isolects. In a strict lexicostatistical classification [line] [superscript 1] My classification, thus, emphasizes older, "genetic", rather than more recent "diffusional" historical relationships. However, this is not to deny the important cultural implications to be drawn from cases where an isolect has borrowed heavily, even in its "basic" vocabulary, from another isolect not in immediate genetic relationship, For a critical discussion of the relative value of the lexi-costatistical and comparative methods where the two give conflicting results, see Gudschinsky 1955 and 1958. [superscript 2] Ba'amang shows 58 per cent horaosemantic cognation with Kapuas and 54 per cent with Katingan, its coordinate Southwest Barito isolects, on the basis of sound correspondences. It shows 60 per cent with Bandjar and 57 per cent with Tamuan, two coastal ilalay isolects spoken in the Ba'amang region. [superscript 3] Dusun Malang's highest cognate percentage within the Southeast Barito group is 61 with Samihim, significantly, the Southeast Barito isolect farthest removed geographically from the Dusun Malang area, Dusun 58 [Page Break] 59 disregarding considerations of comparative phonology, Ba'amang would have been grouped with Bandjar and the coastal Malay languages, and Dusun Malang would have been grouped with the northeast Barito isolects. However, it must be borne in mind that lexicostatistical subgrouping techniques have been developed for use in situations where, for one reason or another, the operations required by the classical comparative method are deemed impracticable. Pure lexicostatistical classifications are not meant to be inflexible and should always be considered open to amendment when reliable, non-statistical evidence indicates the need for revision. In the present cases, the phonological data strongly suggest the inclusion of Ba'araang in the Southwest Barito group and Dusun Malang in the Northeast Barito group. Keeping these two exceptions in mind, I will start from the smaller units of the classification and review the lexicostatistical relationships exhibited within each of the minor Barito subgroups. The cognate percentages linking members of the Southeast Barito group range from 83 (Ma-Pak) to 6l (Sam-Pak).[superscript 4] The highest percentage that a Southeast Barito member shares with a non-Southeast Barito isolect is 53 per cent. This gives a "critical difference"[superscript 5] of 8, so that the [line] Malang shows 63 per cent cognation with Tabojan, the contiguous Northeast Barito isolect. [superscript 4] Dusun Malang-Paku show only 54 per cent cognation. [superscript 5] The "critical difference" of a language group is the amount of difference between the lowest cognate percentage within the group and the highest percentage of any member of the group with a nonmember . [Page Break] 60 Southeast Barito forms a "genus"[superscript 6] whose statistically determined discreteness is significant at the 10 per cent level.[superscript 7] Cognate percentages within the Southeast Barito group are shown in Figure 3. In Northeast Barito, Lawangan and Tabojan exhibit 70 per cent cognation, while the highest percentage with an outside isolect is 62 (Tab-Pak), This yields a critical difference of 8, and "genus" status for the Northeast Barito group. On the basis of their reflexes of Proto-Barito *b, *d, and *t, Central East Barito and Southeast Barito form a subgroup in opposition to Northeast Barito. This subgrouping receives some support from the lexicostatistical data, but not at a significant level. The highest cognate percentage within the CSB group is 53 (Dej-Sam); the lowest is 45 (Dej-Pak). The highest percentages with outside isolects are 47 (Wit-Law) and 45 (Dej-Law), giving a critical difference equal to less than 0 and no statistical significance. The cognate percentages linking pairs of Northwest Barito isolects range from 64 (Si-Mu1) to 81 (Si-Mu2). The highest cognate percentage with a non-Northwest Barito isolect is 58. Northwest Barito thus forms a "cluster". The lexico statistical evidence pre- [line] [superscript 6] See Dyen I965, 6-7 for a discussion of the principles and terminology used by one school for lexicostatistical subgrouping. In Dyen's terminology, a critical difference of more than 9.5 is diagnostic of a "subfamily," between 8 and 9.5 of a "genus," between 5 and 7.9 of a "cluster," between 2.5 and 4.9 of a "hesion," and below 2.5 a "linkage." A group is called a "subgroup" if the size of critical difference is unknown or uncertain. [superscript 7] Dyen uses the appellations "subfamily" (5%) "genus" (10%), "cluster" (10-30%), "hesion" (30-60%) to indicate the confidence levels at which the discreteness of the denoted language groups are statistically significant. [Page Break] 61 FIGURE 3 : INTRAGROUP COGITATE PERCENTAGES AND CRITICAL DIFFERENCES OF BARITO FAMILY SUBGROUPS [This figure is difficult to describe in this transliteration] [Page Break] 62 sented in Figure 3 also corroborates the Dohoi-Murung-1 and Siang-Murung-2 opposition within the northwest Barito group, Siang-Murung-2 is rated as a "subfamily," and Dohoi-Murung-1 as a "cluster." Cognate percentages within the Southwest Barito group are shown in Figure 3. Exluding Ba'amang from consideration (see above), the highest cognate percentage with an outside isolect is 58 (Kat-Doh), giving Southwest Barito the status of a "subfamily." Having established the lexicostatistical status of the minor subgroups of the Barito family, I will now move on to a consideration of the major subgroups: West Barito, East Barito, and Barito-Mahakam, The lowest cognate percentage among pairs of West Barito isolects is 47 (Kap-Si), and the highest percentage with a non-West Barito isolect 43 (Kap-Dej), Thus, West Barito is rated as a "hesion." Among the East Barito isolects, the lowest cognate percentage is 43 (Ma-Law), while the highest with an outside isolect[superscript 8] is also 43 (Dej-Kap). East Barito, thus, forms a "linkage" with no statistical validity, The coordinate position, vis-a-vis East and West Barito, assigned to Barito-Wahakam on the basis of comparative phonology seems to be supported by the lexicostatistical evidence. The highest percentage shared by Barito-Wahakam with East Barito is 4l (Tun-Tab), with West Barito 40 (Tun-Mu2). Figure 4 gives the highest cognate percentages among coordinate major subgroups of the Barito family. [line] [superscript] Excluding Dusun Malang, which shows cognate percentages with West Barito isolects ranging from 45 (Kap, Kat) to 48 (Mu2). [Page Break] 63 FIGURE 4: HIGHEST COGNATE PERCENTAGES LIMKING MAJOR BARITO SUBGROUPS [This figure is difficult to describe in this transliteration] It is difficult to evaluate the statistical discreteness of the Barito family in relation to non-Barito isolects. I do not have enough comparative material at hand to carry this classification further at this time,[superscript 9] and such an extension would be beyond the scope of the present study, It might be pointed out, in passing, that the highest cognate percentage shared by Dyen's "Dayak Subfamily" with an outside group is 33.4 with the "Malayan Subfamily" of the "Javo-Sumatran Hesion."[superscrip 10] Since the lowest cognate percentage obtaining within East-West Barito is 34.5 (Ma-Kat),[superscript 11] the critical difference between the "Malayan Subfamily" should be reduced to 1.1. This, in effect, demotes the "Dayak Subfamily" to the status of a linkage. [line] [superscript 9]Professor Dyen has not yet published the raw data on which his lexicostatistical classification of Austronesian languages is based. [superscript 10] Dyen 1965, 17. [superscript 11] Barito-Mahakam is included, the lowest percentage is 28.7 (Wa-Tun). [superscript 12] Katingan and "Ngadju" (the latter probably equal to Kapuas taken from Hardeland's Ngadju Dictionary) are members of Dyen's "Dayak Subfamily."[Page Break] 64 In considering the analysis just presented, I get a lexico-statistical subgrouping of the Barito group which, when translated into Dyen's terms, appears as: I. Bari to Linkage: 33% (Balayan Subfamily), A. Barito-Mahakam Subgroup: Tundjung 41% (Northeast Barito Genus, Tabojan). 1. Tundjung 41% (Tabojan). B. West Barito Hesions Kapuas 43% (Central East Barito Subgroup, Dusun Dejah). 1. Northwest Barito Cluster: Dohoi 58% (Southwest Barito Subfamily, Katingan), 1. Dohoi-iiurung Cluster: Dohoi 68% (Siang). 1. Dohoi 75% (Murung-1). 2. Murung-1 75% (Dohoi). 2. Siang-Burung-2 Subfamily: Murung-2 68% (Dohoi), 1. Siang 81% (Murung-2). 2. Murung-2 81% (Siang). 2. Southwest Barito Subfamily: Katingan 58% (Northwest Barito Cluster, Dohoi). 1. Katingan 74% (Kapuas). 2. Kapuas 74% (Katingan). 3. (Ba'amang 60% (Bandjar Malay), 59% (Kapuas).) [Page Break] 65 C. East Barito Linkage: Dusun Dejah 43% (Southwest Bari to Subfamily, Kapuas). 1. Northeast Barito Genus: Tabojan 62% (Southeast Barito Genus, Paku). 1. Lawangan 70% (Tabojan). 2. Tabojan 70% (Lawangan). 2. Central East Barito Subgroup: Dusun Dejah 53% (Southeast Barito Genus, Samihim). 1. Dusun Dejah 53% (Samihim). 3. Southeast Barito Genus: Samihim 53% (Central East Barito Subgroup, Dusun Dejah). 1. (Dusun Malang 63% (Northeast Barito Group, Tabojan), 6l0 (Samihim).) 2. Samihim 70% (Ma'anjan). 3. Ma'anjan 82% (Paku). 4. Paku 82% (Ma'anjan). 5. Dusun Witu 73% (Ma'anjan). Thus, this lexicostatistical classification agrees on every major point with the classification based on the analysis of sound correspondences. [Page Break] APPENDIX II COMPARATIVE WORD LISTS Introduction This appendix contains the comparative word lists upon which the analyses offered in Appendix I are based. The word lists are divided into three subsections: the first subsection (SWL) contains the 215 items of the earliest Lees-Swadesh list, among which are the 196 items used by Dyen. The second subsection (SDL) contains 104 items of Dajak terms not found in the SWL list. This is by no means a "basic" Dajak word list, although some of the individual forms on it may be considered basic. The third subsection (KTL) contains 52 kin tern glosses. On this list, the entry "nst" indicates that there is no special term for the gloss in question. Lists representing 16 Barito and 5 non-Barlto isolects are presented in this appendix (see Map 2 for the locations of the respective isolects). Because of the large number of languages involved, they have been broken up for presentation into three parts. The East Barito isolects are given in Part I; Tundjung and the West Barito isolects in Part II. Of the non-Barito isolects presented in Part III, four (Indonesian, Bandjar, Delang and Tamuan) are Malay languages. Since the Malagasy language of Madagascar has been hypothesized, to have an extremely close connection with Ma'anjan (cf. Dahl 1951, Dyen 1953, Dyen 1965), I include a Swadesh list representing the Merina isolect of Malagasy for comparative purposes. My informant, a Princeton undergraduate named Rajaona Andriamanjara, was 21 years old and was born in Ambotomena, Madagascar. He and both his parents were native speakers of Merina. Using an incomplete Ma'anjan list, Dyen obtained a Ma'anjan-Malagasy cognate percentage of 43.5. However, Dyen indicated 66 [Page Break] 67 that this percentage was probably inflated and anticipated that the true cognate percentage for these two isolects might turn out to be five to ten percentage points lower (cf. Dyen 1965, 43). This latter supposition seems to be borne out by my analysis using a complete Ma'anjan list. In a preliminary lexicostatistical comparison of Ma'anjan and Malagasy, I have obtained a minimum cognate percentage of 33 per cent with an outside maximum of 40 per cent, with even the latter figure lying somewhat below Dyen's score. The approximate articulatory values of phonetic symbols used in the lists are given on the following page. [Page Break] 68 ARTICULATORY DEFINITIONS OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS USED IN WORD LISTS [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] Part I: EAST BAIUTO ISOLECTS Tabojan Lawangan Dusun Dejah Dusun Malang Samihim Dusun Witu Paku Ma'anjan 69 [Page Break] 70 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 71 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 72 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 73 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 74 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 75 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 76 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 77 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 78 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 79 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 80 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 81 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 82 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] PART II BARITO-MAHAKAM AND WEST BAR1TO ISOLECTS Barito-Mahakam Tundjung West Barito Kapuas Ba'amang Katingan Dohoi Murung-1 Murung-2 Siang The Tundjung list includes only SWL. Murung-1 is represented by an incomplete SWL and KTL and does not include SDL. For Siang, SDL and KTL are incomplete. 83 [Page Break] 84 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 85 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 86 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 87 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 88 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 89 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 90 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 91 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 92 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 93 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 94 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 95 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 96 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] PART III NON-BARITO ISOLECTS Indonesian Bandjar Delang Tamuan Malagasy (Merina) Standard Indonesian orthography has been used in the Indonesian list, except that "y" has been substituted for the semivowel "j". The Indonesian list does not include KTL. The Malagasy list includes only SWL. 97 [Page Break] 98 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 99 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 100 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 101 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 102 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 103 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 104 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 105 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 106 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 107 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 108 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 109 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] 110 [this table cannot be described in this transliteration] [Page Break] BIBLIOGRAPHY Atlas 1938 Atlas Tan Tropisoh Nederland. Batavia, Djambatan. Bloomfield, L. 1933 Language. New York, Holt. Cense, A. A. and E. M. Uhlenbeck 1958 Critical Survey of studies on the Languages of Borneo. 's-Gravenhage, Nijhoff. Dahl, O. C. 1951 Malagache et Mannjan: Une Comparison Linguistique. Oslo, Arne Glumes Forlag. Dyen, I. 1953 "Review of Malagaehe et Maanian...by Otto Chr. Dahl." Language:29;577-590. 1960 "Comment on Hymes' 'Lexicostatistics so far.'" Current Anthropology:1;34-39. 1962 "The lexicostatistically determined relationship of a language group." International Journal of American Linguistics:28;153-l6l. 1965 A Lexicostatistical Classification of the Austronesian Languages. Indiana University Publications in Anthropology and Linguistics, Memoir 19. Gudschinsky, S. 1955 "Lexico-statistical skewing from dialect borrowing." International Journal of American linguistics:21;138-149. 1958 "Mazatee dialect history: a study in miniature." Language:34;469-481. Homer, C. den 1889 "Proeve eener vergelijkende woordenlijst van zes in de Z. 0. Afd. van Borneo voorkomende taaltakken." Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde:32;455-486. Hynes, D. 1960 "Lexicostatisties so far." Currant Anthropology:1;3-34. Kennedy, R. 1962 Bibliography of Indonesian Peoples and Cultures. Second revised edition. New Haven, Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. 111 [Page Break] 112 Knappert, S. C. 1905 "Beschrijwing taxi da Onderafdealing Koetei." Bijdragen tot de Taal -, Land- em Volkenkunde:58;575-654. Leach, E. R. 1950 Social Science Research in Sarawak. London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office. Lees, R. B. 1953 "The basis of glottochronology." Language:29;113-127. Lumholtz, C. 1920 Through Central Borneo. New York, Scribner's. Mallinckrodt, J. 1927 "De stanindeeling wan de Maanjan-Sioeng-Dajaks, der Zuider- en Ooster-Afdealing wan Borneo." Bijdragen tot de Taal-. Land- en Volkenkunde:83;552-592. 1928 Het Adatreeht wan Borneo. Leiden, M. Dubbeldman. Nusselein, A. H. F. J. 1905 "Besehrijwing wan het landschap Pasir*" Bijdragen tot de Taal-. Land- en Volkenkunde:58;532-574. Pigeaud, T. G. T. 1962 Java in the 14th Century. A Study in Cultural History. The Nagarakertagama by Rakawi Prapane of Majapahit, 1365 A.D. The Hague, M. Nijhoff, 4 v. Richards, A. J. N. 1949 "The migrations of the Iban and their poetry." Sarawak Museum Journal:5;77-87. Sandin, B. 1956 "The westward migration of the Sea Dayaks." Sarawak Museum Journal:7;54-81.