Regmi Research Series, Year 13 M. C. Regmi Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu, Nepal December 1, 1981 This electronic text was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: December 1, 1981 Regmi Research Series Cumulative Index for 1981 1. Monopoly Trade in Cigarettes, A.D. 1947 2. Revenue Collection of Satpari, A.D. 1848 3. Emoluments of Revenue Functionaries in Udayapur 4. Management of Temples in Khotang 5. The Dalan Kachahari 6. Revenue Collection in Morang, A.D. 1813 7. Revenue Collection in Thak 8. The Political History of Dolakha 9. Petition of the Bhotes of Olangchung 10. The Naya Muluk 11. Administrative Arrangements in the Eastern Tarai Region and Chitaun 12. Jagir Rents in Bode Village 13. Levy on Jagir Incomes, 1891 14. Supply of Timber in Munitions Factory 15. Jhara Exemption for Jagirdars in Chainpur 16. Allocation for public Welfare Schemes 17. Malaria Eradication in Hitaura, 1950 18. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District 19. Newar Households in Pokhara 20. Supply of Firewood from Bulu 21. Gadimubarakha Revenue, 1847 22. Makhiyabhar Arrangements in Kagbeni and Other Villages 23. Irrigation from the Bakaiya River 1 2 3 4 5 6 10 12-16, 18-20, 17, 113. ..... 21 27 30 31 31 33 35 37 38-41, 49-54, 65-67. 42 44 48 ..... 55 ..... 58 ii 24. Revenue from Customs and Pasturage in the Eastern Tarai Region 25. Recruits for the British Army 26. Order Regarding Supply of Copies of the Ain 27. Emancipation of Slaves 28. The Gola of Ratuwa-Singmari 29. Revenue Assessment in Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, And Chitaun, (1904-12 Vikrama) 30. Land Grants to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere 31. Development Activities in the Naya Muluk 32. Smuggling of Cardamom 33. The Army Welfare Fund, 1926 34. Social History of Dolakha District 35. Forest Protection of Dolakha 36. Customs Duties in the Eastern Hills 37. Petition of Mukhiyas in Ga[..]unkot A.D. A.D. 1869 38. Problems of Tax Collection, A.D. 1910 39. After the Sungauli Treaty 40. Two Views on the Producing Classes 41. Monopoly for Export of Goat and Sheep Skins 42. Birta Grants to Jung Bahadur 43. Currency Systems in Doti 44. Birta Forests of Ranas 45. On Prices 46. Nepal Press Digest (January 25-February 2, 1952) 47. Revenue Collection on Birta Lands 48. Petition of Khamba and Thakali Traders 59 61 64 69 73 61 63 68 75 77-80, 86-89 81-83, 103-10 83 85 90 91-96, 97-98 ..... 99 100 101 110 ..... 114 115 ..... 116 118 123 125 iii 49. The Calcutta Buying Agency 50. Forest Protection in Kaski 51. Appointment of Forwarding Agent in India 52. Forest Legislation in the 1866 Muluki Ain 53. Forest Legislation in the 1918 Muluki Ain 54. Arrangements for Sanitation in Kathmandu Town ..... 55. Prices in Kathmandu 56. Commercial Timber 57. Birgunj Bazaar 58. The Thula Hakim 59. Remittances to Calcutta, 1901-2 60. Sale of Cardamom in Napalgunj 61. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 62. State Trading at Brahmadeo-Mandi 63. Saltpeter Exports to India 64. Sunar and Khajahani, 1901 65. Saw-Mills in the Tarai Region 66. Abolition of the Naya Muluk Rakam 67. Lac Exports from the Far-Western Region 68. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 69. Trade Outlets in Far-Western Nepal 70. Some Terms Pertaining to the Timber Export Trade in 19th Century Nepal 71. Land Taxation in Kailali and Kanchanpur 72. Time Required for Delivery of Mail from Kathmandu to Different Areas 132 126 128 127 129 130 133 134 ..... 135 ..... 137 139 ..... 140 ..... 140 145 ..... 147 148 150 152 153 ..... 156-160m 162-165, 177-182 161 162 165 167 Iv 73. The Wax and Paper Monopolies ..... 169 74. The State and Economic Surplus ..... 170 75. Problems of Land Administration in Central Hill Region ..... 171-176m 187-192 76. King Mukund Sen's Invasion of Kathmandu Valley ..... 182 77. Documents From Doti ..... 185 **************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only, not meant for public sale, distribution and display). Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: January 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X Regmi Research Series Year 13, No. 1, Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents Contexts Page 1. Monopoly Trade in Cigarettes, A.D. 1947 2. Revenue Collection of Satpari, A.D. 1848 3. Emoluments of Revenue Functionaries in Udayapur 4. Management of Temples in Khotang 5. The Dalan Kachahari 6. Revenue Collection in Morang, A.D. 1813 7. Revenue Collection in Thak 8. The Political History of Dolakha ..... 1 ..... 2 ..... 3 ..... 4 ..... 5 ..... 6 ..... 10 ..... 12-16, 18-20, Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal (For private study and research only: not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 1. Monopoly Trade in Cigarettes, A.D. 1947 Some information regarding the monopoly trade in cigarettes during A. D. 1903-4 had been given in the Regmi Research Series, Year 12, No. 11, November 1, 1980, pp. 162-163. The following information about the monopoly during A.D. 1947 has been summarized from a public notification issued on Chaitra 25, 2003 (approx. April 10, 1047) under the seals of Prime Minister Padma Shunshere and Commander-in-Chief Mohan Shumshere. An original coy of the notification, printed on hand-made Nepali paper, forms part of the Regmi Research Collection. The preamble to the notification reads as follows: "With the objective of discouraging the consumption of cigarettes, the monopoly trade in this commodity had been abolished, and the amanat system introduced subject to the collection of customs duty at prescribed rates. "This step, however, further encouraged the consumption of cigarettes, rather than discouraging it. Moreover, the hardships of the subjects increased because prices of cigarettes were arbitrarily increased. "In order, therefore, to ensure the convenience of the people, a monopoly has been granted to Subba Hitaman Sherchan for the entire Kingdom for the period ending Chaitra 30, 2006 (April 12, 1950), on condition that the current prices of cigarettes are not increased. Other conditions are as follows:- 1. During the month of Chaitra 2003 (ended April 12, 1947), the total quantity of cigarettes imports shall not exceed the quantity imported during Chaitra 2002 (ended April 12, 1946). All existing stocks, and the quantity imported in Chaitra 2003, must be sold out be the end of that month (April 12, 1947). It case any quantity is left unsold on the date, it must be sold within seven days (i.e. by April 19, 1947) to the monopolist, Subba Hitaman Sherchan, at cost price. No private trade in such cigarettes shall be allowed. 2. From Baisakh 1, 2004 (April 13, 1947), only cigarettes imported by His Majesty, the Prime Minister, and the Commander-in-Chief shall be exempt from the monopoly arrangements. Employees of the Gurkha Brigade of the British Army may each bring in 50 cigarettes per personnel consumption without paying any penalty. 3. Other persons, irrespective of their status and occupation, may procure cigarettes, cigars, bidis, etc. for personnal consumption or trade, or manufacture them locally, without consent of the monopolist, the commodity, or its sale proceeds, shall be confiscated. In addition, a fine equal to the value of the confiscated 2. goods or money shall be imposed if such value exceeds Rs 100. In case it is less than Rs 100, the fine shall amount to Rs 100. For the second offense, the fine shall be equal to the value of the confiscated goods or money if it exceeds Rs 300, or to Rs 300 if the value is less than this figure. For the third and each subsequent offense, the guilty person shall be placed in detention, the matter shall be represented to the government, and action shall be taken as ordered. 4. 25 percent of the value of the goods or money confiscated according to Section 3 shall be given as a reward to the informant. The balance, as well as the fines, shall accrue to the monopolist. ***************** Revenue Collection in Saptari, A.D. 1848 Order to the Chaudharis, Kanugoyes, mahaldars and thekdars of Saptari district: Subba Shivanidhi Jaisi has reported to us that revenue is not being collected properly in the districts, and that accounts are not being cleared off in time. It appears that you have not submitted accounts, and obtained clearance, for the Vikrama year 1904. The New years has commenced; hence it will not be proper to make any further delay in submitting accounts. Immediately on receiving this order, submit accounts of Panchashala payments due for each monja, and execute bounds for arrears, if any, so as to clear off the accounts. In case you make any delay in transmitting payments due to His Majesty's Government, the person who is responsible for the obstruction shall be held liable." Jestha Sudi 2, 1905 (May 1848) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 33, p. 70. 3. Emoluments of Revenue Functionaries in Udayapur Gurudayal, Chaudhari of Talahatte Parganna in Udyapur district, submitted the following petition to the Bandobasta Kachahari: (1) In the Vikrama 1915, the gola of Chaudhari in Udayapur was placed under the jurisdiction of Captain Raghubir Thapa on amanat basis. I was appointed as Chaudhari for the collection of revenue on amanat basis in nine moujas comprising the Parganna of Talahatte in Chaudhari. (2) When Captain Chandrabir Bista Chhetri was appointed to that post in the Vikrama year 1919, he refused to sanction the emoluments of the Chaudhari and the mokaddam on the ground that no such provision existed in the regulations. When I represented the matter to Chief Colonel Dilli Singh Basnyat Chhetri and Dittha Vishnu Datta Padhya, who were responsible for Tarai affairs, they directed that emoluments be paid as follows from the proceeds of revenue collection:- Chaudhari ..... 5 percent Mokaddam ..... 3 percent Total 8 percent These payments were made until the Vikrama year 1922. (3) In the Vikrama year 1923, Captain Shumshere Jung Thapa Chhetri was appointed to that post. He refused to make these payments on the ground that no such provision existed in the regulations. (4) I have signed a bond stipulating liability for the payment of taxes due from depopulated holdings. In other districts, the Chaudhari is paid emoluments at the rate of 3 percent of the actual collection, while the jimidar is paid 5 percent. It is not proper that a different system should be applied to the Parganna of Talahatte alone. On Aswin Sudi 13, 1923, the petition was referred to the Kaushal office by Dittha Buddhi Sagar Upadhyaya. The Kaushal Office recommended action as follows: "In the seven districts of the eastern Tarai (Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa, and Rautahat), jimidars are paid emoluments at the rate of Rs 5 on ech Rs 105 of revenue actually collected, while Chaudharis are paid Rs 3 on each Rs 103. The Parganna of Talahatte is under the jurisdiction of the gola, but it will not be appropriate to make any discrimination in emoluments paid to Chaudharis and jimidars in Mal areas and elsewhere, for the revenue functions of Chaudharis, and jimidars in both areas are identical." 4. An order was then issued in the name of Prime Minister Jung Bahadur to the authorities of the Chauriya Khas Goswara Gola directing that emoluments be paid in Talahatte Parganna at the rate of Rs 5 to the jimidars on each Rs 105 of revenue actually collected, and of Rs 3 on each Rs 103 to the Chaudharis, on the conditions that these functionaries had undertaken liability for the payment of taxes on depopulated holdings and that such payments had been made on a customary basis. Marga Sudi 9, 1923 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 63, pp. 427-34. Management of Temples in Khotang Royal order to Devadetta Upadhyaya on Shrawan 4, 1883 (July 1826): "Previously also you had been priest of the Kalika and two other temples at Khotang in Majhkirat. Later, Srikanta Bhattarai obtained a royal order appointing him as priest of those temples. We not withdraw that order and reinstate you. We restore to you the houses and lands occupied by the priest, as well as rice-lands and homestead, according to the Guthi grant. With full assurance, perform the regular and ceremonial religious functions at those temples according to the prescribed rites, construct a temple and a road-side shelter there with tile roots, operate the Guthi and appropriate the surplus income, and bless us." Regmi Research Collection, vol. 29, p. 29. 5. The Dalan-Kachahari From Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief General Jung Bahadur Kunwar Rana: "The Dalan Kanchahari at our Thapathali Palace shall dispose of the following disputes: (a) Disputes on Khangi lands assigned to us in the capacity of Minister. (b) Disputes on Khangi lands of our four sons, and (c) Such other cases as we may refer to the Kachahari for hearing and disposal. "The Kachahari shall have the following officials and employees with emoluments as follows: 1 Bichari ..... Rs 125 a year 1 Bahidar and 1 Tahabildar ..... Rs 180 a year Total Rs 305. "Ten percent of the fees and penalties collected in the course of the disposal of disputes (Dandakunda, baksauni, bisaund, dasaund) shall be apportioned among them as follows:- One-half to the Bichari. One-fourth each to the Bahidar and the Tahabildar. "Settle disputes according to the law. You shall be held guilty, and dismissed from service, if you take bribes, commit injustice, or show undue favor to any litigant. Magh Badi 10, 1910 (January 1854) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 33, 175-76. 6. Revenue Collection in Morang, A.D. 1813 The Panchashala-thek system, under which land and other taxes were collected on a contractual basis through the Chaudhari of each Parganna, was introduced in the districts of the eastern Tarai region in 1828. (Mahesh C. Regmi, A Study in Nepali Economic History, 1768-1846, New Delhi: Manjusri Publishing House, 1971, pp. 174-75). There is evidence that the system had been introduced on an experimental basis in the following Pargannas of Morang as early as A.D. 1813: Harichanda-Gadhi, Athmouja, Katahari, Bariyadi, Fatteharipur, Gograha, Mangadhi, and Nonigadhpahar. The following royal orders were issued in the names of the Chaudharis, mokaddams, gachhdars, jethraiyats, and other functionaries of these Pargannas on Chaitra Sudi 2, 1869 (March 1813):- (1) "We have introduced the Panchashala systems in these Porgannas from the Vikrama year 1870 (A.D. 1813). All those ryots who have lect our Kingdom for the Moglan (i.e. India) may come back and reoccupy their lands with full assurance. Represent your grievances, if any, through Subba Anupa Simha Adhikari and Subba Dhokal Khawas whom we have deputed there ore this purpose. state your case in their Kachahari; they will grant you justice." (2) "You have stipulated payment of revenue on a contractual basis under the Panchashela system from the Vikrama year 1870 (A.D. 1813). We hereby sanction this measure. With full assurance, promote cultivation and settlement. Do not have doubts on any matter. Transmit revenue payments from that year through Subba Anupa Simha Adhikari and Subba Dhokal Khawas." Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 561-62. Previously, revenue had been collected in Morang district by Harikrishna Das, an employee (gumasta) of Dwarika Das, a merchant of Benares who had supplied loans to ex-King Rana Bahadur Shah during his exile in that Indian city. On Chaitra Sudi 3, 1869 (March 1813), Anupa Simha Adhikari and Dhokal Khawas were appointed as Subbas on a joint basis to discharge that function on amanat basis through Chaudharis under the Panchashala system. The total revenue stipulated for the five-year period from 1870 to 1874 under the Panchashala system in Morang was as follows:- Previous figure ..... Rs 115,001 Increment ..... Rs 12,000 Total Rs 127,001. Payment due for the entire period: Rs 635,005 Chaitra Sudi 3, 1869 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 562-63. 7. Subba Anup Simha Adhikari seems to have been a resident of Kathmandu. On Chaitra Sudi 12, 1869 (April 1813) he received a grant of 12 ropanis of lands in Gokarna under Chhap tenure. (Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, p. 580). No information is available about his colleague, Subba Dhokal Khawas. The following royal order was issued in the names of Subba Anup Simha Adhikari and Subba Dhokal Khawas on Chaitra Sudi 12, 1869 (April 1813): "Ryots cultivating taxable (mal) lands in Morang have gone over to jagir, birta, bekh-bunyad, manachamal, and other (non-taxable) lands. Persuade all much ryots to come back and reoccupy their mal holdings. In case they refuse to do so, recover from them the amount they used to pay tax on the area of land actually cultivated by them previously. In the future, do not allow ryots cultivating mal lands to to elsewhere. If even then they go over to birta, jagir and other (non- taxable) lands, recover from them an amount double the tax they used to pay." Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, p. 574. On unit (patti) each of the Devidal Company and the Barahadal Company, which had been stationed in Vijayapur, Morang district, was placed under the command of Subba Anup Simha Adhikari and Subba Dhokal Khawas to help them in the task of revenue collection, according to a royal order issued to the Subedars and Jamadars of those companies on Chaitra Sudi 12, 1869 (April 1813). (Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 573-74). The following regulations were promulgated in the names of Subba Anup Simha Adhikari and Subba Dhokal Khawas for Morang district on Chaitra Sudi 3, 1869:- 1. In these enemies encroach upon our boundaries from nay quarter, and there is no time to seek sanction from the center, and in case the two companies placed under your charge are unable to resist the invasion you may report the matter to us, recruit salaried troops, repulse the enemy, and defend our territories. After repulsing the enemy, disband such troops, and submit particulars the salaries due to them and make disbursements as sanctioned. Remissions shall be allowed (in the amount of revenue stipulated by you) against receipts of such payments. 2. Collect land and other taxes in the region situated east of the Kosi river and west of the Trisota river according to the rates prescribed in the Vikrama year 1850 (A.D. 1793) and transmit the proceedes to the central treasury (Tosakhana). Submit accounts at the end of the year and obtain clearance. 3. Prepare tax assessment records (Jammabandi) exclusive of the emoluments (khangi0 of Chaudharis Kanugoyes and mokaddams, and the homesteads (dokatthi) of ryots. Do not oppress the ryots. Any Subba, munsiff, jimidar or ijaradar who may do so shall be severely punished. 8. 4. While issuing ijaras for each mouja, issue the following instructions: "The munsiff shall grant deductions for the dokatthi allotments of mokaddams as well as grama kharcha expenses while compiling the tax assessment register (jamabandi). He shall grant allotment-certificates (patta) for three years or five years to responsible persons (bhala manis). The ijaradar shall not collect any amount in excess of the rates (raibandi) prescribed through royal orders. Any person who makes collections in excess of the prescribed rates shall be severely punished. 5. Collect fines and penalties (danda gunahagari) at the rates (raibandi) prescribed in the Vikrama year 1850 (A.D. 1793). Do not collect anything in excess of those rates. Allotments of virgin forest lands (kalabanjar) made by you according to the conditions prescribed in that year will be approved. 6. All birta, jagir, and other land grants made in that district from the Vikrama year (A.D. 1813) shall be channeled through you. Allot lands other than those on which taxes are payable (mal) to the government, or those which have been assigned to Chaudharis and Kanugoyes, or those kalabanjar lands in regard to which the term of pattas has not yet expired. Demarcate the boundaries of the birta, jagir and other lands elsewhere after appropriate inquiries. Remissions shall be granted to you on an annual basis for lands granted according to these rules under the counter-signature of the Chaudhari, the Kanugoye and the Jaibar. 7. Supply bhota and tagavi credit for land reclamation and settlement. Realize such credit along with an increment of two annas on each rupee, i.e. 18 annas for each rupee of credit supplied; and transmit the proceeds to the government. If any one submits a complaint against you from the district, we shall summon both sides and give a hearing to both, and inflict punishment according to the nature of the offense on the person who confesses his guilt. 8. In case any person commits murder, burglary, cow-slaughter, or rebellion, hear the case in a kachahari comprising local respectable (bhala manis) people, and punish the guilty person. If he must be punished with degradation to a lower caste, death or exile according to the nature of his crime, refer the case to us and take action as ordered. 9. In matters relating to Chandrayana (i.e. purification from ritual pollution) in the district, arrange for expiation according to the dharmashastras through local pundits. Search for ivory, baby rhinoceros, rhinoceros horn, bison horn, and Vamshalochana (found in the hollow of bamboos) and send all available supplies to us. any person who kills elephants for their tusks shall be arrested and put in fetters. His case shall be referred to us and action shall be taken as ordered. 9. 10. Provide hospitality to any Nawab, Raja, British, Kaji, Wakils from Dharma (i.e. Bhutan) or other respectable person who may visit the district on our business and transmit to the palace any gifts and presents they may bring. Remissions shall be granted for reasonable farewell gifts to them. 11. While compiling tax assessment records, do not reduce the amount due according to the Patta. Arrange for the full collection of the assessed amount. In the event of any shortfall or arrears, you shall be held personally liable. 12. Obtain confessions from persons who cross the frontier and commit dacoity, burglary, assault and other crimes there and punish them. Tell them that they will be liable to physical punishment if they commit such crimes again. 13. Use compulsory labor or an unpaid basis (begar) for the our requirement from the inhabitants of birta and bekh-bunyad areas. Do not exact such labor from the inhabitants of taxable (mal) lands. Do not provide begar labor to private individuals. 14. In case a judicial decree obtained by any ryot or revenue-collection functionary (mandar, mahaldar) in the district has not been enforced, summon both parties, dispose of the case so as to ensure justice, and punsh the offender. Extra amount collected from the ryots, if any, shall be refunded. Refund similar payments, if any, that ijaradars may have collected as pasturage tax (kascharai) from the ryots. 15. Allow Harikrishna Das to collect outstanding amounts of revenue due for the Vikrama year 1869. 16. Scrutinize accounts of lands and other tax collections made by Subba Chandrabir Thapa in the Vikrama year 1868 and submit the accounts and records to us. 17. Remissions in the total amount of revenue assessed in the district shall be granted as follows:- Bangnam ..... Rs 800 Chatra Asthan ..... Rs 1,000 Pindeshwar ..... Rs 300 Confiscated (lands?) ..... Rs 500 Barahadal and Devidatta companies ..... Rs 1,400 Nonigadhpahar (?) ..... Rs 679-12 Vijayapur Gola ..... Rs 1,727-9 10. Birta lands of Jagat Pande ..... Rs 145-3 Transportation charges ..... Rs 1,938-12 Bahubadh Mauja ..... Rs 1,867-11 Kathmahal and Bhusahat ..... Rs 26,450 Total Rs 36,809. The balance shall be transmitted in full to the palace. Do not seek remissions for such expenses as those incurred during the dashain and fagu festivals, the perquisites of Chaudharis and Kanugoyes, and the emoluments of the Subba and other revenue-collection officials (amala). Appropriate whatever is offered by the ryots, as well as your own emoluments and perquisites. You need not submit accounts for any amount collected in excess of the figure mentioned in the patta. Chaitra Sudi 3, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 564-68. ************** Revenue Collection in Thak On Falgun Sudi 6, 1867 (February 1811), Muktirama Newar was granted authority to collect revenue in the Thak region. The appointment was effective Baisakh 1, 1868. He replaced Mahabir Karki. The samy day, the following regulations were promulgated in the name of Muktirama Newar:- (Abstract translation) 1. Collect revenue from the budhas of Thak according to the amount and in the installments stipulated by them in their pattas and transmit the proceeds to the central treasury (Tosakhana). 2. Impose fines on moneylenders who charge interest at more than 10 percent as well as those persons who indulge in gambling. Transmit the proceeds of such fines exclusive of the amount of revenue stipulated by you. 11. 3. While administering justice, transmit to the central treasury income from fines and penalties exceeding Rs 100 in one case exclusive of the amount of revenue stipulated by you. Impose fines on any budha who suppresses information about such cases and transmit the proceeds similarly to the central treasury. 4. Impose fines, if the nature of the offense so warrants, on any person who is guilty of cow slaughter, burglary or rebellion, in the presence of local respectable persons (bhala manis) and transmit the proceeds to central treasury exclusive of the amount of revenue stipulated by you. In case it is held that the gulty person must suffer punishment on his person or family, arrest him and put him in fetters. Refer the case to us and take action as ordered. 5. Dispose of complaints against local ryots and budhas. Fines collected from any who confesses his guilt may be included in the amount of revenue stipulated by you. The proceeds of fees and fines collected from budhas who confess their guilt shall be transmitted to the central treasury exclusive of much amount. 6. In case you receive information about buried property, punish the person who has suppressed information relating to such property. Include a sum of Rs 100 in the amount of revenue stipulated by you, and transmit such property, and the balance of the fine, if any, to the central treasury exclusive of such amount. 7. Report to us if any budha causes any difficulty or obstruction in the collection of revenue according to these thekbandi arrangements. We shall issue a royal order for his dismissal. 8. Do not allow any Thakse to leave the kot and reside at Tukuche or Lete. If he refuses to do so, collect taxes due from his at both places and include the proceeds in the amount of revenue stipulated by you. 9. Dispose of disputes between moneylenders and debtors in an equitable manner and transmit to the palace a fee amounting to 10 percent of the amount under dispute exclusive of the amount of revenue stipulated by you. 10. Pay salaries to the following staff at the following rates from the revenue collected by you: Tahasildar Kukti Ram ..... Rs 400 Eight Peons ..... Rs 240 One Bahidar ..... Rs 60 11. Arrange for the transmission of the amount of revenue stipulated for Thini and Panchgaun in Laskari repees in one installment in the month of Marga (November 16-December 14). Falgun Sudi 6, 1867 (February 1811) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 38, pp. 744-48. 12. The Political History of Dolakha Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha, Dolakhako Aithasika Ruparekha (Historical outline of Dolakha), Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuwan University, 2031 (1974). Chapter II: "Rajanaitika Itihasako Reparekha" (outline of political history), pp. 14-50. (Continued from the December 1980 issue). After Pratapa Malla, Kantipur was ruled by Nripendra Malla, Parthvendra Malla, and Bhupalendra Malla, in that order. Documents relating to land transactions, executed by Nripendra Malla and others, have been discovered in Dolakha, but they do not shed much light on this situation prevailing at the time. Bhupalendra Malla died while he was on a pilgrimage to India. He was succeeded by Bhaskara Malla. When Bhaskara Malla attained majority, he became notorious for his whimisical temperament. He was very fond of pet birds and animals. After capturing a number of elephants in the Tarai, he changed his name to Mahindra Simha Deva. He also procured hawks from Dolakha. (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 14). At that time, a hawk cost Rs 600, which may be worth Rs 100,000 at the prices prevailing today. However, Mahindra Simha paid for the hawks not in money, but in land. There are many documents to show that he sold lands to local bhardars and other persons because he needed money. (Ibid No. 13). A copper-plate inscription found at the temple of Bhimeshwara in Dolakha shows that some bhardars during the reign of Mahindra Simha jointly changed the spire of that temple. (Ibid, No. 53). Some bhardars of Dolakha had gained positions in the royal court of Kantipur during this period. Mahindra Simha Deva was succeeded by Jagajjaya Malla in the throne of Kantipur. He was a more capable ruler. Soon after he became King, there were signs that changes in the medieval political system of Nepal were imminent, Gorkha and already started trying to advance toward the east and rivalry was intensifying among the three Malla Kings. Consequently, Jagajjaya Malla sought to ensure the security of his territories. He made notable arrangements for this purpose in the Dolakha region as well. He took immediate step to suppress bhotes in the northern areas of Dolakha who constructed forts, slaughtered cows and tried to rebel. (Ibid, No. 18). King Jagajjaya Malla introduced some administrative reforms also. He deputed officials known as Chharidar to tour different areas and check whether the local administration was functioning properly. (Ibid, Nos. 18 and 19). Many persons belonging to the Khas and Magar communities used to be appointed in administrative posts in the Malla Kingdoms. Indeed, most of the umraos of thums belonged to these communities. Umraos were responsible for the collection of taxes in the areas under their jurisdiction. Complaints were submitted to the royal palace that the Khas and Magar officials had harassed the people while collecting 13. taxes in some villages of Dolakha. King Jagajjaya Malla issued orderes to the effect that Khas and Magar officials should no longer be deputed to collect taxes, and that the function should be discharged by one of the Pramanas of Dolakha. (Ibid, No. 55). He also promulgated regulations forbidding the punishment for any person who had not committed any crime. In addition, King Jagajjaya Malla made efforts to increase the revenue. He had lands in Dolakha and other parts of his Kingdm measured in the presence of Deswaras, and Panchas. Arrangements were made for demarcating areas under the jurisdictions of government officers and birtaowners. (Ibid, No. 20). King Jagajjaya Malla encouraged animal husbandry and granted lands for use as pastures. He also tried to increased revenue from horse breeding. (Ibid, p. 17). Throughout the reign of King Jagajjaya Malla, relations between the central rulers (at Kathmandu) and the local administrators of Dolakha remained cordial. A representative of Dolakha was stationed at the royal court of Kantipur to maintain liaison. Original copies of many letters sent by him to his family in Dolakha have been discovered. These letters shed much light on the conditions prevailing at that time. Bhaktapur Occupies Dolakha Jagajjaya Malla was succeeded by Jaya Prakasha Malla was King of Kantipur. He was involved in internal and external conflicts from the very beginning. Consequently, he was unable to pay due attention to the security of Dolakha. Privthi Narayan Shah succeeded in occupying Nuwakot in the Vikrama year 1801. Jaya Prakash Malla was unable to liberate Nuwakot from Gorkhali occupation. Prithvi Narayan Shah had made all necessary arrangements in advance in this regard. He had allured his ritual father, King Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur, with the promise of territories in Sankhu, Changu, Naldum, Mahadev-Pokhari, Dolakha and elsewherer. Prithvi Narayan Shah accordingly occupied Naldum, Mahadev-Pokhari, Dolakha and other areas in the east and handed then over to Ranajit Malla. Dolakha thus remained under the control of Ranajit Malla for some time. He appointed his illegitimate son, Ajit Simha, as administrator of Dolakha and included that territory in his jagir. On the occasion of the Vijaya Dashami festival in the Vikrama year 1808, Ranajit Malla offered a bell to the temple of Bhimeshwara at Dolakha. There is evidence that he personally visited Dolakha for that purpose. (Ibid, No. 57). Prithvi Narayan Shah's Conquest of Dolakha Ranajit Malla's control of Dolakha did not last long. Kantipur was soon able to regain Naldum and Mahadev-Pokhari. Dolakha too then became free from Rajajit Malla's control. But soon therefore, in the Vikrama year 1811, Prithvi Narayan Shah again conquered Naldum and Mahadev-Pokhari. He called on the administrator, deswara and pramanas of Dolakha to come over to his side, promising them protection if they did so and threatening to use force if they did not. He deputed 14. Kaji Tularama Pande to hold negotiations with the Pradhans of Dolakha. A treaty was signed at Dolalghat, and Prithvi Narayan Shah was able to occupy Dolakha without any fighting. (Yogi Naraharinath, Itihasa- Prakasha, vol. 1, p. 91; Aitihasika-Samagri, No. 64). The conquest of Dolakha helped Prithvi Narayan Shah to some extent to implementing his economic programs. He wanted to mint pure silver coins for circulation in Tibet, and to import silver from the plains and gold from Tibet. A letter sent by Prithvi Narayan Shah to Harideva Pandit shows that he had received much assistance from the Upreti Brahmans of Dolakha in this plan. However, relations with Tibet could not be established in the manner desired by Prithvi Narayan Shah. Consequently, the Bhotes of the Bigu area of Dolakha created disturbances from time to time and thus harassed Prithvi Narayan Shah. However, Prithvi Narayan Shah succeeded in suppressing them. (Ram Tiwari et. al., Aitihasika-Patra Sangraha, pt. 2, pp. 78-86). The condition of Dolakha did not change much after it was occupied by Prithvi Narayan Shah. Cultural, religious and economic activities continued as before. However, some changes were made in the administrative system. the Gorkhalis used to appoint an Amalidar in each important area, and such an official was appointed in Dolakha also, albeit in a somewhere different manner. Prithvi Narayan Shah placed Dolakha first under Pratapa Simha Shah and then under his brother, Dalajit Shah. (Aitihasika Samagri, Nos. 50, 58 and 59). According to this precedent, Dolakha was under the jurisdiction of a Chautariya for long. (Ibid, Nos. 54, 56, 59, 70 and 80). The position of the local deswaras, pradhans and Panchas remained the same as before, while dwares were granted more authority. Once they accepted Prithvi Narayan Shah's control, the inhabitants of Dolakha remained loyal to him. when Prithvi Narayan Shah attacked Makwanpur in the Vikrama year 1819, the Chautariya (Prime Minister) and other persons of that principality fled to Dolakha. However, the people of Dolakha refused them asylum. Some of the refugees were driven out while others were killed or imprisoned. The Chautariya, Sardars and others leading refugees were arrested and handed over to Prithvi Narayan Shah. (Ibid, No. 64). This made him pleased with the people of Dolakha. After Prithvi Narayan Shah, Pratapa Simha Shah made necessary administrative arrangements for Dolakha. In a letter to one of his bhardars, he expressed a desire to do so and instructed that the people of Dolakha be kept satisfied and the territory made populous. (Ibid, No. 53). At that time, Dolakha was under the jurisdiction of Bahadur Shah. Some letters written by Bahadur Shah regarding the administration of Dolakha have been discovered. (Ibid, Nos. 54, 56, and 59). In the Vikrama year 1850, Rana Bahadur Shah took over power from the hands of his uncle, Bahadur Shah, who had been functioning as Regent. Soon thereafter, Rana Bahadur Shah endowed guthi lands for the temple of Bhimeshwara. He also granted certain privileges to the inhabitants of those lands. (Ibid, No. 62). 15. The condition of Dolakha changed to some extent under the administration of Bhimsen Thapa. During the Birta confiscation of the Vikrama year 1862, a total of 82 Khets (i.e. 8,200 muris) of rice lands in Dolakha was assigned as jagir to the army. (Ibid, No. 88). Other things remained the same as before. Dolakha During the Rana Period During the Rana period, Dolakha was placed under the jurisdiction of the Commanding General of the Eastern Zone, but no influential person was appointed as administrator. This marked the decline of Dolakha, particularly after the Kalimpong route (for trade with Tibet) was opened up. The Administrative System Recurrent political changes had inevitably had an impact on the administrative system of Dolakha. Information about the history of Dolakha during he ancient period is not available. During the letter half of the Licchavi period, it is possible that a Vishavapati (Bada Hakim) had been appointed as the administrator of Dolakha. It is also possible that there were /_Vishayapatis at that time in Tistung and Bhatuwal on the route leading to India, as well as gulmas and Shulkashalas). During the early medieval period, Dolakha appears to have been administered by a Samanta. The Samanta enjoyed a considerable measure of local autonomy under the general control of the center. A tax known as Sriti or Sirto was collected from the people on behalf of the center. (Ibid, No. 55). During the latter part of the medieval period, Dolakha became virtually an independent Kingdom. The bharos or bhardars belonging to the patra family began to style themselves Dolakhadhipati Maharajadhiraja Prabhu Thakuri. A royal palace (rajkula) was constructed and a royal throne was installed. The rajakula became the center of the administration. It is possible that some administrative offices were established there. The bhardari system developed. Joint Rule It is natural that during the medieval period that administrative system followed at the center should have had an impact on Dolakha. Accordingly, the system of joint rule was introduced in Dolakha also. In other words, the eldest son of the King, and his brothers, were proclaimed joint rulers. However, there was not precise allocation of administrative functions among the joint rulers. Rivalry for power among the brothers was the inevitable result. At times this rivalry erupted in the form of a civil war. Taking advantage of such internal conflict at the center, Dolakha attained the status of an independent Kingdom. Nevertheless, the rulers of Dolakha did not derive any lesson. They too opted for joint rule. During the time of Indra Simha Deva, five brothers were ruling Dolakha jointly. Indra Simha Deva was influential in the beginning, but he was later supplanted in that position by Jaya Narayan Deva. The latter in his turn was eventually supplanted by /_a number of gulmas and Shulkashalas. (This speculation is based on the fact that there were 16. Jitadeva. But during the time of Jitadeva his nephews (sons of his brothers and sisters) also became joint rulers. At one time, there were as many as seven joint rulers simultaneously. (Ibid, No. 19). Such a practice weakened the administration. Council of Ministers The Malla Kings had a council of Ministers (Mantri Parishad) with the Chautara (Chief Minister) and four ministers (Kaji). The independent rulers of Dolakha also appointed their own ministers. In an inscription installed during the time of Ujota Deva, for instance, Jiva Simha has described himself as his Pradhan or Chief Minister. No additional information about the Council of Ministers is available. The inscriptions installed by the rulers of Dolakha concern religious affairs more than administrative affairs. An such, not much information is available about the administrative system followed in Dolakha during this period. However, a gold-plate inscription of Jitadeva, dated 688 Nepal Samvat (1624 Vikrama), which is available at the temple of Bhimeshwara, refers to certain reforms. It grants exemptions to the people in taxes collected to finance royal tours outside the Kingdom. This shows that the rulers of Dolakha aimed at the welfare of their subjects. (Ibid, No. 27). From ancient times, Panches occupied an important place in the local administration of Nepal. they had mainly two functions: to settle local disputes and perform such public duties as construction of irrigations channels and cultural activities. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, "Lichhavi Kalama Chaleko Panchali (Panchayata) Shasana Paddhatiko Paricharya" (An introduction to the Panchayat administrative system prevalent during the Licchavi period), Purnima, No. 12, pp. 1-16). Lugudeva, a brother of Rapanarayana Deva, the well-known joint ruler of Dolakha, had made Panchas witness the subdivision of his property in the presence of the rulers. It is indeed significant that members of the royal family also assigned a role to Panchas in their family affairs. (To be continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-348X Kathmandu: February 1, 1981 Regmi Research Series Year 13, No. 2 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ********** Contexts Page 1. Petition of the Bhotes of Olangchung ..... 17 2. The Political History of Dolakha ..... 18 3. The Naya Muluk ..... 21 4. Administrative Arrangements in the Eastern Tarai Region and Chitaun ..... 27 5. Jagir Rents in Bode Village ..... 30 6. Levy on Jagir Incomes, 1891 ..... 31 7. Supply of Timber in Munitions Factory ..... 31 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Petition of the Bhotes of Olangchung In Ashadh 1968 (June 1911), Wangchuk Bhote of Olangchung-Gola in the East No. 5 district submitted the following petition to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere:- "Previously, a monopoly (hatti) had been introduced (for trade and revenue collection) in Olangchung-Gola. Because of that monopoly, the Bhote inhabitants of that area suffered considerable hardships. When we represented our grievances to the government, the monopoly was abolished and the old system was restored. "Under that system, we had pledged to: (a) Maintain 500 yaks in our area for use during war, (b) Provide on porter from each household, and (c) Maintain eight fords in our area at our own cost. "Every year, the Dhankuta District Headquarters Office conducts an inspection to ensure that 500 yaks have been maintained, and that the eight fords have been kept in condition. "We had been using these yaks for the transportation of goods for trade with Tibet. However, a Tibetan called Derukpa has stopped all traffic at a place called Tashitakasara, and thus prevented us from engaging in trade. "We have been maintaining castrated yaks for providing transportation services to the government when required. We do not maintain any bulls. When any of our castrated yaks die nor get lost, we have to replaced them through purchases with the proceeds of a cash levy collected from each Bhote household in our five villages. If we do not do so, action is taken against us by the Dhankuta District Headquarters Office. Accordingly, we are incurring heavy losses every year. "Previously, we had been meeting these losses through the profits we earned from the trade with Tibet. But now the Tibetan has prohibited us from carrying on such trade." The petition then requested Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere back the petition to the Rakam Bandobast Adda (Revenue Contracts Administration Office) through Captain Bhogya Shumshere Thapa Chhetri with the order that no action need to taken on the petition. 18. The Political History of Dolakha Continued from the January 1981 issue) Some changes were made in the administrative system of Dolakha after it was incorporated into the Kingdom of Kantipur. At that time, there was a local administrator known as Pramana (Bada Hakim) in each major settlement, while dwares were appointed in small ones. Accordingly, a Pramana was appointed from the center for the administration of Dolakha. The Malla Kings retained in the position of Pramana the descendants of the displaced rulers of Dolakha who had come over to tier side. That is to say, there were two tiers of Pramanas in Dolakha. The Pramana appointed from the center appears to have performed only supervisory functions, while local administration was in the hands of the local (deshawara) Pramanas. The latter were usually appointed on a permanent basis and long remained the chief administrators of Dolakha. A copper-plate inscription of Mahindra Simha, found at the temple of Bhimeshwara, contains clear references to the two-tier Pramana system. (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 1). The Umra The Umra was the most important administrative functionary after the Pramana. Umras were appointed for each thum and important region. Their main function was to maintain law and order, but they also dealt in matters relating to land. Lands were measured, and boundaries of lands granted by the King were demarcated, under their supervision. (Ibid, Nos. 14 and 20). Umras also performed some functions relating to the collection of lands taxes. Only persons possessing military qualifications were appointed to this post, hence the Malla Kings chose their Umras from among people belonging to the Khas and Magar communities. This was the case in Dolakha as well. However, there were complaints that the Khas Umras of Dolakha oppressed the people. King Jagajjaya Malla, therefore, curtailed the powers of Umras to some extent. He promulgated regulations prohibiting the assignment of Khas and Magar officials for the collection of the Sirto tax and directing that this function be performed by two of the deshawara Pramanas of Dolakha. (Ibid, No. 55). This episode throws an interesting light on the method of communication between the King and his subjects. The subjects used to approach the royal palace to represent their grievances with flowers in their hands. The King accepted the flowers if he was satisfied that the grievances were genuine. (Cf. Copper-plate inscription of King Jagajjaya Malla at the temple of Bhimeshwara as mentioned above). The area under the jurisdiction of each Umra was clearly defined. At times, one Umra encroached upon the jurisdiction of another. In one such case, Prince Bahadur Shah issued an order strictly prohibiting such encroachment. (Ibid, No. 56). 19. Chharidar The Chharidar was another important administrative official during this period. He was the head of a tour and inspection team. The post has been variously described as dagur chharidar and dagur. (Ibid, No. 27). Chharidars were deputed whenever reports of lawless activities in any outlying part of the Kingdom were received at the royal palace. For instance, a Chharidar was deputed to the northern part of Dolakha, when reports were received at Kantipur that the local bhotes had slaughtered cows and constructed forts. (Ibid, No. 18). The deshawara Pramanas of Dolakha were ordered to render all possible assistance to the Chharidar. Contemporary documents show that Chharidars were very influential. They administered justice and reallotted vacant lands. (Ibid, No. 19). Panchas As mentioned previously, Panchas performed administrative functions in Dolakha before it was incorporated into the Kingdom of Kantipur. They became even more active in administrative affairs in subsequent years. (Ibid, Nos. 46, 50 and 53). The Mulakot, located in Dolakha town, functioned as police station. It was at this place that Panchase held their meetings. After they pronounced judgments, these were executed by the Mulakot. Contemporary documents refer to five Panchas as "Pancha Pramana." This means that usually there were five Panchas in Dolakha, known as Pancha Pramanas. Panchas administered justice in disputes relating to landownership, monetary transactions and subdivision of property. They were assisted by a bichari and a mukhiya. (Ibid, Nos. 38, 85, and 87). In addition, Panchas were active in religious and cultural affairs, as when the spire of the temple of Bhimeshwara was changed. They were given some lands as their emoluments, thereby creating the division between birtaowning the dhakre Panchas. (Ibid, No. 58). The Pajani System During the medieval period, government employees were not paid salaries in cash. Instead, they received assignments of land as jagir. It was necessary to make arrangements for the assignment of jagir lands to different government employees every year. This means that the Pajani system was followed during the rule of the Malla Kings also. It was almost like the presentation of the annual budget. Government employees used to call on the Chautara (Prime Minister) before the Pajani to ensure that they were assigned lands of convenient location. (Ibid, Nos. 9 and 30). A bhardar of Dolakha was once appointed as the Pramana (Bada Hakim) of Deopatan. He sent a letter to Dolakha expressing his delight. (Ibid, No. 31). This shows that the Pajani system is quite old. 20. Amali The administrative system of Dolakha again changed when it became a part of the Gorkhali Kingdom. At that time, officials known as Amali were appointed for each area, replacing the Pramana. Dolakha was then of great importance for economic and other reasons. Prithvi Narayan Shah, therefore, placed Dolakha under the jurisdiction of the Crown Prince, Pratapa Simha Shah, King Ranajit Malla had similarly appointed his son, Ajita Simha, when Dolakha had come under his control. Prithvi Narayan Shah faced a problem after the conquest of Kathmandu. All his four brothers had participated wholeheartedly in the campaign of conquest. They wanted to become joint rules according to the practice followed by the Malla Kings, or to become independent Kings in different territories. These demands, if fulfilled, would have thwarted Prithvi Narayan Shah's objective of the unification of Nepal. accordingly, he refused to fulfill them. At the same time, he wanted to reward his brothers for their assistance in the campaign of conquest. He appointed two of his brothers as Chautaras. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Gnyan Mani Nepal, Aitihasika Patra-Sangraha. Kathmandu: Nepal Samskritika Parishad, 2014 (1957), pt. 1, pp. 28-38). He then appointed Dalajit Shah as the Amali of Dolakha. This left the others brothers, Kirtimahoddama and Dalamardana, dissatisfied. Dalajit Shah's assignment mollified him to some extent. There is evidence to show that he occupied a special status among the Amalis of the new Kingdom. (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 58). The practice continued for a long time afterwards. Dware The dware traditionally played an important role in village administration in Nepal. there were dwares during the medieval period also. They became more active after Dolakha became a part of the Gorkhali Kingdom. End of Chapter II 21 The Naya Muluk The far-western Tarai region, comprising the modern districts of Banke, Bardiya, Kailali and Kanchanpur, formed a part of the territories of Doti, Dullu-Dailekh, and Salyan rajyas during he early nineteenth century. They were ceded to the British government under the 1816 Treaty of Sugauli, but were restored to Nepal in November 1860 "in recognition of the eminent services rendered to the British Government by the State of Nipal." These services were as follows:- During the disturbances which followed the mutiny of the Native Army of Bengal in 1857, the Maharajah of Nipal not only faithfully maintained the relations of peace and friendships established between the British government and the State of Nipal by the Treaty of Segowlee, but freely placed troops at the disposal of the British authorities for the preservation of order in the Frontier Districts, and subsequently sent a force to cooperate with the British Army in the recapture of Lucknow and the final defeat of the rebels. Source: C.V. Aitchison, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sunnuds Ralating to India and Neighbouring Countries, Calcutta: Bengal Printing Company Limited, 1863, Vol. 2, p. 223. Article 2 of the treaty signed between the Government of Nepal and the British (Indian) government on November 1, 1860 stated: The British government hereby bestows on the Maharajah of Nipal in full sovereignty, the whole of the lowlands between the Rivers Kali and Raptee, and the whole of the lowlands lying between the River Raptee and the District of Goruckpore, which were in the possession of the Nipal State in the year 1815, and were cedd to the British government by Article III of the Treaty concluded at Segowlee on the end of December in that year. (Ibid, p. 224). These territories ceded by the Government of Nepal in 1816 had been handed over by the British government to the Nawab-Vizier of Oudh according to a treaty signed on May 1, 1816. Article 1 of that treaty read as follows:- The British government hereby cedes to His Excellancy the Vizier in full and perpetual sovereignty the District of Khyeegur, also the lowlands between Khyreegur and the hills, and those between His Excellancy's territory further to the eastward and the hills; that is, the whole of the late Goorka possessions below the hills, 22. Extending on the west from the River Gogra to the British District of Goruckpore on the east, and bound on the south by His Excellency's possessions and the District of Khyreegur, and on the north by the hills. The Goorka orders of surrender of that tract will accordingly be made over to His Excellency the Vizier, and the British government hereby engages to established His Excellency's authority in the above-mentioned territory. (Ibid, p. 164). These territories had reverted to the British government when it annexed Oudh in February 1856. The greater part of the revenues of the rulers of Oudh was derived from the tax upon land. The Nawab claimed a share of the produce of the soil. Those from whom he claimed land tax were talukdars, community brotherhoods, and individual proprietors. The talukdars were intermediaries between the cultivators and the Nawab, and in some cases, between the Nawab and brotherhood or an individual proprietor. (Jagdish Raj, The Mutiny and British Land Policy in North India, 1856-68, Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1965, p. 1). At the time when Oudh was annexed by the British government, "The greater part of the province was held by taluqdars." (Ibid, p. 12). Some of these Talukdars appear to have been designated as Rajas. Soon after the annexation, the British government made a summary revenue settlement "with the parties in actual possession without any recognition of proprietary right." (B. R. Mishra, Land Revenue Policy in the United Provinces p. 101). "Only those Talukdars who could prove very old title, as village proprietors to the estates they held, were allowed to retain their tenure, and even then they were settled with, not under the superior title of Talukdar, but as owners by prescriptive right to the villages." (Loc, cit.). The policy was reversed after the 1957 Mutiny and the old Talukdars system was restored (Jagdish Raj, op cit. p. 22). However, the territories restored to the government of Nepal were removed from the jurisdiction of Talukdars. Kathmandu, consequently, was left to deal only with the Chaudharis who were responsible for the collection of revenue in each tappa. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 37, p. 63. 23. The displaced Talukdars included Raj Kularaj Singh of Padnaha and Raja Ranadhwaj Shah of Kanchanpur. (Ibid, pp. 70-71). There seems little doubt the land tenure problems faced by the government of Nepal in the Naya Muluk territories after the restoration became much simpler as a result of the displacement of the traditional Talukdars. At the time of its restoration to the Kingdom of Nepal in 1860, the Naya Muluk comprised four districts: Banke, Bhagwanpur, Naraharipur (also called Kalkatta) and Kailali. Particulars of revenue divisions (tappa) and moujas in these districts, the taxable area, and the revenue assessed in each f these divisions at the time of the restoration were as follows. The figures are in Indian (Kampani) rupees; fractions of a rupee have been ignored. According to the system of land measurement followed at that time in the Naya Muluk, a bigha comprised an area measuring 6 lengths of a 15-cubit chain east to west, and 4 lengths north to south, that is, 90 cubits x 60 cubits. If 1 cubit is regarded as equivalent to 1 feet, the area will be 45 yards X 30 yards, or 1,350 square yards. Te modern bigha comprises an area measuring 8,100 square yards, or 6 bighas according to the system followed in the Naya Muluk during the nineteenth century. Because of the small size of the bigha, a bigger unit, known as the nasi, was usually mentioned in the revenue records. A nasi as equal to 40 bighas. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 37, p. 63. Taxable Area and Revenue Assessment in the Naya Muluk, 1860-61 District and Tappa No of moujas as Cultivated Area Revenue (in bigha) (in Indian Rs) Banke District Karkando Daunihar Rajahat Udain Total 38 85 29 38,266 23 55,144 16,462 20,135 Rs 28,534 Rs 6,964 Rs 13,214 Rs 5,843 175 moujas 130,008 bighas Rs 54,557 Bhagawanpur District Baghaura Bhir Total 40 39 23,754 16,407 Rs 9,954 Rs 7,503 79 moujas 40,161 bighas Rs 17,458 24. Naraharipur (Kalkatta) Baisi 26 11,869 Rs 3,322 Selipahad 7 5,324 Rs 1,452 Baitod 3 1,20 Rs 376 Roauteli 3 1,140 Rs 339 Tilachaur 13 3,118 Rs 959 Raikwar Total 57 moujas 5,244 Rs 701 27,983 bighas Rs 8,142 Kailali District Raikwar Parihar Bogtan Lik Mudhi-M albara Grand T 18 30 6 11 7 10,981 7,327 Rs 3,752 1,704 Rs 633 7,166 Rs 2,362 3,261 Rs 910 Rs 2,197 Total otal: 72 381 moujas moujas 30,411 bighas Rs 9,674 228,593 bighas Rs 89,831. The following amounts were debited from the total revenue of Rs 89,831, as mentioned above:- 1. Commission paid to the Chaudharis of each tappa, at the rate of the Rs 10 for each Rs 110 of revenue actually collected. Rs 8,037 2. Tax remissions Rs 841 3. Nankar lands and cash emoluments of Chaudharis, Panchas, Kanugoyes, Jimidars, Peshkars, Subedars and Jamadars Rs 5,905 5 4. Birta and Guthi grants ..... Rs 563 Total Rs 15,346 25. The net tax revenue collected from the four districts of the Naya Muluk region in far western Nepal during 1860-61 thus amounted to Rs 74,485. The breakdown for each tappa is as follows:- Banke Bhanwanpur Naraharipur (Kalkatta) Kailali Total Rs 45,285 Rs 14,317 Rs 6,106 Rs 8,777 Rs 74,485 Source: "Tax Assessment Register for the Naya Muluk," in Regmi Research Collection, vol. 37, pp. 55-56. Another source gives the figures for 1860-61 in Lathshahi repees as follows. (Fractions of a rupee have been ignored). District Banke Bhagawanpur Naraharipur Kailali Total Grosss Rs 65,373 Rs 18,925 Rs 13,350 Rs 19,418 Net Rs 53,618 Rs 13,469 Rs 4,159 Rs 15,508 Rs 117,066 Rs 86,754 Source: "Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 2017," in Regmi Research Collection (Miscellaneous). The figures are for the year 1918 (A.D. 1860-61) Kathmahal Revenue in the Naya Muluk 1861-1866 (In Indian (Kampani) rupees. 1. Mahakali-Dwar Kathmahal Gross 1860-61 30,972 9,901 1861-62 53,971 28,448 1862-63 97,353 60,605 1863-64 54,149 24,445 1864-65 53,397 19,982 Expenses 22,507 2,324 35,764 2,794 5,671 Remission -1,436 22,498 983 26,909 27,654 Net 26. 2. Moha[ka]-Dwar Kathmahal Gross Expenses Remissions Net 33,969 16,392 15,501 2,069 91,144 39,001 5,284 46,859 94,584 35,540 14,169 44,875 88,335 45,199 3,759 39,367 10,847 33,987 21,749 52,742. 3. Rapti-Dwar Kathmaha l Gross Expenses Remissions Net 20,034 14,177 11,686 X 148,951 61,388 2,186 85,377 212,439 56,886 68,939 106,643 177,926 81,502 104,237 X 167,811 19,537 66,220 82,034. 4. Karnali-Dwar (Birta) Kathmahal Gross Expenses Remissions Net 51,604 32,990 22,230 X 55,877 36,121 16,239 3,517 58,879 21,440 12,069 35,932 71,745 34,979 8,529 28,226 92,646 31,167 17,669 43,808. 5. Babai-Dwar (Birta) Kathmahal 1860-61 - 1861-62 51,093 1862-63 78,808 1863-64 65,440 1864-65 64,940 Gross 23,979 19,053 25,644 22,023 Expenses 25,745 13,337 81 14,388 Remissions Net 1,367 46,417 39,714 28,528. "Kathmahal Revenue in the Naya Muluk," Regmi Research Collection, vol. 37, pp. 42-46. 27. Administrative Arrangements in the Eastern Tarai Region and Chitaun During the early nineteenth century, the eastern Tarai region was divided into several administrative units: Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Sarlahi. Occasionally, Saptari and Mahottari were placed under a single administrator. Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Sarlahi were also treated similarly from time to time. (Cf. "Order Regarding Extradition of Dacoits," Shrawan Badi 10, 1892 (July 1835), Regmi Research Collection, vol. 45, pp. 126-28. According the this order there were only three administrators (amali) in the eastern Tarai region at that time, for (1) Morang, (2) Saptari and Mahottari, and (3) Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Sarlahi). According to Francis Hamilton (An account of the Kingdom of Nepal, p. 151); "Morang, in the general sense, extends in the low country from the Tista to the Kosi." The Tista frontier was brought westward toward the Mechi river after the Nepal-British war. Morang during the nineteenth century comprised five modern administrative districts in the region: Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari. The administrative headquarters of the districts were located at Vijayapur, a hill town on the Churia range, which was the capital of the Sen dynasty before the territory was incorporated into the Gorkhali Kingdom. Saptari and Mahottari had once belonged to another branch of the Sen dynasty based at Chaudandi in the hills. These districts were situated west of the Kosi river and extended up to the Bagmati river in the east, a distance of about 100 miles. the administrative headquarters were located at a place called Naragarhi, which Hamilton has described as "a small fort on the plain." (Ibid, pp. 160-61). Bara, Parsa and Rautahat and belonged to yet another branch of the Sen dynasty based at Makwanpur. The headquarters of this division were located at Makwanpur, "but in the cold season, (the Subba) visits the plains and resides at Baragarhi". (Ibid, p. 167). Kirkpatrict has described Baragarhi as "a mean place, containing 30 or 40 huts," (An Account of the Kingdom of Nepaul, p. 40). The district of Sarlahi seems to have been created some time during the 1830s. Hamilton has made no reference to this district in his account of the eastern Tarai region, (Hamilton, op. cit. pp. 160-64). The inner Tarai district of Chitaun, which once formed a part of the Primapality of Tanahu in the western hill region, was similarly a separate administrative unit. 28. After the emergence of Rana rule in 1846, these districts were reorganized into seven administrative units: Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Rautahat, Bara and Parsa. Chitaun retained its status as a separate administrative unit. ("Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal," 1908 (A.D. 1851), Regmi Research Collection (Miscellaneos). In A.D. 1861, the Rana government appointed administrators for each of these administrative units. A full translation of the bond executed by Lt. Colonel Ripubhanjan Pande Chhetri, who was appointed as administrator of Morang district, is as follows:- "Whereas I, Licutenant-Colonel Ripubhanjan Pande Chhetri, resident of Tukucha-Pari in Kathmandu, have been appointed Chief of the Mal-Kachahari and the Thana-Kachahari in the district of Morang, with headquarters at Vijayapur, comprising the twelve Pargannas of Harichangadhi, Jethmouja, Laharbhatta, Rajgadh (Jhara), Katahari-Bariyati, Gograha, Fatteharipur, Bhalebhaleni, Beli-Gaisar, Nangadh, Najarpur, and Dhaijan, and Vijayapur and other areas in the hill region, from Baisakh Badi to Chaitra Sudi 15, 1919 (Vikrama), and the for one year from time when (the existing arrangements for the collection of (sair duties) expire to discharge the following functions:- (1) Collection of revenue from land tax and other sources through the Mal-Kachahari according to the Jammabandi register compiled according to the revenue settlement of 1919 Vikrama, and (2) Administer justice through the Thana-Kachahari. "Now therefore, I hereby undertake to: (1) Attract settlers from different areas and promote land reclamation and settlement in the district, and keep the settlers satisfied, (2) Comply with the regulations promulgated in my name while discharging the prescribed functions, (3) Not to accept gifts and presents from anyone, but to accept only what is offered willingly, and credit and gifts and presents to the accounts, (4) Submit statements of land tax and other revenue collections every month through the Bandobasta- Kachahari, and remit the proceeds to the central treasury (Sadar Mulukikana) through the Bandobast Kachari as soon as the amount reaches Rs 20,000, (5) Submit accounts at the end of the year to the Kumarichok through the Bandobast Kachahari of amounts remitted to the Central Treasury, and obtain clearance, (6) Appoint the staff sanctioned in the regulations and pay them emoluments as prescribed therein, and obtain authority to debit such expenses, 29. (7) Not to request the debitating or remission of any amount not provided for in orders and regulations, (8) Make all possible efforts to realize outstanding arrears of revenue payments, (9) Hand over a statement of arrears if any to my successor in the event of my transfer, (10) No to collect taxes and other payments not prescribed in the regulations, impose heavy fines for minor offenses, accept bribes, oppress the ryots, cause losses to His Majesty's Government, exact hospitality expenses and other payments from the ryots, credit to the accounts amounts less than actually collected, defalcate revenue collections, or engage in trade, and to accept punishment in the form of fine or dismissal according to the law in case I am proved to have committed any of these offenses." Marga Badi 8, 1918 (November 1861) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 10, pp. 189-91. The following persons were similarly appointed for the following districts on the same day (Marga 8, 1918):- (1) Lt. Colonel Jitman Singh Adhikari Chhetri of Kathmandu for the district of Saptari, comprising the thirteen Pargannas of Bhaginikhodh, Khalisa, Pakari, Jagadar, Majhuwa, Gudigaun, Maljhmuna, Rayajhamuna, Pakaria, Dhanchhawar, Pihar, Mahisoth and Rampur. (2) Lt. Colonel Prabhuram Bista Chhetri of Bagmati-Pari, Kathmand, for the district of Mahottari, comprising the three Pargannas of Kodari, Khesraha and Mahottari. (3) Lt. Colonel Bir Bahadur Thapa Chhetri of Kathmandu, for the district of Sarlahi, comprising the five Pargannas of Sirabhata, Asibhau, Brahmapuri, Kodraha and Hariharpur. (4) Lt. Colonel Surya Prakash Shah of Tukucha-Pari, Kathmandu, for the district of Rautahat, comprising the five Pragannas of Jhaj South, Jhaj North, Pharroha, Matiwan and Jataha. (5) Lt. Colonel Himmat Bahadur Shah of Kathmandu for the district of Bara, comprising the nine Pargannas of Tokani, Khesraha, Bariyarpur, Tokani, Cherwant, Basantpur, Mewa Simraun-Gadh, Pachrauta and Dostiya. (6) Lt. Colonel Bhim Bikram Singh Thapa Chhetri of Kathmandu for the district of Parsa, comprising the three Pargannas of Sidhmas, Naurangiya (Jagatpur), and Naurangiya (Baluwa). (7) Lt. Bharat Karki of Panauti for the district of Marjyadpur, comprising Chitaun, Belod, Madi, and other Pargannas, (Ibid, pp. 191-95). 30. Jagir Rents in Bode Village Tilak Man, a clerk (bahidar) at the office of the Sri Bard Bahadur Paltan, had been allotted 19 muris of rice lands Bode Village (Lalitpur) as his khangi. The tirja certificate entitling him to collect rents stipulated crop-sharing under the adhiya system. the tenant, however, did not harvest the crop in his presence, but only offered to pay 2 or 3 muris of paddy. Tilak man, therefore, prayed that he be allowed to collect rents on adhiya basis, or else on kut basis at current rates. On the recommendation of the Sadar Dafdarkhana, the Prime Minister issued the following order on this petition: (1) If the jagirdar has not accepted rents for the years 1943, 1944 and 1945 Vikrama, and if the crop has not been harvested in his presence, the actual yield, and the quantity of rent payable on adhiya basis, shall be determined through a local inquiry. The quantity of rent so determined shall then be realized from the tenant. (2) From the Vikrama year 1946, the jagirdar shall have the crom harvested in his presence and collect half as rent under the adhiya system. The report of the Sadar Dafdarkhana has cited in full Section 7 of the law in Rent Disputes (Balika Jhagadako) contained in the Muluki Ain, presumably in the 1945 Vikrama (A.D. 1888) edition: An abstract translation of this section is given below: "In case the amount of rent mentioned in the tirja certificate is lower than the figure mentioned in the tax-assessment register on jagir lands, remission shall be granted if both the area of the rice-land holding and the amount of rent had been reduced to the level of the tirja figure during the A.D. 1853 revenue settlement. "If the tax-assessment register has been prepared in such a manner that only the amount of rent has been increased, but not the area of the rice-land holding, or if the land but had been damaged by floods and washouts during the settlement but had subsequently been brought back into cultivation, any increase in the rent shall accrue to the concerned jagirdar." "Order to Bahidar Tilak Man from the Sadar Dafdarkhana," Kartik Sudi 5, 1946 (October 1889). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 83, pp. 4-9. 31. Levy on Jagi, Incomes, 1891 In the Vikrama year 1948 (A.D. 1891), Prime Minister Bir Shumshere implemented a scheme for the supply of piped water in Kathmandu. As Perceval Landon has recorded: "Much progress was made with the supply of water to the Valley during Maharaja Bir's period of office. The new works were put in hand in 1888, and the opening ceremony took place at Kathmandu in the autumn of 1891." *Perceval Landon, Nepal (reprint of 1928 ed.), Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1978, vol. 2, p. 77). Transportation of pipes procured for the project from Bhimphedi to Kathmandu was financed through a levy on jagir incomes. The levy amounted to 1 percent of the official value in incomes from the jagir lands of government employees in all parts of the Kingdom. References: 1. "Order to Samar Jung Company Regarding Levy on Jagir Incomes to Finanace Transportation of Pipes from Bhimphedi to Kathmandu," Baisakh Sudi 15, 1948 (April), Regmi Research Collection, vol. 83, pp. 396-99. 2. "Order to Palpa Gounda Headquarters Office Regarding Levy on Jagir Incomes to Finance Transportation of Pines from Bhimphedi to Kathmandu," Ashadh sudi 1, 1948 (June 1891), Regmi Research Ccollection, Vol. 84, pp. 189-92. ************** Supply of Timber to Munitions Factory On Poush Badi 1, 1909 (December 1852) an order had been issued to local authorities at Narjatar in Nuwakot to allot about 884 muris of rice lands to 41 Newar households in the village on the following conditions:- (1) 48 pieces of timber should be supplied for the manufacture of rifles to the Jangi Megjin (munitions factory) in Kathmandu every year. (2) Rents on the rice-land allotments mentioned above should be paid regularly to the concerned jagidars. These Newars were employed as porters during the Nepal-Tibet war in 1911 Vikrama (A.D. 1854) for the transportation of military supplies. 32. When all the able-bodied Newars were employed in this manner, their wives and children were unable to provide porterage services for the transportation of timber to the munitions factory in Kathmandu as mentioned above. Nor were they able to cultivate their rice land allotments and pay rents to their jagirdars. They were, therefore, persuaded by local functionaries to relinquish their allotments until their men returned from the front. However, after the war, the allotments were not restored to the Newars, but hier obligation to transport timber to the munitions factory in Kathmandu remained intact. In 1948 Vikrama (A.D. 1891) Naike Birmani Submitted a petition to Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on behalf of te dispossessed Newars praying that the allotments be restored to them, or else the obligation to transport timber to the munitions factory in Kathmandu be remitted. The Sadar dafdarkhana recommended the following action on this peititon: "According to Section 18 of the Law in Land Allotments (Jagga Pajaniko), rakam lands belong to the person who performs the prescribed labor services. He cannot be evicted so long as he is willing to perform such services and cultivate the concerned land-allotments. It is not proper that these Newars should be dispossessed of their allotments without any fault on their part simply because these had been cultivated by other persons during the time when they were providing labor services for the Nepal-Tibet war. Accordingly, the allotments shall be restored to them." This recommendation was approved by the Muluki Adda and endorsed by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Ashadh Sudi 12, 1948 (June 1891). The West No. 1 Bakyauta Tahasil Adda was, therefore, ordered to take appropriate action accordingly. Regmi Research Collection, vol 48, pp. 194-201. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: March 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 3 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ********** Contexts Page 1. Jhara Exemption for Jagirdars in Chainpur ..... 33 2. Allocation for public Welfare Schemes ..... 35 3. Malaria Eradication in Hitaura, 1950 ..... 37 4. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District ..... 38 5. Newar Households in Pokhara ..... 42 6. Supply of Firewood from Bulu ..... 44 7. Gadimubarakha Revenue, 1847 ..... 48 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 33. Jhara Exemption for Jagirdars in Chainpur Subedar Ujir Singh Khatri, a resident of Chainpur in Pallokirat, submitted the following petition to Prime Minister Bir Shumshere: "After the king of Gorkha conquered Pallokirat, the Bhote enemies attacked the Gorkhalis. At that time, our grandfather, Khatri Chhetri, killed a (Bhote) Kaji known as Debu Tolma and reported the mater to His Majesty. His Majesty thereupon ordered our grandfather to built there forts in that area and maintain them. Accordingly, he built three forts at Chainpur, and also set up a Shrine (maulo) and a court (adalat). "because labor services were required to keep the forts, the maulo and the adalat in proper condition, ryots living in the areas under our jurisdiction were exempted from the obligation to provide jhara labor for other purposes. We have all long been discharging these responsibilities. "In the Vikrama year 1937 (A.D. 1880), Captain Hastabir Karki Chhetri was sent to revise the revenue settlement (mahajanch) in Pallokirat. He recommended to the government that half of the ryots assigned for the maintenance of the Yangrup and Yangnam forts in Chainpur be made liable to meet jhara obligation, and the rest retained for work in the forts. The government accepted the recommendations, and accordingly jhara obligations were imposed on half of the ryots. "However, from the Vikrama year 1938 (A.D. 1881), the Dhankuta Bakyauta Tahasil Adda has been collecting a levy in lieu of jhara obligation not only from dhakre households but from the households of jagirdars as well. Collections since the Vikrama year 1944 (A.D. 1887) have been made be the Sri Jung (Company). "Inasmuch as jagirdars are exempt from jhara obligations, I pray that collections made from the following jagirdars be refunded from the years mentioned against their names." The petition was forwarded to the Adalat Goswara, and from there to the Sadar Defdarkhana, for appropriate action. The Sadar Dafdarkhana recommended that the jhara obligation followed all over the Kingdom. At the same time, it recommended that collections already made in the past should be refuned. These recommendations were endorsed by the Muluki Adda and approved by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Adhadh Badi 14, 1848 (June 1891): An order was accordingly sent to the Sri Jung Company Headquarters office to implement the decision. 34. The names of the jagirdars, and the year when they were appointed, were as follows: Description 1. Subedar Ujir Khatri Chhetri, Ser (Paltan) 2. Subedar Jagdip Khatri, Jagadal (Paltan) 3. Private (Sipahi) Brishadhwaj Khatri, Ramadal (Paltan) 4. Adjustant Jaman Singh Lama, Jagannath (Paltan) 5. Private Ranakesar Khatri, Mahaendradal (Paltan) 6. Private Dal Bahadur Karki, Barja Bahadur (Paltan) 7. Private Jit Bahadur Khatri, Kalibux (Paltan) 8. Goladar Sarvadhwaj Khatri, Sri Jung (Paltan) 9. Private Santabir Khadka, Barja Bahadur (Paltan) 10. Private Dalabir Khatri, Naya Srinath (Paltant) Date of appointment (Vikrama year) Before 1937 do. 1939 1941 do. do. do. do. 1944 do. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 84, pp. 70-77. Ref: "Youngrup and Yangnam Forts," Regmi Research Series, Year 9, No. 7, July 1, 1977, pp. 106-8. 35. Allocation for Public Welfare Schemes Addressing a public meeting in Kathmandu on Falgun 2, 2003 (February 13, 1947), Prime Minister Padma Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana announced that additional allocations amounting to Rs 2,250,000 in Indian currency (I.C.) had been sanctioned on a recurring basis for different public welfare schemes. Particulars of these allocations are given below:- Particulars Current grant 1. Education English education (inclusive of salaries and allowances) ..... Rs 116,326 I.C. Rs 151,650.50 N.C. 2. Nagari education ..... Rs 14,156 I.C. Rs 68,964.50 N.C. Total Rs 130,482 I.C. Rs 220,615 N.C. Additional allocation: ..... Rs 300,000 I.C. Cottage industries ..... Rs 100,000 N.C. Additional allocation (inclusive of Rs 100,000 I.C. allocated on Kartik 4,2003) ..... Rs 200,000 I.C. Hospitals 1. Military Hospital and sanatorium ..... Rs 26,801 I.C. Rs 60,467 N.C. 2. Other hospitals in Kathmandu and Elsewhere ..... Rs 254,609-8 I.C. Rs 121,065.25 N.C. 3. Ayurvedic dispensaries ..... Rs 1,775 I.C. Rs 37,967.10 N.C. Additional allocation: ..... Rs 100,000 I.C. Municipality Sanitation and sewerage (excluding salaries) ..... Rs 50,000 I.C. Additional allocation: ..... Rs 50,000 I.C. 36. Government Buildings Repair, maintenance And construction (in The entire Kingdom) ..... Rs 25,000 I.C. Rs 52,200 N.C. Additional allocation: ..... Rs 300,000 I.C. Roads, Bridges and Walls ( in the entire Kingdom, previously financed by ad hoc grants) Allocation: ..... Rs 900,000 I.C. Water Supply in Hill Areas (do.) ..... Rs 100,000 I.C. Government Printing Press (excluding salaries): Additional allocation: ..... Rs 50,000 I.C. Supply of Rice in Kathmandu Valley (at subsidized rate until the price reaches 1 rupee a pathi): ..... Rs 250,000 I.C. Total additional allocations: Rs 2,250,000 I.C. A Khadganishana order sanctioning the additional allocations and outlining the administrative procedure for accounting and debiting expenses, was issued in the name of Commander-in-chief Mohan Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana on Jestha 12, 2004 (May 25, 1947). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 86, pp. 74-88. 37. Malaria Eradication in Hitaura, 1950 On Baisakh 30, 2007 (May 12, 1950), Prime Minister Mohan Shumshere approved a program for the eradication of malaria in the Hitaura region. Arrangements were made to depute 40 employees for this purpose. they included a Chief Engineer and a Senior Malaria Officer. The program was expected to last four months. An initial allocation of Rs 12,000 was sanctioned for the payment of salaries and allowances, followed by Rs 2,000 on Magh 12, 2007 (January 25, 1951). An additional sum of Rs 10,000 was sanctioned for the purchase of medical equipment and supplies. Accounts of these expenditures were to be submitted to the Kumarichok Madhesh Pahila Phant (Audit Department, Tarai Division No. 1) for audit within 35 days after the program was completed. Of officals angaged in the implementation of the program included R.G. Kilburne, a British engineer in the services of the government of Nepal as Chief Engineer of the Electricity Department (Sadar Chandrabatt3 Prakash Bijuli Adda) Lt. Colonel Mukund Bahadur, and Lt. Colonel Subarna Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. Orders were issued to different government offices in Kathmandu and elsewhere to make available necessary equipment and supplies required for the implementation of the program. For instance; (1) The Roads Department (Batokaj Goswara) was ordered to make available one jeep-car at Hitaura, (2) the Nepal Hattisar Goswara, four elephants, (3) Tents Office (Pal-ghar), six tents of 180 Ibs each, and (4) the Control Office, salt and kerosene oil in the quantities requisitioned by the Chief Engineer, R. G. Kilburne. Similarly, the Commanding General for the Eastern Zone was ordered to make available the services of military personnel required for the malaria eradication program as well as 40 pairs of boots, to be returned after the program was completed, the Director-General of Hospitals, doctors and compounders, and the Pipa Goswara bearers in the required number. The Kampukot Tahabil Phant (Military stores office) was ordered to make available 80 pairs each of the shirts and pyjamas. The Chisapani-Gadhi Headquarters Office was ordered to provide accommodation to the personnel of the program at the Hitaura Guest-House and arrange for the establishment of shops selling sugar and other foodstuffs there for a four-month period. The additional funds sanctioned on January 25, 1951 would appear to indicate that the program was actually taken up. Three weeks later, on Falgun 7, 2007 (February 18,1951), Rana rule came to an end and a Rana-Nepali Congress Coalition government was formed. There is no difference that the new government continued the program. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 86, pp. 1.73. 38. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District By Dhanavajra Bajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha. Dolakha Ko Aitihasika Reparekha (Historical outline of Dolakha). Kirtipur: Insitutue of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuwan University, 2031, (1974). Chapter 3: " Routes to Tibet via Dolakha ceased to be used about a hundred years ago. During the Rana regime, Dolakha ceased to hold an important place from the administrative viewpoint too. As a result, the economic condition of Dolakha started worsening, and today its economy is of a low and ordinary level. There is much evidence to show that formerly, especially at the time when it was a small autonomous state, Dolakha had attained a high level of economic growth. Small settlements which functioned as trade centers, developed into major ones, which are called Pattana or Mahapattana. Big houses and temples of gods and goddesses of different communities, paved roads, water spouts, water and rest-houses were constructed. Progress was made in the sphere of culture also. The ruler of Dolakha was the first among the rulers of the medieval Nepal to mint silver mohar coins. The rulers of Dolakha proudly called their state a settlement of rice people. Golden idols were installed in almost every household. All this clearly pointed to the growth of Dolakha's economy. Agriculture and Land Tenure One reason why settlements emerged in Dolakha despite its mountainous terrains was its fertile soil. Paddy, buckwheat, millet, wheat, garlic, onion and other crops were and are still grown abundantly in Dolakha district which is located on the banks of the Tamakoshi river. Orange, lemon, banana and other fruits are also grown. The local people claim that they produce sufficient cauli flower and other vegetables. However, they have not yet paid any attention to modern methods of cultivation. For the majority of the inhabitants of Dolakha, agriculture remains the chief occupation. Trade was one on of the occupations during the medieval period. But even during that period, agriculture was the primary source of production. The then rulers had constructed irrigation and other facilities. (Aitihasika Samagri, Letter No. 75). Collective arrangements used to be made for irrigating lands adjoining main settlements. The tradition still exists. It may be useful to say a few words about the tradition in the present context. On the full-moon day in the month of Chaitra, Goddess Ganga was propitiated on behalf of the local people in order to ensure that no difficulty should arise while cultivating the monsoon crop. Seeds of different crops to be sown were collected from each household and thrown into 39. the Tamakoshi ricer. A goat was then sacrificed through the priest of the temple of Goddess Tripurasundari. Omens were studied to find out when the crops would be harvested. These omens included the movements of the Shakuna bird. Preparations for sowing the crops were started the day following the sixth day during the full- moon fortnight in the month of Jestha. Naikes (team-leadars) were chosen from each locality (tol) and agricultural implements were collected. The team which made arrangements for cultivation was known as pher. It comprised a naike and a sundel. The naike was chosen on the basis of his work during the previous year. After naikes were chosen, crops sown by turns under their supervision. It was the responsibility of the naiks to insure that no person had his fields left uncultivated. The sundel made arrangements for meals. It was in his manner that farming was done on a communal basis in Dolakha. However, no such arrangements were made for the cultivation of fields situated at a distance from the main settlements of Dolakha. Cultivation of such fields was the responsibility of the peasants themselves subject to fields, or shifted to other areas, they forfeited their tenancy rights. Such regulations were applicable particularly to birta lands. In the course of time, changes occurred in the land system of Dolakha, although the basis structure remained the same. Cultivated lands in Dolakha were under birga, guthi, jagir or raikar (rajakshetra) tenure. The major part of the area under birta tenure belonged to affluent people and the ruling class. Birtas were tax-free, and usually the cultivators remained under the jurisdiction of the birta-owner himself. The birta- owner also possessed the authority to exact labor services from the cultivators. Evidence is available to show that the cultivators were also apportioned while partitioning birta holdings. However, the birta-owner did not always possess such authority. Several birta grants explicitly mentioned that cultivators were the subjects of the King, and that the birtaowner had no authority to exact other labor services from them. This meant that the birta-owner did not exercise jurisdiction over the cultivators. He only had the rights prescribed in the grant. There were kusha, Suna, and other categories of birta in Dolakha also. Guthi may be regarded as a sub-category of birta. Because of the large scale of religious and cultural activities in Dolakha, there were large areas of land under guthi tenure. There is evidence that guthiyars like birta-owners, possessed the authority to exact labor services from their cultivators. 40. Kharka was another sub-category of birta. It was also known as ghans-birta. Because animal husbandry was carried on a large scale in Dolakha, Kharka too had a place in the land system. In those times, top-ranking government employees were assigned land under jagir tenure in lieu of cash salaries. This system was prevalent in Dolakha also. Government officials who received jagir land grants were also granted the betali, a kind of turban. For this reason, villages granted as jagir were also known as betaligrama. For instance, a copper-plate inscription of Jagajjaya Malla, found at the temple of Bhimeshwara, mentions betaligrama and sagonagrama in the context of collecting the sirto tax. During the birta confiscation of the Vikrama year 1862, a total of 82 khets in Dolakha were assigned as jagir to military personnel. Documents relating to the land system of Dolakha also refer to the term kipat. These days the term is used to denote the landownership rights of the kirat community. However, formerly it denoted a category of lands which could be sold by the owner on payment of money or otherwise. The government used to issue documents written on palm-leaf as evidence of the registration of land transactions. The letters kri patra were inscribed on the top of such documents term kipat is a corrupt form of these letters. In any case there is documentary evidence to show that there were kipat lands in Dolakha. The term Khanda was used as a unit of land measurement in Dolakha.it means a portion of a khet . a Khanda could be of any size. It did not denote a specific area of land like the term ropani. But since each Khanda bore a name, there was no difficulty in conducting land transactions. The medieval rulers of Dolakha surveyed lands from time to time, but did not use the term ropani instead of Khanda. Rather, they used the term Khanda after indicating the four boundaries. Consequently, the term continued to be used for a long time. Later, as in other hill areas, the terms muri and khet began to be used in Dolakha. Animal Husbandry These days animal husbandry is not an important occupation in Dolakha. But there is evidence to show that in former times this was not the case. The rulers used to make grants of lands under Kharka or ghans-birta tenure. They also made efforts to maximize revenue collections from animal husbandry. Horses, cows, yaks, buffaloes, sheep, and Chyangra goats were the main animals kept in Dolakha. During the medieval period, the horse was important means transport. Affluent people belonging to the ruling class kept horses, which were also exported to India. As such, there was a great demand for horses. Horse-breeding was thus one of the occupations followed in Dolakha. In the Nepal Samvat 847 (Vikrama 1784), King Jagajjaya Malla made grants of 41. Kharka lands subject to certain conditions. Kharka lands could not be sold or mortagaed. Horses bred in Dolakha could be sold after they were brought to the capital at Kantipur and branded; default was punished by the King. This indicates that efforts were made to develop horse-bredding and maximize revenue collections from that source. Another letter, sent by the administrator of Dolakha to his representative in Kantipur, directed him to send back the horses to Dolakha after they were branded, if it was not possible to seel them at reasonable prices in Kantipur. Horses were also imported from Tibet. The prices of horses were high. Available evidence shows that they ranged between Rs 50 and Rs 95 each. At that time, slaves did not cost more than Rs 15 or Rs 16 each. At today's prices, a horse thus cost between s 6,000 and Rs 12- 13,000. That was the reason why the Malla Kings paid attention to horse breeding. There are documents to prove that horses were exported from Dolakha even if the Vikrama year 1873, and that a duty of 1 percent ad valorem was charged. Cows too were reared on a large scale in Dolakha. The government made Kharka and ghans-birta grants for this purpose. affluent people, as well as those belonging to the ruling class, maintained cattle- farms, which were looked after by slaves. Cattle were subdivided like other property, thus showing that cows were kept at domestic animal. Cow slaughter was forbidden. In the Vikrama year 1832, Bahadur Shah made a ghans-birta grant "'for grazing Laxmi," thus showing his respect for the cow. Because yak-tails were one of the commodities exported from Dolakha, it seems there were yak-farm also. Sheep and chyangra goats were bred on a large scale in the northern areas of Dolakha, but not evidence is available to show that this occupation received any official encouragement. A tax was collected at the rate of one animal for every flock of 50 sheep sold. Rungs and blankets too were exported from this area. Evidence is also available that buffaloes of good breed were procured from Dolakha. Ghee was another item of export. Male buffaloes figure in the list of commodities on which customs was collected. According to a copper plate inscription found at the temple of Bhimeshwara, dated Nepal Samvat 770 (Vikrama 1707), customs (jagat) duty was collected on male buffaloes. This shows that buffaloes too were bred in Dolakha. (To be continued) 42. Newar Households in Pokhara A total of 62 households had been enrolled for porterage services at the Pokhara Thaplehulaki Office. Among them, 36 hosueholds belonged to the Sarangkot area. The remaining 26 households consisted of Newar traders in Pokhara town. Whereas the thaple-hulaki porters of Sarangkot had been granted allotments of rice-lands, the Newar households did not enjoy any such facilities. The Newar households subsequently submitted a petition to the government protesting against much discrimination. Inquiries conducted through the West No. 3 Bakyanta Tahasil Adda showed that the complaint was ture. However, Ranabir Thapa Chhetri, a representative of the thaple-hulaki porters of Sarangkot, made the following statement in this connection:- "We provide porterage services for half of the goods transported through the Pokhara Thaplehulaki Office, in consideration of which we have been granged allotments of rice-lands. The other half os transported by 26 Newar households of Pokhara, who have been granted exemption from unpaid-labor obligations (beth, begar) and other levies, no rice-land allotments. They have only homesteads (gharbari) on Pokhara lands. We have also been providing porterage services for the new hulak lines established recently. The 26 Newar households have been granted exemption from all levies and obligations, but pay taxes on their hale, pate, or kodale holdings through Simhanath Newar, in whose name a royal charter has been issued accordingly. The number of Newar households has been increasing every year in Pokhara town, so that the number has not reached 300 or 400. The new households do not pay any taxes, but share the thaplehulaki obligations of the 26 original households. We cannot agree to have our rice-lands redistributed among them." The West No. 3 Bakyauta Tahasil Adda conducted further inquiries to ascertain the truth of Ranabir Thapa Chhetri's statements. These inquiries were conducted in the presence of the Chaudhari of Pokhara town and othe knowledgeable persons, as well as Ranabir Thapa Chhetri himself. However, Ranabir Thapa Chhetri was not able to substantiate his points. The actual facts, as stated by the Chaudhari and other knowledgeable persons, were as follows:- "The 26 Newar households have not been granted exemption from different levies and obligations. They do not own any hale, pate, or kodale holdings. Nor has their number increased to 300 or 400. they only possess tiny plots around their households which they use as gardens. They pay the serma, saunefagu, jagat-bhansar and other taxes at prescribed rates. The Chaudhari collects the saunefagu tax from them and deposits the income at the Pokhara Tahasil Adda and appropriate income from the other sources himself." 43. The case was then referred to Prime Minister Bir Shumshere. He ordered that: 1. Ranbir Thapa Chhetri be punished with a fine of one rupee for having recorded a false statement. 2. Unclaimed lands of convenient location be allotted to the 26 Newar households. The West No. 3 Bakyauta Tahasil Adda collected the fine from Ranbir Thapa Chhetri. It also asked the Newars to identity suitable plots of raikar land which could be allotted to them. However, the Newars maintained that there was no way in which they could identity such raikar lands. They then made the following requests: 1. Rice-lands (in the possession of the thaplehulakis of Sarangkot) shuld be redistributed among all of us on raibandi basis, or (2) The rice-lands allotted to them should be given to us. in case this is done, we undertake to take over in full their thaplehulaki obligations. The request was signed by five representatives of the 26 Newar households in Pokhara: Jethabudha Kehar Man, Sahu Rajaman, Bahidar Krishna Lal, Sabu Hira Bataju, and Anta Narayan Newar. The request was forwarded to Prime Minister Bir Shumshere, who issued the following order on Poush Badi 13, 1953 (December 1896): 1. The 36 thaplehulaki households (of Sarangkot) shall be granted the option of taking over the obligations of the 26 Newar households of Pokhara and retaining their land allotments. 2. In case they do not agree to do so, their lands shall be reallotted to the 26 Newar households on condition that the latter discharge the thaplehulaki obligations in full. The 36 households of Sarangkot chose the first alternative. The thaplehulaki obligations of the 26 Newar households of Pokhara were then remitted. On Falgun Bagi 7, 1953 (February 1897), the West No. 3 Bakyauta Tahasil Adda was ordered to inform them accordingly. Shrawan Sudi 14, 1955 (July 1898) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 71, pp. 22-228. 44. Supply of Firewood from Bulu The inhabitants of three villages in the Bulu area of Lalitur district, Jhagalkot, Babiyagaun and Dhusyalguan, submitted the following petition to the government through their representative, Jaman Singh Lama: "Until the Vikrama year 1927 (A.D. 1870), the inhabitants of these three villages were under the obligation to supply charcoal to the government by rotation. This meant that each household was required to cut wood the manufacture charcoal only for fourteen days in a year. The inhabitants of other villages, including Sunaguthi and Thecho, were under the obligation to transport the charcoal to prescribed destinations. These arrangements had been reconfirmed in the course of the revenue settlements of A.D. 1854 and 1868. No other obligation was imposed on us. "In the Vikrama year 1829 (A.D. 1871), the three villages of Jhagalkot, Babiyagaun and Dhusyalgaun, as well as Bulu and Pharping, were granted as birta to the junior wife of General Jit Jung. The birtaowner sent Dittha Ganja Singh to inspect the villages. On his recommendation, the birta owner waived the obligation to supply charcoal. Instead, livies totaling Rs 4-4 were imposed on each household. The breakdown was as follows:. (All figures are in paisa rupees). Rs 2 on each roof. 9 annas in lieu of firewood. 2 annas in lieu of rain-covers. 13 annas as walak levy. 9 annas in lieu of wooden beams (timba). paisa as Nuwangi levy. 2 annas in lieu of hides and skins (chhalahi) 1 anna as saunefagu levy. Total Rs 4-4 "The new arrangements continued for sixteen years from Vikrama 1928 (A.D. 1871 to 1887) "In the Vikrama year 1944 (A.D. 1887), the Jangi Magjin (Munitions Factory) ordered us to supply firewood. On the other hand, the thekdar (contractor appointed to collect the birta revenue) insisted that we pay Rs 4-4 on each household as usual. "Some of the villagers discharged both these obligations. However, others shifted to other villages. We, on our part, have approached the government with this petition. 45. "An order was then issued according to which people should not be subjected to dual obligations. The order also directed the appropriate officials to ratain obly one obligations, and to keep the villagers satisfied. "Nevertheless, the order was not actually implemented, and we continue to suffer from the dual obligations mentioned above. As a result, we have not been able to cultivate our lands at the proper time. The inhabitants of all these villages thereupon made a direct appeal to the Prime Minister, who reconfirmed the order. "Even then, we weak and innocent people belonging to a jungle area continue to suffer. We do not have a single piece of rice-lands, while our pakho lands do not yield adequate food to meet our needs for the whole year. Each household possessed only three or four ropanies of land. Evenon these lands, we can raise crops only after maintaining a watch day and night to protect them from bear, nonkeys, birds and rats. If we are unable to continue watching even for a single moment, our maize and other crops are eaten up by these wild birds and animals. Even if we succeed in harvesting the crops in full, the quantity is sufficient to meet our needs for six months only. During the other six months of the year, we gather wild fruits and roots to feed our families. It is under such conditions that we have been discharging our obligations to the government. On top of all this, we have been subjected to dual obligations since the Vikrama year 1944 (A.D. 1887). "In all other parts of the country, people have to discharge only one obligation. Why then should such dual obligations be imposed on the inhabitants of three villages alone? "On Jestha Badi 11, 1949 (May 1892), employees of the (Lalitpur) Bakyauta (Tahasil) Office arrested the headmen (mijhar) of these three villages and placed them in detention. When we prayed that the cash levies be withdrawn, and offered to supply one dharni of charcoal evey day, making a total quantity of 360 dharnis a year from each house-hold, and remined them that oral orders had already been issued from time to time to waive off one of the two obligations, the employees maintained that they could not accept our demand unless we produced written orders. "We have now succeeded in ascapting from detention and have come here to submit this petition. We pray that a written order confirming the oral orders issued previously to waive off one of the two obligations that have been imposed on us be sent to the Bakyanta Tahasil Office and the Jangi Megjin, and that a copy of such order be provided to us." 46. The petition was forwarded to the Muluki Adda for necessary inquiries on the order of Prime Minister Bir Shumshere by te Adalat Goswara through Captain Karnabir Karki Chhetri. The Muluki Adda subsquenlty submitted the folliwng report on the petition: " In the Vikrama year 1911 (A.D. 1854), a revenue settlement was conducted in the three villages of Jhagalkot, Babiyagaun and Dhusyalguan villages by Kharidar Narayan Datta Padhya. These villages them comprised fifty households. Forty households were placed under the obligation of cutting wood every other day by rotation, so that only twenty households were employed on any one day, while the remaining ten households were exempted from the obligations. 156 muris of pakho lands were allotted to these households, since no rice-lands (khet) were available. "When these three villages were granted as daijo-birta to the wife (of General Jit Jung) in the Vikrama year 1914 (A.D. 1857), Lieutenant Raja Singh Khatri, on behalf of the birtaowner, appointed Vishnu Singh as dware for the collection of revenue. The inhabitants of these three villages the paid the following amounts for each household: 2 paisa as saunefagu levy. 12 annas in lieu of rain-covers. "In the Vikrama year 1938 (A.D. 1881), General Jit Jung sanctioned lokabhar arrangements for the collection of revenue in these three villages. Each household was then placed under the obligation of making the following payments: Rs 2 in 20-gandi rupees as serma levy- 2 paisa as sanunefagu levy. 9 annas in lieu of firewood. 2 annas in lieu of rain-covers. 13 annas as walak levy. 9 annas in lieu of wooden beams. 2 paisa as nuwangi levy. 2 paisa inl lieu of hides and skins (chhalahi). Total Rs 4-4 "In the Vikrama year 1911 (A.D. 1854), the inhabitants of these three villages had been placed under the obligation of cutting wood, in addition to 2 paisa as saunefagu levy and 1 anna in lieu of raincovers from each household. In the Vikrama year 1938 (A.D. 1881), however, each household was placed under the obligation 47. of making a payment of Rs 4-4 as mentioned above under lokabhar arrangements. These arrangements did not include the obligation to cut wood. As such, it appears that the obligation was abolished, and cash payments collected at enhanced rates. "In the Vikrama year 1946 (A.D. 1889), an order was issued imposing another obligation on the inhabitants of these three villages. They were not also required to supply one dharni of firewood from each household daily for eight months in the year. For the remaining four months in the year, this obligation was commuted into a cash payment at the rate of one paisa for each dharni of firwood. The total value of the new obligation (at the rate of one paisa daily) amounted to Rs 5-10 in a year. As a result, the total fiscal obligation of each household increased from Rs 4-4 to Rs 9-4 a year. Because the inhabitants of these villages have only pakho lands and no rice-lands, their fiscal obligation seems to be unduly high." The Muluki Adda then recommended that since a levy was being collected at the rate of one dharni of firewood from each household, commuted into a cash payment at one paisa a dharni, making a total annual payment of paisa Rs 5-10, the previous obligatin of cutting firewood should be remitted and the following levies abolished: Rs 2 (20-ganda rupee) as serma levy. 13 annas in lieu of wooden beams. 9 annas in lieu of firewood. All other payments and obligations should be retained. In its opinion, this arrangement would cause no less of revenue to the government. The recommendation of the Muluki Adda was endorsed by the Sadar Dabdarkhana and subsequently approved by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Falgun Badi 10, 1949 (February 1893). The decision was made retroactive from the Vikrama year 1946 (A.D. 1889). Falgun Badi 10, 1949 (February 1893) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 57, pp. 271-286. 48. Traditionally, a levy known as Gadimubarakh was collected all over the Kingdom when a new King ascended the throne. ("Imposition of Gadimubarakh levy in Kumaun," Regmi Research Series, Year 5, No. 3, March 1, 1973, pp. 49-53). The levy was thus collected in the Vikrama year 1904 (A.D. 1847) when Surendra Bikram Shah Dev succeeded his father, Rajendra Bikram, as King of Nepal. The Gadimubaraka levy imposed in A.D. 1847 yielded a total revenue of Rs 441,001. Particulars are as follows: Fractions of a rupee have been rounded off. Region Total Amount Collected 1. Hill region between Mohar Rs 33,843 Mechi and Doti Paisa Rs 167,795 includig Kathmandu Valley Total Rs 201,638 Ijaradar: Subba Jit Man. 2. Eastern Tarain Mohar Rs 220,001 Ijaradar: Subba Laxmapati Jaisi. 3. Chitaun Mohar Rs 2,125 Ijaradar: Subba Jit Man. 4. Western Tarai Mohar Rs 17,237 Grand Total Rs 441,001 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 16, pp. 332-333. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: March 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 4 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contexts 1. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District 2. Makhiyabhar Arrangements in Kagbeni and Other Villages 3. Irrigation from the Bakaiya River 4. Revenue from Customs and Pasturage in the Eastern Tarai Region 5. Revenue-Collection Contracts in Kailali District 6. Recruits for the British Army 7. Order Regarding Supply of Copies of the Ain 8. Emancipation of Slaves 9. The Gola of Ratuwa-Singmari Page 49 59 61 61 63 64 55 58 61 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 49. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District By Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tak Bahadur Shrestha (Dolakha Ko Aitihasika Ruparekha (Historical outline of Dolakha). Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuwan Univesity, 2031 (1974). Chapter 3: "Arthika Avastha" (Econiomic conditions), pp. 51-66). (Continued from the March 1981 issue) In addition to domestic cattle, wild birds and animals were also exported from Dolakha. They included hawks, musk-deer and wild boar. A letter of king Mahindra Simha Shows that hawks were exported from Dolakha in large numbers. The letter mentions the price of Dolakha hawks as Rs 600 each, or approximately Rs 100,000 at today's prices. This clearly shows that hawks were found in Dolakha in large numbers at that time. Later documents show that a duty of 1 percent ad valorem was collected on each hawk. Wild boar were found in the forests of Dolakha. Letters sent from Kantipur show that they were exported to Kantipur. One letter contains the instruction that and price of Rs 15 each be paid if necessary. This shows that the price of wild boar too was high. Nepal was well-known for musk from ancient times. Musk-deer were found in the northern areas of Dolakha. The musk was exported to Nepal Valley through Dolakha. The customs duty on musk was not very high. Kalij (black pheasant, lophura leucomelana), danphe (impeyan pheasant, lophophorus impeyanus), and other wild birds were found in Dolakha in large numbers. Bhote dogs of Dolakha found a market in Nepal Valley. Fish too was exported from Dolakha in some quantity. Trade and Industry Dolakha was situated on the main route leading to Tibet. There was also another route along the banks of the Tamakoshi river leading to Sindhuli-Madi. As such, trade played an important role in the economy of Dolakha. At that time when Dolakha became an independent Kingdom, it scored greater successes in the field of trade. This had an impact on the cultural development of Dolakha. Information on the development of trade in Dolakha is meager, particularly during the early medieval period. Even the, Dolakha is a commercial settlement, and is was able to develop as a town mainly because of trade with Tibet. We have discussed this question previously in the context of the political history of Dolakha. 50. Trade across the frontiers was an arduous undertaking in those days because of the difficulties of transport. trade with Tibet was even more arduous. For this reason, one or two persons alone could not engage in the trade with Tibet. Trade with Tibet was, consequently, conducted by a group or class. In ancient times, much a group was known as sartha, and its leader as sarthavaha. There are references to sarthavahas in inscriptions of the Lichhavi period. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Licchavi Kala Ko Abhilekha (Inscriptions of the Licchavi period), Kathmandu: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, 2020 (1073), pp. 50-54). The Chinese Tang annals also mention such trading organizations. Similar references to sarthavas who were engaged in trade with Tibet are found in Nepali folk tales. But the practice seems to have declined during the later medieval period. Traders who were engaged in trade with Tibet were then known as banjar or banjara in the dialect (Newari) of Dolakha. A brief agreement signed between the banjars of Dolakha and some wealthy people of Kantipur in 861 Nepal Samvat (Vikrama 1798) has been found, according to which some Rajopadhyayas of Kantipur lent Rs 2,100 to Dharma-krishna and four other banjaras of Dolakha for purposes of trade on the condition that profit were to be shared equally. The document contains an addendum according to which the agreement was terminated when profits were shared after only three months. This shows that wealthy people invested their capital through banjaras. The sum of Rs 2,100 is equivalent to approximately Rs 300,000 at today's prices. Dharmakrishna and the other banjaras of Dolakha mentioned above belonged to the famiy of deshawara pramana. In other words, they belonged to the ruling class. It was difficulty for persons who could not make necessary security arrangements to engage in external trade. It is, therefore clear that only those persons belonging to the ruling class who no longer occupied positions of power engaged in such trade. There are numerous other examples to show that persons belonging to the pramana families were engaed in trade. Even after Dolakha was merged into Kantipur, trade with Tibet remained in the hands of the local people themselves, as the agreement mentioned above indicates. A manuscript written during he reign of King Pratapa Malla shows that members of the ruling class of Dolakha themselves visited Tibet for purposes of trade. The colophon of that manuscript, dated 775 Nepal Samvat (Vikrama 1712) states: At the time when Jugideva, a disciple of Jaya Krishna of Listi-Tol in Dolakha, and his son, Haridasa, were in Lhasa, they had a desire to perform religious acts such as the writing of a religious text. They, therefore, decide to have a religious text written in letters of gold. On returning to Kantipur, they had such a text transcribed by the Vajracharya of Surata- Shrimahavihara at Asan. 51. This shows that for long the rulers of Dolakha used to visit Tibet for purpose of trade. There was a reason why the Vajracharya of Surata-Shrimahavihara of Asan was commissionedfor the job. As that time the Vajracharyas of the Vihara had become famous for the influence they had gained in Tibet. That was the reason why Jogideva of Dolakha maintained contact with the Vajracharya of Surata-Shrimahavihara. We have mentioned above that Jogideva and other persons were residents of Listi-Tol. The documents mentioned other wealthy traders also of Listi-Tol. A small market still exists at this place. Until recently, a seasonal fair (hat-bazaar) also used to be held at Listi-Tol. On special occasions, traders from Banepa and other distant places also visited the fair, and transactions worth hundreds of thousands of rupees were conducted, according to local people. But during the time of Indra Simha Deva, Listi was certainly a thriving market. Inscriptions show that wealthy people from different areas had settled there. It is possible that the well-known Listi market near Tatopani was so called because it was a subsidiarly of the Listo-Bazaar of Dolakha. Listi market near Tatopani was originally unde the jurisdiction of Dolakha. There is considerable similarity between the dialects spoken at these two places. It is also possible that the Listi- Tol situated near Tanthali was connected with Listi-Bazaar of Dolakha. The medieval rulers of Dolakha had established Kots at different places for the security of traders. These Kots were situated at intervals of a few Kosh each. They were commanded by functionaries known as Umra. Umras paid attention also to the security of traders. Such arrangements had been made throughout the territories of Dolakha up to the border with Tibet. In ancient times, such functions were performed by the gulma. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, op. cit. p. 313). The gulma collected taxes from traders. During the medieval period, jagat and other duties were collected at different places. Trade was conducted with Tibet because some arrangements had been made for the safety of traders. After trade routes leading to Tibet came under the control of Prithvi Narayan Shah, he paid attention to the safety of traders. In a letter to Kahar Simha Basnyat, he wrote, "Robbers who have looted traders on the road have been arrested. They are said to have two accomplices. Efforts are being made to trace them." (Ranji Tiwari et. al., Aitihasika Patra- Samaraha," pt. 2, Kathmandu: Nepal Samskritik Parishad, p. 78). This shows that the bhardars of Prithvi Narayan Shah were engaged in effortgs to exterminate lawless elements who plundered traders. Handloom Weaving Handloom weaving was a traditional occupation in the Dolakha area. The changa and panga cloths of Dolakha were well-known. Bhuwaneshwara, Dolakha's Bramana in Kantipur had written a letter to Dharmakrishna listing several varties of cloth, incldung panga and blankets, supplied 52. from Dolakha. The letter shows that big umbrellas made of cloth, called chhatra-kusa, were manufactured in Dolakha. A document of the Vikrama year 1873, relating to a contract for the collection of duties in the Dolakha area, similarly mentions the different varieties of cloth manufactured there. In addition to changa, panga and blankets, it mentions Khadi cloth as well. The document also prescribes the rates of duty on Kuchin and other cloths, which apparently passed through Dolakha from China or Tibet on their way to Kathmandu Valley. Metal Goods There was a large market in Tibet for metal utensils manufactured in Nepal. As such, untensils made of copper, bronze, etc. were manufactured in Dolakha. A streat of Dolakha where such utensils were manufactured was known as Kansa-Tol (Kansa-branze). Some of these utensils found a market in Kantipur also. These days the metal goods industry has disappearted in Dolakha, although there still exist a few Kansakars. However, there are some iron-smiths who manufature iron goods. A large number of metal images have been found in Dolakha. Some of them may have been procured from Nepal Valley or Tibet, but the majority appears to have been cast in Dolakha itself. There is a evidence that ornaments too were manufactured in Dolakha. Mining Mining was one economic source during the Lichhavi period. Copper, iron, and other metals were exported frm Nepal in large quantities. The situation changed during he medieval period, but the mining industry continued on some scale. Until about a century age, mines were worked in that Dolakha area. Copper, iron, lead, red arsenic (manashila), yellow orpiment (harital), borax and other minerals were exported were still being exported in the Vikrama year 1873. the those area was well-known for its iron mines. The Tamakoshi river was apparently so named because there were copper (tama) mines in the area. There is a well-known village called Sunkhani (Sun-gold, Khani-mine) in Dolakha, nd the Sunkoshi river flows through this area. All this suggests that gold was mined in Dolakha at one time. In any case, Dolakha appears to have been an important mining area formerly. During the medieval period, there was a special community of people who worked in mines. They were known as akare, from the Sanskrit term akara, a mine. In the west, the term agri is used to denote miners belonging to the Magar community. In Dolakha, Sunuwars too were called akare. One documents found in Dolakha mentiones that a member of the ruling class was operating a lead mine through a Sunuwar 53. akare. Miners had to enter into mines as swiftly as a rat (musa), hence they were called musa. The term is used in the west also. Documents found in Dolakha describe miners as musa-praja. In addition to the handicrafts and manufactures mentioned above, there were also peper and other industries. Animal hunsbandry may also be regarded as an industry. We have dealt with this subject previously. Ghee was exported in large quantities from Dolakha. Wax too was exported in large quantities. There are documents available which show that there was a monopoly in wax. Pine resin was exported from Dolakha in large quantities. In times of war, each household of Dolakha was under the obligation of supplying one dharni of resin at Chisapani. Medicinal herbs are one of the commodities exported from Nepal. that was the reason why Prithvi Narayan Shah had directed that "medicinal herbs and other indigenous commodities should be exported, thereby attracting money." Many varietied of medicinal harbs are found in the Himalayan areas of Dolakha. There is evidence that these herbs were exported. Taxes The tax system of Dolakha underwent changes from time to time as a result of political changes, but basically it remained the same system that was prevalent elsewhere in Nepal during the medieval period. Even then, the terms used to denote some local taxes and different. During the medieval period, Dolakha was administered by a Samanta, hence it was under the obligation to pay tax known as srishti to the center. Some documents use the term ariti, from which the corrupt from sirto eventually emerged. The srishti tax was collected in cash. A copper-plate inscription found at the temple of Bhimeshwara describes the arrangements made by Jagajjaya Malla to collect the tax. There are two main arrangements. Firstly, the inscription prescribed that officials belonging to the Khas and Magar communities should not be sent to villages to collect tha tax, but tht two deshawara Pramanas of Dolakha should do so personally. Secondly, the rate of the tax was fixed at Rs 11 for each village. In addition, the Pramanas were empowered to collect a tax of one rupee from each betali-grama (Jagir Village), and five rupees from each sagona-grama (Village liable to pay saune and other taxes) The saune tax has traditionally been collected in Dolakha. The ta is collected in other parts of Nepal also. Documents relating to Dolakha during the medieval period describe it as sagune or sagona. It seems to be a corrupt form of the Licchavi term Shravanika. The tax was collected in cash from each household and landholding. Dipa was another tax collected in cash in Dolakha. Not much is known abount this tax. 54. Lafal or Lafa is another tax mentioned in documents relating to Dolakha. It appears to have been levied on domestic animals. A letter sent from the center to the deshawara Pramanas of Dolakha directs them to collect lafal in full and send the collections. However, an order issued by a Chhardar (head of an investivation team) reallotting vacant holdings to new accupants placed them under the obligations of paying the dipa and sagune taxes, services (sewa), and sritilafe at customary rates, default being punishable through eviction. This indicates that lafa was a tax payable on each holding. A precise definition of the term must await research. Land tax was lower duing the medieval period compared with the ancient period. The tax was low in Dolakha also. However, more taxes were collected during the medieval period during marriage, sacred- thread-investiture, and other ceremonies at the royal palace. Several documents have been found at Dolakha which show that such taxes were collected in the Dolakha area when a wedding was solemnized at the royal palace. Vishti and other labor services were traditionally exacted in Nepal in the form of a tax, particularly when members of the royal family or royal delegations visited foreign countries. Such taxes were collected in Dolakha also. At the time when Dolakha was an independent Kingdom, its rulers had granted partial remissions in such taxes, according to a gold-plate inscription found at the temple of Bhimeshwara. The inscription, prepared in the Vikrama year 1624 by King Jitadeva and other rulers of Dolakha, mentions that all taxes collected when Kings left for abroad on pilgrimage, had been abolished with the exception of Jathwan Kethwan chati. These were probably local taxes collected in lieu of services. (To be continued) 55. Mukhiyabhar Arrangements in Kagbeni and Other Villages The following nineteen villages had been granted as Khangi to General Jagat Jung bahadur Kunwar in A.D. 1866: I. Kagbeni 2. Taigaun 3. Chhungaun 4. Dhewagaun 5. Samargaun 6. Chagligaun 7. Tagaun 8. Putagaun 9. Muwagaun 10. Chhegurgaun II. Puragaun 12. Jharkorakgaun 13. Khangaun 14. Jhamrakgaun 15. Dhagarjangaun 16. Kaphlyakgaun 17. Santagaun 18. Pagaligaun 19. Tirangaun Until Baisakh Badi 1923 (April 1866), revenue in these villages had been collected under the contract (thek) system. on that date, the thek system was terminated and replaced by the mukhiyabhar system. "Mukhiyabhar meant a system under which a mukhiya (i.e. a village headman) as allowed to match an ijaradar's (i.e. thekdar or revenue-farmer) offer in his prosonal capacity...... Whenever any other person offeed a higher amount of homsstead-tax revenue for any village than when the local mukhiya was paying at the time under the thekbandi system, the latter was required either to match the offer or quit. If an increase in revenue could not be avoided because of the higher amount of revenue offered by a prospective ijaradar, and mukhiya could at least ensure that no ijaradar was appointed to collect revenue and exercise judicial authority in the village. This he was allowed to do by matching the ijaradar's offer under the mukhiyabhar system." (Mahesh C. Regmi, Thatched Huts and Stacco Palaces: Peasants and Landlords in 19th Century Nepal. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House (Pvt) Ltd, 1978, p. 77). The mukhiyabhar arrangements in the nineteen villages mentioned above were concluded with the following nineteen mukhiyas: I. Chhikyap Bhote 2. Dhyandul 3. Harkyal 3. Chhiring Chhintar 5. Chhitunk 6. Yema Dundu 7. Tejen 8. Dhawa Phujo 9. Phuruwa Palke 10. Tejyal Bagyal 56. II. Pema Dhirma 12. Tejyan Dudup 13. Dhyajo 14. Sarki 15. Taje Anjyal 16. Nima Supdap 17. Dhandul 18. Urke Chhiring 19. Garbhe Sitar The mukhiyabhar arrangements were sanctioned orally by Prime Minister Jung Bahadur and confirmed through the Kaushal Office. The arrangements were valid for one year beginning Baisakh Badi 1, 1923. The total amount payable by the mukhiyas was stipulated at Rs 6,000. In consideration of that payment, the mukhiyas were allowed to appropriate income from the following sources: 1. Wajbi-Serma, or tax collected from each homestead. 2. Daidastur, or miscellaneous fees or perquisites. 3. Jagat, or customs and transit duties. 4. Danda-Kunda, or fines and penalties collected in the course of the administration of justice. 5. Maryo-aputali, or escheat property. 6. Chak-Chakin, or fines collected from persons guilty of sexual offenses. The following sources of revenue were reserved for the government. That is to say, revenue from these sources was collected by the mukhiyas and transmitted to the government in addition to the sum of Rs 6,000 stipulated under the mukhiyabhar arrangements: 1. Raja-anka,or levies collected on behalf of the royal palace. 2. Kalyan-Dhan, or buried property. 3. dharmadhikar, or fees collected on behalf of the Dharmadhikar, or the Chief Religious Authority of the Kingdom, in considerationof expiation from caste and sexual offenses. 4. Panchakhat, or fines and penalties collected from persons guilty of Panchakhat crimes. 5. Rahata, bahata, udanta, gadanta, bedarta, rakam-kalam, that is, all unrecorded or unclaimed sources of revenue, arrears, etc. 6. Sirta tax paid by the legitimate descendants of the six Bista families of the area. 57. The following regulations were then promulgated in the names of the mukhiyas: 1. Maintain the local population, promote settlement, and keep the ryots satisfied as mentioned in the royal order (Lalmohar) of the Vikrama year 1920 (A.D. 1863). 2. Collect judicial fines and penalties according to the Ain 3. Collect Sirto, Jagat, and other payments from the ryots at the costomary rates as reconfirmed by the royal order. You shall be held liable if you make collections at higher rates and any ryots submit a complaint accordingly. 4. Make payment of the stipulated amount of revenue in a single installment at Thapathali Nagadi Tahasil in the month of Magh. Shrawan Sudi 1, 1923 (July 1866) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 63, pp. 67-74. The mukhiyabhar arrangements for revenue collection in the 19 villages mentioned above were valid for one year only. These arrangements were extended for another year on Chaitra Sudi 1, 1923 (March 1867). The amount stipulated by the Mukhiyas was then raised from Rs 6,001 to Rs 6,3001. The order explicity stated that the 19 mukhiyas would be held individually liable for the full payment of this amount in the prescribed installments. Chaitra Sudi 1, 1923 (March 1867) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 63, pp. 643-49. 58. Irrigation from the Bakaiya River Kartik Badi 7, 1923 (October 1866), Prime Minister Jung Bahadur sent the following order to Colonel Surya Pratap Shah, chief administrator of Rautahat district. ("Administrative Arrangements in the Eastern Tarai Region anc Chitaun," Regmi Research Series , year 13, No. 2, February 1, 1981, p. 27). "Traditionally,the Bakaiya river had been demmed in the bhathe region (i.e. the region adjoining the border with India) for purposes of irrigation. But now the river has been dammed in the sira region. (i.e. the northern portion of the Tarai strip at the foot of the Siwalik hills), so that lands belonging to royts on the British controlled side of the border have remained uncultivated. "These ryots then submitted a petition to the local magistrate, who informed the Bada Sahab (i.e. the British Resident at Kathmandu) accordingly. The Bada Sahab has now presented a memorandum to us this issue." Colonel Surya Pratap Shah was then ordered to take action as follows: "Maintain the dam that has already been constructed on the Bakaiya river. Dig irrigation Canals through the dam at suitable places and release one-third of the water in the river. The matter concerns two governments. If you make any delay, and any adverse consequence follows, you shall be held personally liable." Kartik Badi 7, 1923 (October 1866) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 63, pp. 303-5. 59. Revenue from Customs and Pasturage in the Eastern Tarai Region In the seven districts of the eastern Tarai region (Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa and Rautahat) revenue from Sair (customs duties) and Kascharai (pasturage tax) was collected through contract. During the Vikrama year Baisakh Badi 1 to Chaitra Sudi 15, 1942 (A.D. 1885-86), the contract was granted to Dittha Singh Bir and Captain Bishnu Bir for a total sum of Rs 118,859-13. Magh Badi 1, 1942 (January 19\886) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 51, pp. 214-24, 536-41. Revenue-Collection Contracts in Kailali District In the Vikrama year 1936 (A.D. 1879), the Charsa (hides and skins) and abkari-bhatti (liquor) contracts in three tappas of Kailali district, Raikwar, Parihar and Bogtan, yielded the following amounts of revenue: Charsa ... Kampani Rs 900 Abkari-Bhatti ... Kampani Rs 460-14 Total Kampani Rs 1,360-14 In the following year, the contract was granted to an Indian Muslim for a total sum of Rs 2,302-4. The breakdown was as follows: Charsa ..... Kampani Rs 1,791-9 Abkari-Bhatti ..... Kampani Rs 510-11 60. In the Vikrama year 1941 (A.D. 1884), two Nepalis, Dirga Singh and Rej Singh, obtained the contract for a total sum of Kampani Rs 2,348-11. However, they were unable to make the payment in full and so refused to do the work in the Vikrama year 1942 (A.D. 1885). Meanwhile the Amini Goswara Office issued an order prohibiting the grant of the Charsa contract to people belonging to beef-eating castes and communities. However, no individual belonging to any non- beef-eating castes or community came forward to accept the two contracts for a sum exceeding the Rs 2,348-11 paid in the Vikrama year 1941 (A.D. 1885). Lt. Bhairav Singh Swanr Chhetri of the Kailali Revenue Office forwarded the offer to Kathmandu. The Madhesh Bandobast Adda approved his recommendation that bids be conducted on the basis of Bhayananda Bhatta's offer, and that arrangements be made for direct collection of revenue under the amanat system from these two sources if the Vikrama 1941 figure of Kampani Rs 2,348-11 was not stipulated. The recommendation was endorsed by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Magh Badi 1, 1942 (January 1886). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 51, pp. 209-14. 61. Recruits for the British Army On Magh Badi 30, 1935 (January 1879), Captain Kalu Singh Swanr Chhetri was appointed Chief of the Baitadi-Jhulaghat Military Headquarters Office (Gaunda), with the Aridaman Company under his command. The Captain was granted a salary of Rs 900 a year. His appointment was subject to the condition that he enrolled, 1,000 persons belonging to the 20-25 age-group as recruits for the British Indian Army. In the event of his inability to do so, the appointment was liable to be terminated, and a fine of Rs 200 imposed. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 67, pp. 139-41. Order Regarding Supply of Copies of the Ain Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri of the Dailekh Military Headequarters Office (Gaunda) submitted the following report to the center: "Revenue from different sources in this district has normally been collected under the ijara system. however, no orders or regulations are available connecting such ijaras. A copy of the Ain is available at the Dailekh Adalat, which functions under the jurisdiction of the Gaunda. Accordingly, ijaras for the collecting of revenue from different sources were usually granted by the Dailekh Adalat itself. "In the Vikrama year 1943 (A.D. 1886), the Dailekh Adalat was removed from the jurisdiction of the Gaunda Office. Even then, it continued to discharge functions relating to the collection of revenue. The proceeds of such collections were credited to the accounts of the Dailekh Adalat. "The sources of revenue for which ijaras were granted by the Dailekh Adalat include jagat duites at the Bandhyapipalghat ferry-point on the Bheri river. Manarup Nagarkoti had been granted an ijara for the collection of these jagat duties against a payment of Rs 282. He complained that traders were avoiding the Pipalghat route and transporting their 62. goods through Suwaghat and Ramghat. Manarup Nagarkoti, therefore, offered to operate the ijara for a seven-year period if he was allowed the right to collet jagat duties at all these three places. Alternatively, he offered Rs 200 for the right to collect jagat duties at Pipalghat only. The Dailekh Adalat recommended that the latter offer be accepted. "On Bhadra Sudi 3, 1947 (August 1890), the Dailekh Gaunda Office received an order from the center through the Adalat Goswara, according to which it was not appropriate that a judicial organ such as the Dailekh Adalat should handle revenue-collection functions. The Dailekh Gaunda Office was ordered to handle such functions accordingl to the law and regulations in the future. A copy of the ijara signed with Manarup Nagarkoti, and his petition as mentioned above, were then forwarded by the Dailekh Adalat to the Dailekh Gaunda Office. "Dailekh Gaunda Office has thus been entrusted whith the responsibility of discharging revenue- collection no such regulations have been promulgated in the name of this office. The government has promulgated the Ain for regulating the judicial and other functions of government offices in the capital as well as the districts. However, the Dailekh Gaunda Office has not received a copy of the newly- promulgated Ain. Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri, therefore, requested that necessary regulations be promulgated in his name, or that the Rakam Bandobast Adda at the center send him a copy of the Ain. As regards the ijara for the collection of jagat duties, Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri made the following recommendation:- "The main route leading to the market-towns of Nepalgunj and Galaghat runs through Bandhyapipalghat. The other two ghats, Suwaghat and Ramghat, are located at a distance of 2 or 3 kos from Bandhyapipalghat on the Bheri river. They have been in use for a long time past, and bushes and forests on the way have been gradually cleared. No jagat duties were collected at Suwaghat and Ramghat, hence traders preferred to use those routes. The former chief of the Dailekh Gaunda Office, therefore, issued instructions that traders be allowed to travel through Suwaghat and Ramghat only if they produced receipts (dockhanda) of payment of jagat duties. Former ijaradars accordingly appointed agents at those places to collect jagat duties. The proceeds of such collections were credited to the ijara for Bandhyapipalghat. 63. "In these circumstances, it will not be appropriate to recommend that the amount of revenue accruing to the government should be reduced from Rs 282 to Rs 200, and that no jagat duties should be collected at Suwaghat and Ramghat. Because goods destined to Nepalgunj and Golaghat are mostly transported through those routes, it will also not be appropriate to close them, nor will it be possible to do so. Accordingly, a consolidated ijara should be granted to the highest bidder for the right to collect jagat duties at all these three places, with the exception of goods on which duties are paid at Nepalgunj or Golaghat." Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri's report was referred to the Muluki Adda along with the recommendation of the commanding Gengeral for the Southern Zone, Fatte Shumshere Jung Rana Bahadur, Sardar Bhaktabir Rajbhandari and Kharidar Ratnaaman of the Sadar Dafdarkhana. Their recommendation was that the Ain Khana be ordered to supply copies of parts of the Ain concerning non-judicial mattersto the Dailekh Office. The Muluki Adda endorsed the recommendation, which was approved by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Ashadh Sudi 1, 1948 (June 1891). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 53, pp. 20-31. Emancipation of Slaves On Kartik Sudi 15, 1942 (November 22, 1885), Bir Shumshere seized power through a coup d' etat and became Prime Minister. The right of succession of the post of Prime Minister was thereafter limited to members of the Shumshere faction of the Rana Family. Many Ranas belonging to other branches of the family, including Prime Minister Jung Bahadur's immediate family, fled into exile in India. Obviously, the displaced Ranas enjoyed some support among top ranking civil and military officials in Kathmandu. In A.D. 1886, one of them, Lt. Colonel Samar Bahadur Rajbhandari, was found to be corresponding with them. 64. On Ashadh Sudi 1, 1943 (June 1886), Prime Minister Bir shumshere prescribed a novel form of punishment for the offense of corresponding with the fugitive Ranas in India. He ordered that the slaves of such offenders be emancipated. In accordance with this order, the Sadar Jangi Kotwali Thana at Indrachok in Kathmandu recommended that seven slaves owned by Lt. Colonel Samar Bahadur Ranbhandari be emancipated. They included Indra, his mother Badi, his elder brother Jasbir, his younger brother Mahabir, his sisterm Gulafi, his wife, Chiniyabadan, and his younger brother's wife Mira. Prime Minister Bir Shumshere approved the recommendation on Shrawan Badi 6, 1943 (June 1886). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 53, pp. 168-70. *************** The Gola of Ratuwa-Singmari On Falgun Sudi 5, 1927, the Limbu Subbas of the Miklung hills in Chhathum (Pallokirat) submitted the following petition to Kathamndu. "Formerly, the gola of Ratuwa-Singmari, which is located on our kipat territory, had been placed under our jurisdiction. We were allowed to appropriate half of the revenue collected from transmit and customs duties on commodities other than cardamom, for which a monopoly has been introduced. The other half accrued to His Majesty's Government. We are under obligation to pay a total thek revenue of Rs 201. In the year 1927 Vikrama, Lt. Dasharath Padhya was appointed Chief of the Thinguri-Mahal. He is now collecting the revenue previously appropriatedby us. how then can we pay the amount of Rs 201 that we have stipulated. The government decided that Ratuwa-Singmari and other golas should be detached from the jurisdiction of Limbu Subbas and brought under amanat management. Magh Sudi 9, 1928 (January 1872) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 55, p. 207. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: MaY 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 5 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ****** Contexts 1. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District 2. Revenue Assessment in Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, And Chitaun, (1904-12 Vikrama) 3. Land Grants to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere 4. Development Activities in the Naya Muluk 5. Smuggling of Cardamom 6. The Army Welfare Fund, 1926 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Page ..... 65 ..... 68 ..... 69 ..... 73 ..... 75 ..... 77 65. Economic Conditions in Dolakha District By Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha (Continued from the April 1981 issue). The Jhara System People had to provide unpaid labor on a compulsory basis for state and public purposes such as the construction of bridges and irrigation channels. This system dated back to ancient tims and continued through the medieval and modern periods as well. People did not suffer much when they were forced to work in their own area. But the inhabitants of Dolakha had to work in Kantipur for the construction for temples and palaces, or in Chisapani for the construction for forts. They even had to carry their own provisions with them for three or four months. There are many documents which shed light on the onerous jhara system. the obligation was remitted by the rulers for some people who had succueeded in winning their favor. In particular, Brahmans who were engaged in scholarly pursuits were exempted from this obligation. In Dolakha also, the rulers exempted some people from the obligation to provide jhara labor. Slavery In Dolakha, slavery was more an economic than a social problem compared with the Nepal Valley. Slavery was not much practised during the Lichhavi period. During the medieval period also, slavery was not so much prevalent in comparison with other places. But in Dolakha, slavery was prevalent to a greater extent than in the Valley durin the medieval and modern periods. This was so because of economic factors. Among the Newar inhabitants of the main settlements of Dolakha,the majority were rulers and traders. After the annexation of Dolakha by Kantipur, the former rulers turned into landlords and capitalists respectively. They controlled trade, agriculture, animal hunbandry and mining. It was not possible for this small group to do everything itself. It was easier for them to employ slaves for these purposes, hence they began to keep slaves. The inhabitants of some birta lands were in one way like semi-slaves. They were offered as collateral for loans. It was also a common practice to use slaves for that purpose. Reformist rulers such as Prithvi Narayan Shah tried to check slavery. But slavery further increased during the early modern period. Its impact can be seen even in Dolakha. Documents of that period prove that slavery increased in Dolakha also to some extent during that period. Slaves were brought and sold in the presence of Pancha witnesses, who fixed the price. As slavery was legal, it was protected by the government. It is interesting to see what actions were taken by the government after a report 65. was filed abount runway slaves. In the Vikrama year 1886, when reports that four slaves of Sanga and escapted to Kathmandu, orders were sent to the officials of Palanchok and Dolakha areas through Chautariya Ranoddot Shah, administertor of Dolakha, to arrest them. Particulars of the slaves were mentioned in the letter, so that is migh be easy to arrest them. According to those particulars, the age of the slaves ranged from 2 years to 33 years. Disputes arose when the number of slaves increased. Loans obtained by the slaves or government penalties imposed on thim, were payable by the owners, hence many slaaveowners even surrendered their ownership rights. Slavery continued in Dolakha until Chandra Shumshere abolished the system. Coinage It is natural that as elsewhere in Nepal, different coins should have been circulation at different times in Dolakha. It can be presumed that during the Lichhavi period, the coins of that period were in circulation there. But as there has been no deep study on this subject, coins of Lichhavi period have not been founding Dolakha only coins of the later medieval period have been found. Gold and silver were dependable media of exchange. There are documents which show that payments was made in gold while purchasing lands and houses. The price of gold was only about 10 times higher than that of silver. Consequently, the value of silver coins was high. As gold and silver were media of exchange, coins of any country could be used. The silver content of coins was checked by experts. Indian coins too were in circulation. Such coins have been found in Dolakha also. Indra Simha Deva established an independent Kingdom in Dolakha, and established direct commercial relations with Tibet and other countries. He introduced silver coins bearing his own name. In this way, during the medieval period, the ruler of Dolakha was the firt to introduce silver rupee coins. The shape and size of these coins were considered attractive at that time. The King of Kantipur, Mahendra Malla, introduced coins of the same design. After Mahendra Malla, his descendents and other Malla Kings introduced anna, rupee and mohar coins. Immediately after their coronation, they established a tradition of minting coins bearing their names. But the rulers of Dolakha were not able to do so. except Indra Simha Dev, no other ruler of Dolakha was able to introduce coins. The rupee coin of Indra Simha Deva too was not issued in a large quantity. This is why the coins are rare. Be that as it may, the rulers of Dolakha, by introducing silver coins independently, added a new chapter coins replaced Indian coins to a considerable extent. 67. There is an old house at Dandothok near Listitol in Dolakha. It is said that the mint was located there. This house reminds one of the mint established during the time of Indra Simha Deva. The Tindhare inscription of Jaya Narayan Deva, a brother of Indra Simha Deva, states that a sum of 6 tanka had been allocated for the maintenance of a water spout. Similarly, an inscription of Bhishma Deva has allocated 12 dam-tanka for a festival. It is possible that the tanka was the coin minted by Indra Simha Deva. After Dolakha became a part of Kantipur, coins of the Kantipur Kings came into circulation there. Jagajjaya Malla ordered the collection of 11 "Jagajjaya Malla Tankas" from each villages as sristi tax. It is possible that coins of the Malla Kings of Bhaktapur and Lalitpur too reached Dolakha in the course of trade. It is also possible that taxes were collected in local coins, since the coins of other Kings might be of poor quality. After Dolakha was occupied by Gorkha, the coins of Prithvi Narayan Shah were introduced there. Even now, such coins are found in large quantities in Dolakha. The necklace of coins offered to the temple of Bhimeshwara also contains the coins of Prithvi Narayan Shah. Prithvi Narayan Shah tried to introduce his coins in Tibet also. These coins thus reached Dolakha in large quantities. Monetary Transactions Several documents relating to monetary transactions have been found in large number. The rate of interest was usually 25 percent per year. One document mentions that 2 tanka was collected as interest per year on a loan of 9 taka. Interest was collected in cash or in kind according to circumstances. It was difficult to obtain loans without furnishing security. Houses, lands and other valuable goods were offered as security. Slaves too were used for this purpose. One source (thyasaphu) states that a slave was offered as security for a loan of six rupees. (Concluded). 68. Revenue Assessment in Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, and Chitaun, (1904-12 Vikrama) Annas omitted. (Currency units are not specified in the text). Vikrama Year 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 Land Revenue Rs 691,943 651,608 867,081 847,867 858,148 1,027,452 1,085,186 1,104,146 Kathmahal Kascharai Revenue Revenue Revenue Rs Rs 56,202 16,051 12,354 35.001 14,195 12,354 25.002 14,001 19,584 25,002 10,001 19,584 25,002 10,001 19,584 Not available. 31.001 11,001 39.002 11,001 45,002 11,001 Gola Rs 19,584 19,584 19,584. (For similar statistics during he 1913-16 period, see Regmi Research Series, Year 12, No. 8, August 1, 1980. 69. Land Grants to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere (This is not an exhaustive list) 1. The Singha Darbar Palace The Singha Darbar Palace, built by Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere, occupied a total area of 924 ropanis. Of this area, 884 rupanis were granted to the Prime Minister as Sarba-kara-akara- sarbangamafi-bakas-birta. Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere purchased the remaining 39 ropanies, which was subsequently reconfirmed in his name as Kharidi-birta through a royal order. Chaitra 8, 1960 (March 21, 1904) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 329. On Kartik Badi 30, 1961, an additional area of approximately 33 ropanies of birta lands around the Singha Darbar compound was acquired by the government from the owners on payment of compensation. The lands were then granted to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere as Sarba-kara-akara-sarbangamafi-birta. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, pp. 342-44. The Karketar Orchard On Jestha 7,1961 (May 20, 1904), 1,233 ropanis of Pakho lands in Palanchok and other villages of Kabhrepalanchok district were granted to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere as Sarba-kara-akara- sarbangamafi-bakas-birta for an extension of the Karketar orchard. These lands had previously been held by Yudhisthir Thapa under Thekka-Chhap tenure, but had been resumed as raikar because the grant contained no provision for inheritability. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, pp. 338-40. A part of the income the Karketa orchard was used to divert the course of local streams and reclaim 117 muris of rice-lands. These lands were granted to the Prime Minister as Sarbangamafi-bakas- birta on Baisakh 19, 1966 (May 1, 1909). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 1, p. 195. Water Supply Scheme for Patan In the Vikrama year 1962 (A.D. 1905), approximately 357 bighas of land in the Basantapur mouja of Jhajh (South) Parganna of Rautahat district, yielding an income of Rs 2,257 (in Kampani rupees), were granted as Sarba-kara-akara-sarbangamafi-bakas-birta to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. The grant was meant for a guthi endowment to 70. finanace the repair and maintenance of a water supply scheme for Patan town, and a bridge on the Bagmati river, constructed by the Prime Minister in the memory of his deceased wife. Lal Mohar issued on: Ashadh 30, 1973 (July 14, 1916) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 1, pp. 185-86. Birta Grant in Majhkhand On Magh 14, 1962 (January 26,1907), a total area of 41,921 bighas of land in the Majhkhand area of Butaul district was granted as Sarba-kara-akara-sarbangamafi-bakas-birta to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. The grant was effective from the Vikrama year 1959 (A.D. 1902). The breakdown was as follows: 18,255 bighas of cultivated land, yielding an income of Rs 18,255 from land taxes and rs 2,090 from toher sources. 17,869 bighas of forest land. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 375. Purchase of Birta Lands of Basnet Family In the Vikrama year 1855 (A.D. 1798), 901 bighas of land at Samanpur and other villages in the Parganna of Matiwan in Bara district had been granted under bekh-bunyan tenure to Abhimana Simha Basnet. The grant had been made in appreciation of the services he had rendered in the conquest of the Tarai and hill areas of Saptari and Vijayapur. Subsequently, one-sixth of this grant, amounting to 150 1/6 bighas, was confiscated when Devimana Simha Basnet, a descendent of Abhimana Simha Basnet, was convicted of treason. The remaining 750 5/6 bighas, remained in the possession of Devimana Simha's five brothes including Captain Indramana Simha Basnet. In the Vikrama year 1970 (A.D. 1913), Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere purchased these lands at the price of Rs 106,472 (in Kampani rupees),being the capitalized value (at Rs 4 1/8 percent a year) of the net income, after deducting the commission of jimidars, amounting to 2 paisa in the rupee. A royal order reconfirming the lands as inheritable kinuwa birta was then issued in the name of Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. Earlier, on Bhairav Bahadur Thapa had filed a petition complaining that the original grant in the name of Abhimana Simha Basnet contained no provision making the lands inheritable. The Diwani Adalat, however, rejected the complaint, on the ground that even though the original grant contained no provision regarding inheritability, the lands should be 71. regarded as inharitable because these had been granted in appreciation of Services rendered during war. The royal order reconfirming the lands as Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere's Kenuwa-birta made an explicit provision for inheritability. Jestha 16, 1964 (May 29, 1907) Regmi Research Collectio, vol. 1, pp. 124-25. Land Grant for Guthi Endowment On Magh 6, 1965 (January 19, 1909), a plot of 36 muris of rice-land in Bhadgaun was granted as Guthi-bakas-birta to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. Income from these lands was meant to finance the emoluments of caretakers of the Srichandra Prakasheshwora and Srichandralokaprakasheshwora Shiva temples, and a rest house, constructed by the Prime Minister near the temple of Gorakhanatha in the Pashupati area. Regmi Research collection, vol. 1, p. 400. Allowances to Nepalis in Benaras On Chaitra 31, 1965 (April 12, 1909), 45 bighas of land in Bhanwarpur mouja of Mahottari district were granted as Sarba-kara-akara-sarbangamafi-bakas-birta to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. Income from these lands was meant to finance annual allowances to old people who had gone to spend their land days at Kashi (Benaras) in India. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 401. Land Grant at Gokarna On Shrawan 10, 1967 (July 25, 1910), 53 ropanis of land on the banks of the Bagmati river near the Gokarneshwara Mahadeva temple at Gokarna in Kathmandu were granted as sarba-kara-akara- sarbangamafi-bakas- birta to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 394. Land Grant for the Supply of Free Food On Chaitra 23, 1968 (April 5, 1912), 1,178 muris of rice-lands in Bhadgaun and Thimi, and uncultivated plots measuring about 36 muris, were granted as Sarba-kara-akara-sarbangamafi-birta to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. The grant was meant for distributing food (Sidha) to 27 persons from the Singha Darbar everyday. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 71. 72. Rest-House at Vajrajogini Temple at Sankhu On Chaitra 24, 1968 (April 6, 1912), 224 muris of rice-landsat Sankhu were granted to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere as bakas-birta to finance the repair and maintenance of a rest-house he had constructed at the temple of Vajrajogini. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 72. Construction of Palace at Najmaniya, Rautahat On Falgun 15, 1969, 100 basis of land at Hajmaniya in Rautahat district were granted to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere at Sarba-kara-akara-sarbangamafi-birta bitalab for the construction of a palace. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, pp. 92-93. Purchase of Lands at Ichangu, Kathmandu Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere purchased a pakho holding of 60 ropanis at Ichangu in Kathmandu district from Hari Kumari, wife of Senior Captain Hem Bahadur Rana, for Mohar Rs 7,001. When the holding was measured, the actual area was found be be about 200 ropanis. These lands were reconfirmed in the Prime Minister's name as Sarbangamafi-kharidi-bekh-budyan through a royal order. Ashadh 31, 1975 (July 11, 1918) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, p. 236. Construction of Palace at Maharajgunj, Kathmandu During the period from Kartik 29, 1978 to Chaitra 17, 1978 (November 14, 1911 to March 30, 1912), at least 217 lal mohar orders were issued reconfirming as birta in the name of Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere birta, guthi, and other lands that he had purchased on acquired for the several cases, the government granted other lands in exchange for the guthi lands thus acquired. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 1, pp. 728-31. 73. Development Activities in the Naya Muluk The Rajapur Market On Marga Badi 1, 951 (November 1894), the government issued an order to the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda to shift the market (mandi) of Golaghat to Rajapur in Bardiya district and construct a new market here. A sum of Kampani Rs 5,516 and 9 annas was sanctioned for the construction for buildings at Rajapur. An addition sum of Kampari Rs 1,900 was sanctioned on Falgun Badi 9, 1953 (February 1897). Ashadh Badi 3, 1954 (June 1897) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 61, pp. 70-86. An additional sum of Kampari Rs 12,000 was subsequently sanctioned for the renovation and construction of buildings and shops at Rajapur. Of this amount, Kampari Rs 6,745 was actually spent. Bhadra Sudi 10, 1954 (August 1897) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 61, pp. 250-79. Water Supply in Nepalgunj On Shrawan Badi 12, 1954 (July 1897), Subba Siddhibir Singh of the Banke Revenue Office submitted the following report, which was forwarded to the government by Major-Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri of the Naya Muluk Bandobast Adda. "On Baisakh Badi 6, 1952 (April 1895), a sum of Kampari Rs 6,000 had been sanctioned for the construction of a water supply project on the Dunduwa river in Banke district. An additional sum of Kampani Rs 1,000 was sanctioned for this purpose on Baisakh Sudi 15, 1953 (April 1896), thus making a total amount of Kampani Rs 7,000. "The project was completed on Ashadh Sudi 15, 1953 (June 1896). On Jestha Sudi 9, 1954 (May 1897), an order was received from the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda to terminate the services of the employees of the project, retaining only the services of two peons to look after the dam and channels. Their salaries were to be paid by the Banke Revenue Office. It is now necessary to sanction an additional sum of Kampani for this purpose." 74. The request was granted. The project had been approved on Poush Sudi 2, 1951 (December 1894) for the supply of water to Nepalgunj town. Baisakh Badi 5, 1954 and Bhadra 1954 (August 1897) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 61, pp. 21-56, and Vol. 76, pp. 260-69. Supply of Bricks On Baisakha Sudi 5, 1954 (April 1897), Captain Khadga Bahadur Raimajhi Chhetri of the Naya Muluk Ban Janch Goswara (Forest Inspection Office) submitted the following report: Because of growing population, the demand for baked bricks and tiles has been rising in Nepalgunj. Approximately 80 cartloads of firewood are required to bake 100,000 bricks. However, the government has so far not collected any revenue from firewood used in brick-kilus. There are about 16 brick-kilns, big and small, in Nepalgunj at present. Permits for fire-wood may, therefore, be issued by the local Kathmahal on payment of a fee of 10 annas each for a cartload of chaubardi size, and 8 annas each for a cartload of dobardi size. Such a system would bring in a revenue of Rs 800 or Rs 900 every year fron Nepalgunj, Koilabas, Golaghat and Brahmandeo-Mandi. In addition, it would prevent the indiscriminate cutting of firewood from the local forests. The opinion of the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda on this proposal was as follows:- The proposal is good. But the rates that have been recommended are too high, because at present the price of a chaubardi cartload of firewood is 8 annas or 10 annas each. It is recommended that fees be colleted at the following rates for firewood meant exclusively for baking bricks and tiles at the following rates: 2 annas on each cartload. 3 paisa for each donkey or pony-load. 2 paisa for each manload. 75. The recommendation of the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda was endorsed by the Muluki Adda. However, on Jestha Sudi 10, 1954 (May 1897), Prime Minister Bir Shumshere issued the following order: Only such quantity of firewood as is actually used for baking bricks shall be supplied. If no fee is collected from brick-kilns under existing arrangements, no payment shall be collected for such supplies. Ashadh Badi 7, 1954 (June 1897) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 61, pp. 86-93. ************* Smuggling of Cardamom Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri, who was in charge of the Alainchi Dodani Adda, which was responsible for operating the Cardamom monopoly in the region west of Dang/Salyan, received the following petition from Nain Singh Khatri of Silgadi: "In the Vikrama year 1948 (A.D. 1891), regulations had been promulgated according to which cardamom producers were required to obtain advances from the Dadani Adda and supply their produce to the market authorities in Nepalgunj, Golaghat or Brahmadeo-Mandi according to their convenience. Notifications to this effect were published in each village. "Notwithstanding these regulations, eleven pesons belonging to the villages of Lawadagaun, Tallo-Simkhola, and Upallo-Simkhola in the Athsaya region of Achham district, including Sangurya Rawal, smuggled cardamom to Sigahi in India in the month of Magh 1948 (January 1892), and sold it to a Muslim named Muhula. No information is available about the rate at which the cardamom ws sold, but It will be known if Sangurya Rawal is arrested and searched." When the smugglers were arrested on the basis of the information supplied by Nain Singh Khatri, they confessed that they had smuggled 1 maund and 7 sers of cardamom to Sigahi in India, and sold it there at the price of one rupee a ser,the total value of the transaction thus being Kampani Rs 47. 76. Section 7 of the regulations mentioned above stated: "In case any person does not seel the cardamom grown by him at the prescribed market (mandi), but smuggles it to India, or sells it elsewhere, the price paid to him, and the cardamom sold to the purchaser, shall bot be confiscated. If it has not been sold, the goods alone shall be confiscated. Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri then reported to Kathmandu: "because the cardamom was purchased by an Indian, it is not possible to confiscate it. Only the price paid to the seller can be confiscated. Because the regulations are not clear on tis point, a report had been submitted on Bhadra Badi 11, 1948 (August 1891) requesting authority to impose a fine on the seller equivalent to the value of the transaction if he has himself smuggled cardamom to India, or sold it to an Indian trader in Nepal, who has then gone back to India along with the goods. However, no order has been received regarding this suggestion. "According to the Law on Revenue Collection (Rakam Tahasil Ko); "No person shall sell elsewhere any commodity which has been placed under a monopoly by the government, and must be sold at the prescribed place, or which can be sold only on payment of a duty. In case he does so, the value of the commodity shall be realized from him, or with an account ranging between Rs 20 and Rs 500, or with imprisonment for a term ranging between four months and nine years, according to the gravity of the offense, at the discretion of the Prime Minister." "The same law also prescribed: "In case nay informant is able to substantiate his information, and in case he is no a government employee, he shall be given a reward amounting to one rupee for each 11 rupees realized on the basis of the information furnished by him." Lt. Colonel Ser Bahadur Thapa Chhetri added, "Since these laws are not applicable in the present case, I have confiscated the proceeds of the sale from the eleven smugglers and released them on bail." He prayed for necessary instructions to punish the smugglers. The case was considered by the Sadar Dafdarkhana in Kathmandu. It made the following recommendation: "The Alainchi Dadani Adda should be ordered to request the Naya Muluk Amini Goswara to take action for confiscating the smuggled cardamom from the Indian purchaser. The informant should be rewarded in the manner prescribed in the Law on Revenue Collection (as quoted above)." This recommendation of the Sadar Dafdarkhana was approved by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Jestha Badi 4, 1949 (May 1892). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 58, pp. 370-80. ************** 77. The Army Welfare Fund, 1926 In the Vikrama year 1983 (A.D. 1926), Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere set up a fund for the supply of subsidized food to the army. The fund was placed under the manangement of an institution called the Sainika Samartha Chandrodaya Samstha. According to a Khadganishana order (i.e. an order bearing the official seal of the Rana Prime Minister) issued on Kartik 12, 1983 (October 28, 1926), the Samstha comprised the following members: 1. Commanding General Juddha Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana (Western Command). 2. Commanding General Dharma Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana (Eastern Command). 3. Commanding General Rudra Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana (Northen Command). 4. Commanding General Padma Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana (Northern Command). 5. General Tej Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 6. General Mohan Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 7. General Pratap Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 8. General Babar Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 9. Lt. General Kaiser Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 10. Lt. General Bahadur Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 11. Lt. General Agni Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 12. Lt. General Simha Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana. 13.Tarka Raj Gurugharana. 14. Guru Hemaraj. 15. Raja Shumshere Bahadur Shah. 16. Commanding Colonel Dilli Shumshere. 17. Bada Kaji Marich Man Singh. 18. Brigadier Colonel Ganga Bahadur Basnet. 19. Colonel Gambhir Jung Thapa. 20. Lt. Colonel Nara Bahadur Basnet. 78. 21. Lt. Colonel Indra Bahadur Karki. 22. Lt. Colonel Man Bahadur Ghale. 23. Sardar Narayan Bhakta. 24. Sardar Ratna Man. 25. Sardar Batukrishna. 26. Master Hari Gopal. 27. Mir Subba Manik Lal. 28. Subba Bharat Mani. 29. Subba Ganesh Das Manandhar. 30. Sahu Kirtigobinda. 31. Sahu Kirti Bahadur. The samy day (October 28, 1926), regulations were promulgated prescribing the functions and duties of the Samstha, as well as its working procedures. The preamble to the regulations was as follows: "because prices of goodgrains have been gradually increasing, the monthly salary of a privae in the army, which ranged between Rs 5 and Rs 7, was raised to Rs 9, then to Rs 11, and then to Rs 12.50. The cost of their uniforms has also gone up, but the government has been supplying uniforms at the subsidized price of Rs 12 each. "In recent years, after the Great War of Europe, prices of all goods have been going up all over the world. In Nepal too, the cost of living has gone up, thereby causing much hardship to the people. "Man lives on goodgrains. If we are able to cheapen the prices of paddy, rice, and maize, in particular, other local products and foodstuffs will also become cheaper, and wages too will go down, thereby improving the condition of the people in every respect. With this consideration in mind, we made attempts from time to reduce the prices of such commodities. However, such price-control measures have not been overly effective. Even then crops have been good, prices of paddy, rice, and maize produced in Kathmandu Valley or supplied to this region from the adjoining hill areas have not become cheap. 79. "Moreover, the cultivated area is mostly under birta, guthi, or jagir tenure., birtaowners, guthiowners and jagirdars sell the sulphus quantity of paddy, rice and maize collected as rents, left ater meetingthe consumption needs of their family, at as high prices as possible. Even if they collected rents in cash, rather than in the form of commodities, from their tenants, they fix the the conversion rates as high as possible. "The quantity of paddy collected from government-owned lands in not sufficient to control the price situation, which is thus being adversely affected by the selfish interests of landowners and traders. Arrangements to procure more foodgrains from outlying areas in the hill region had little effect on the situation. "So far, the people of the Tarai region have been exporting their surplus production needs. If even a small quantity of such exports can be diverted to Kathmandu Valley, this would be of great help. However, it is not possible to procure rice at cheap prices even in the Tarai region, because prices are high everywhere. "Even in years when crops are good, the price of paddy in the Tarai region is seldom lower than Indian Rs 2 a maund. If paddy can be procured at that price, the actual cost in Kathmandu, after taking into account miling, transportation, and other charges, will be 4 manas or even less per 50 paisa. That is, the price of rice procured from the Tarai region will be higher than the actual prices current in the Kathmandu market. "Even then, with the objective of providing facilities to the people to the maximum possible extent, it has been decided to supply foodgrains at the price of six manas per 50 paisa. In case the price in the open market in Kathmandu, or in the Tarai, goes down, the less will be subsidized. In addition, maize will be procured from Hetaura and supplied at cost price. These measures will definitely provide to military personnel. "It will not be possible for the government to supply such (subsidized) rice and maize to the public. Those military personnel who get in-kind rents from their jagir lands will not be greatly affected by the current high prices of goodgrains. In case they od not get such in-kind rents from their lands in Kathmandu Valley and the adjoining areas, they will be paid a salary of Rs 14 a month. To those who get cash rents, or cash salaries, rice will be supplied for as many months as will be considered appropriate. If, in addition, maize procured from Hitaura is supplied to them, their living costs will go down to some extent. 80. "It will be appropriate if a fund is set up to subsidize the loss incurred in the supply of rice procured from the Tarai. Such an arrangement will be permanent. Until the ropeway and road construction projects are completed, the income accruining from the fund will be distributed among military personnel in cash. "With this objective, the Sainik Samartha Chandrodaya Samstha (Army Welfare Fund) has been established with effect from Baisakh 1, 1980 (April 13, 1923) with a sum of Rs 2.1 million in Indian currency donated by us. A stone inscription recording this donation will be installed at the Tundikhel "The President and trustees of the Samastha have been granted authority to decide how this amount should be invested: on public welfare projects, on the purchase of birta lands, or on any interest- bearing source. "In accordance with their decision, a sum of Rs 417 416,000 in Indian currency has been used to purchase lands, and the balance has been invested elsewhere. "Interest on these investments, as well as onother amounts which may be credited to the fund later, and income frpm the birta lands purchased by the Samstha used to procure paddy and rice from the Tarai. (To be continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: June 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 6 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contexts 1. Social History of Dolakha District 2. Forest Protection of Dolakha 3. Customs Duties in the Eastern Hills 4. The Army Welfare Fund, 1926 5. Petition of Mukhiyas in Ga[..]unkot A.D. A.D. 1869 6. Problems of Tax Collection, A.D. 1910 Page ..... 83 85 86 90 91 81 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 81. Social History of Dolakha District By Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha (Dolakha Ko Aitihasika Ruparekha (Historical outline of Dolakha). Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studied, Tribhuwan University, 2031 (1974). Chapter 4: "Samajika Awastha" (Social Conditions), pp. 67-76. In the old documents of Dolakha, settlements have been divided into the two categories: desha and grama. According to contemporary usage, desha meant the main settlement of Dolakha. While grama meant villages situated in the Dolakha region. During the Shah period, the main settlement of Dolakha was called "settlement of 700 Newars." The general practice was to name the area according to the number of roofs, hence Dolakha was so called because of the large Newar population. Even now, Newars predominate in the main Dolakha settlement. During the medieval period, other communities too lived in Dolakha. Records of Jitadeva and other rulers found at the Bhimeshwara's temple, refer mainly to three communities: Newar, Sanja, or Bhote, including Sherpa and Tamang, and Thami. These were the main inhabitants of this area. There were also people belonging to the Sunuwar, Khas and Magar communities, in addition to Bhatta, Jha and other Brahmans. All these communities had their hand in the formation of society in Dolakha. The Newars were mostly rulers and traders, hence they occupied a special position in the society. But in cultural, and religious life other communities too occupied an important place. The Dashain festival may be cited as an example. Thamis played an important role during the Khadgayatra festival of Dashain. Many documents clearly mention Tamangs, Lamas, etc. as Guthiyars. But from the economic point of view, the Thami and Sanja communities were not important and, indeed, occupied a depressed status. The salient feature of the Newar society it its collective life. This community was to some extent interested in cultural activities also. Even in such a remote area as Dolakha, they were able to retain these characteristic features. The cultural activities of the Newars of Dolakha resemble those of the Newars of Nepal Valley. They too adopted a collective way of life through the Guthi system. Thanks to continuous contacts between Nepal Valley and Dolakha, the Newar societies of these two regions had much in common between them. Geographical factors, however generated some dissimilarities, as for instance in respect 82. to language, customs and traditions. The languague spoken by the Newars of Dolakha originated from Newari. But the Newars of the Valley do not easily understand the Newari language of Dolakha, because the latter has been influenced by Nepali, Tamang, Thami, and other languages and dialects. The Newars of Dolakha did everything through mutual cooperation. Even people who had no relationship offered condolences to the bereaved family when any one died. They each contributed one paisa to finance funeral ceremonies. As there was no inflation even one paisa was of much help. People used to join the funeral procession voluntarily. Women used to visit the bereaved family to offer condolences. On the fourth day, they visited the bereaved family with foodstuffs such as crushed rice as Vichara. In this way, people showed sympathy and helped each other at times of distress. This customs still exists, but not to the same extent. The Guthi system too promoted collective feelings. It has played an important role in maintaining cultural traditions. But now this system too has become weak. The joint family system has been given much importance in our society from ancient times. During the Licchavi period, the community rather than the individual was mentioned while addressing the people. The entire family was punished for such major crimes as homicide and treason. The joint family system prevailed during the medieval period to some extent in Dolakha also. Documents clearly show the emphasis laid on the joint family system during that period. Documents relating to sub-division of property indicate that partition was not made during the life-time of the parents. The question of legitimacy of children was more common in Dolakha then in the Valley, possibly due to marital relation between Newars and other local communities. Legitimate sons used to get double the share of illegitimate sons during sub-division of property. The property of legitimate sons [acee..]to ]..] illegitimate sons and vice versa in the event they had no direct heirs. Marriage customs were somewhat different in Dolakha. The Newars of Dolakha maintained matrimonial relations with the Newars of Tauthali, Listo and the Valley. As it was difficult to maryat distant places, marriages were conducted among the Newars of Dolakha itself. These rules of prohibition on marriages between close relations were no practicable in Dolakha as in the Valley. Marriages between distant cousins were therefore permitted. In 1888 Vikrama, the central government made an inquiry on this question. The Newars of Dolakha submitted a report to the Amali through their Panchayat pointing out that this was the tradition in Dolakha. 83. The Dolaji system was very popular in Dolakha. If parents were not willing to send their daughter away to the home of the bridegroom, they searched for a bridegroom (Dole) and married her to him. his was known as the Dolaji system. this system was popular particularly among the ruling classes. Accordingly, the sons of the ruler's daughter, such as Gusaya Simha and Rupanarayana, had the right to rule in the same way as the sons of his sons. There is also evidence that daughters possessed rights to inherit ther parents' property in Dolakha. Lugu Deva, a brother of Rupanarayana, gave away two-third of his property to his son, and one-third to his daughter. At times, daughters inherited property on the condition that they did not marry and leave their parents's Home. Women occupied a prominent position in the society. As in Nepal Valley, the Philanthropic and religious acts of women had a great impact on cultural life in Dolakha. Many inscriptions bear testimony to such acts. The idol of Uma Maheswora, installed by the queen of Uddyota Deva in Nepal Samvat 640, is located near the Bhimeshwora temple. The idol of Gipi Narayana, installed by Vijaya-laxmi during the reign of Yjoti Deva, is nearly. During the reing of Indra Simha Deva, Amita laxmi had an idol of Akasha Bhairava made of gold for the liberation of her deceased son in Nepal Samvat 665. Mayana Devi, queen of Vasudeva, had offered a gold dome to the Bhimeswora temple. Many such examples can be cited. (To be continued) ************* Forest Protection in Dolakh The amalis, tharis, mukhiyas, birtaowners, guthiyars, kipatowners, chhapowners, mijhars, naikes, gairungs, miners (Khaniwar), and other people (dhakre) in Simras, Phasku, Katakute, Chhahere, Maga, Surke, Boch, Pheda, Dudhpokhari, Nighare, Lampur, Dathe, Bhedpu, and other areas (in Dolakha district) submitted the following petition to Kathmandu: "Because of the indiscriminate extraction of the malingo in the Selung area, the work of both the government and the people had been obstructed. These days the plants have started growing again. However, people take away the young shoots for sale, or cut the plants to make wicker goods for sale, because there are no restrictions. Virgin forests 84. have been cleared for agriculture, with the result that sources of water have dried up at many places, and irrigation channels constructed on the rice-lands assigned to military personnel and others have been damaged. In case a royal charter (thiti-bandej) is granted, we shall protect forests in this area." The following royal order was then issued. "No person shall be allowed to take away young shoots or cut the malingo plant for the next time years in the Selung area. No new lands shall be cleared for cultivation in the fores situated beyond the village, although lands previously reclaimed may continue to be cultivated. Miners should cut only such wood as is suitable for the manufacture of charcoal. The concerned tenants shall collectively repair and maintain irrigation channels on rice-lands assigned to military personnel. Trees adjoining dams, irrigation channels, sources of waters, and reservoirs shall not be cut." The royal order added,"Do not set up homesteads on or bring into cultivation main pathis at Chaitraghat and elsewhere, as well as other paths, pasture lands, water-springs, and other lands affecting the easement rights of others. If homesteads have been up on such lands, shift them elsewhere and plant trees there. Obtain permits from the local amali for timber required for the construction of houses, cottages, fords and road-side shelters. The previous royal order on this subject was cancelled, and Bishnu Kanta Upadhyaya Koirala was granted authority to protect forests in the Selung area of Dolakha district. He was empovered to collect fines and penalties from people who acted in contravention of these regulations, and remit the income to the Sadar Dafdarkhana in Kathmandu. Magh Sudi 5, 1905 (January 1847) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 62, pp. 644.46. 85. Customs Duties in the Eastern Hills Mukhiya Ramakrishna Shrestha, a resident of Tyand Tol in Kathmandu, had obtained a contract for the collection of duties at customs (bhansar) offices in the hill region east of Bagmati river. The contract was valide for a three-year period commencing Push 1, 1960 (December 15, 1903). Because Mukhiya Ramakrishna Shrestha defaulted in payments due under the contract, an order was issued on Shrawan 26, 1961 (August 10, 1904) to recover arrears due from him, terminate the contract from Bhadra 1, 1961 (August 17, 1904) and make arrangements for the collection of the duties under the amanat system. Before this order could be implemented, Tajaman Shrestha of Sankhu and Kulanarsing Shrestha of Wotu Tol in Kathmandu, who had stood personal surety for Ramakrishna Shrestha, offered to take up the contract for the remaining four months of the three-year term. This offer was accepted. Total payment for that four-month period, was calculated at Rs 9,367-42 . Mukhiya Thakur Das Mamacharya, a resident of Bhedasing in kathmandu, stood personal surety for Tejaman Shrestha and Kulanarsing Shrestha. Their four month term began on Bhadra 1, 1961 (August 17, 1904) and ended on Marga 1, 1961 (November 17, 1904). Particulars of payments due from different customs offices in the hill region east of the Bagmati river were as follows: 1. Sair duties at Sindhuli ..... Rs 1,217. 13 2. Duties on trade with Tibet: Tatopani ..... Rs 3,813.37 Helambu ..... Rs 226.41 Lamabagar ..... Rs 423.58. Kodahar ..... Rs 213.53 Milanchi ..... Rs 3.66 Gati ..... Rs 787.95 Listi ..... Rs 1,350.22 Dolakha ..... Rs 29.41 Rs 6,848.15 86. 3. Duties at customs offices in areas under the jurisdiction of Bhadgaun: Manthali ..... Rs 265.7 Khimti ..... Rs 62.37 Dumja ..... Rs 58.25 Lubhukhwal ..... Rs 53.53 Dolalghat ..... Rs 216.77 Khahareghat ..... Rs 137. Semalchaur ..... Rs 0.84 Khurkot ..... Rs 372.09 Moga ..... Rs 259.71 Aswin 27, 1961 (October 13, 1904) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 78, pp. 237-244. *************** The Army Welfare Fund (Continued from the May 1981 issue) "Inasmuch as the ropeway project has not yet been completed, relief had been granted during 1981-82 as follows: "All military personnel receiving cash salaries of Rs 14 or less per month, except the personnel of the Kalidal and Chhyaskamini Battalions (Paltan), and those of the different units of the Sri Jagannath Battlaion who remain absent from their duty for more than 30 days in a year, as well as band and other personnel, had been provided with one muri of paddy each. This relief had been made available also to personnel recruited during the lean period of the Vikrama year 1980, that is, from Jestha to Kartik. Those who had been recruited during the period from Marga 1980 to Baisakh 1981, and were in service until the end of the Ashadh 1981, were entitled to half of this quantity. For this purpose, paddy was purchased from the reserve stocks of the Sripanch Sarkar Guthi. 87. "The President, Trustees and managers of the Sainika Samartha Chandrodaya Samstha have now been granted authority to make longterm arrangements for providing such relief to military personnel, because "maintenance is better than charity." An abstract translation of the regulations promulgated on Kartik 12, 1983 (October 28, 1926) is given below: 1. The Commanding-in-Chief has been designated as President of the Sainika Samartha Chandrodaya Samstha. In this absence, the officer ranking next to him shall function as President. 2. In case the number of trustees falls below 15 for any reason, the vacancy shall be filled up as directed by the Prime Minister. 3. Provision for the staff and stationery expenses of the Samstha has been made through the Military Administration Office (Jangi Bandobasta Adda). In matters which are not clear in the regulations, the Jangi Bandobasta Adda shall take action according to the law and regulations with the approval of the President or the Vice-President of the Samstha. 4. In case an application in received at the Jangi Bandobast Adda for the sale of lands to the Samstha, or for loans against the securiy of lands, promissory notes, etc; no action need be taken if the amount is less than Indian Rs 10,000. No meeting of the Samstha need be held to consider such applications. Meetings of the Samstha shall be held as directed by the President to consider such applications involving amounts of more than Indian Rs 10,000 each. In addition, meetings shall be held to discuss such matters as the loans and investments of the Samstha, procurement and distribution of foodgrains, remission of rents on lands belonging to the Samstha because of floods, drought, hailstones, and other natural calamities, survey and tax-assessment on such lands, establishment of separate offices to perform such functions, construction of godowns for the storage of goodgrains, and audit of the accounts of the Samstha. Section 509 deal with matters relating to the procedure to be followed at meetings of the Samstha. 10. As far as possible, the funds of the Samstha shall be invested in such a manner that the investment remains safe and public welfare is ensured. They shall be used to purchase birta lands with valid titles, or shall be lent at interest. Investments in banks would be benefical for the time being, but from the long-term viewpoint it would appear betterto invest funds within the territories of the Kingdom. Even though it is not 88. possible to invest the entire amount in purchasing lands immediately, this should be done gradually. As such, the Samstha shall invest its funds in purchasing lands. 11. Until lands are available for purchase, the funds of the Samstha may be invested in ordinary or possessory motgages of birga lands of individuals as well as agaist the security of British promissory notes and debentures of municipalities and port trusts. The President and Trustees of the Samstha have been granted authority to take decisions on such investments. Amounts exceeding Rs 10,000 shall not be kept idle for more than two months. Until investments can be made in the manner mentioned above, the funds of the Samstha may be deposited with the Imperial Bank or other dependable banks at an interest of not less than 5 percent a year, or else at the current rate. Income on these investments may, however, be kept in reserve, inasmuch as it must be used to supply subsidized food to the army. Section 12 deals with the registration of lands purchased by the Samstha. 13. In case any loss is incurred on investments made by the Samstha against the security of land, it shall be realized from the other assets of the borrower. The shortfall, if any, shall be realized from the salaries and emoluments of the president or any of the Trustees who had recommended the investment. Section 14 deals with inquiries abount titles to lands sought to be purchased by the Samstha. 15. In case lands with valid titles become available for purchase or mortgage at a time when the Samstha has no funds availale, it may borrow necessary amounts from the State fund (Sarbarakam) on payment of rents or interest on a proportionate basis. 16. The Samstha may purchase birta lands on which the birta-owner has raised the rate of rents to the figure permitted by the law. It shall not purchase birta on whch rents have been increased beyond that limit, or Jirayat lands, or lands on which rents are being collected as specific rates (hunda) or on crop-sharing (Bataiya) basis. The Samstha Shall preferably purchase birta lands on which rents are being collected at a rate 10 percent below the rate of tax current on government-owned lands in the district. Lands purchased by the Samstha are equivalent to raikar, but the Samstha may raise rents on such lands according to the law relating to rents on birta lands. Section 17. While purchasing birta lands, the price shall be fixed on the basis of the net income, after deducting the emoluments of jimidars and patuwaris, etc. 89. 18. Investments in birta lands shall be made in such a manner that the return is at least 4 percnet in Kathmandu Valley and the Tarai districts, and at least 6 percent in the hgill districts. Interest on loans supplied against the security of birta lands, promissory notes, etc. shall be at least 5 percent a year. Sections 19-52 deal with miscellaneous procedural and other matters. Kartik 12, 1983 (October 28, 1926) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 8, pp. 564-82. (Note: The Sainik Samartha Chandrodaya Samstha was set up with money granted by the British government in appreciation of the assistance rendered by Nepal during the first would war. On December 27, 1919, Lord Chelmsford, Viceroy of India, had written to the King of Nepal: "I am now addressing Your Majesty in order to convey to you the cordial thanks of my government and to inform you that, as a recognition of the services (which have been rendered by the Nepalese troops during a period of nearly four years) and in testimony of the friendship which units us, I am offering to Nepal on behalf of the Government of India, an annual present of ten lakhs of rupees to be paid in perpetuity unless and until the friendly relations which so happily subsist between the two countries are broken off. No ther conditions whatever are attached to the offer." (Perceval Landon, Nepal (reprint of 1928 ed.), Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1978, vol. 2, p. 148n. The establishment of the Samstha enabled members of the Rana family to borrow money agaist the security of their birta lands in the Tarai districts. The Samstha was unable to collect rents on these lands and so to supply subsidized food to the army. It most the major portion of its investments and was finally dissolved in A.D. 1947). 90 Petition of Mukhiyas in Garhunkot A.D. 1869 Karabir Shahi, a resident of Champakot in Garhun, submitted the following petition to the Khaushal Office: "Eight villages in this area, namely, Champakot, Chhabise, Seragaun, Adhibyasi, Rodigaun, Jimuwagaun, Sangligaun and Paidigaun, have been assigned as jagirs to military personnel. Because the collector appointed by the jagirdars ignored local customs and usages, and oppressed us, we mukhiyas of these eight villages, in consultation with the local people, offered to increase the amount of revenue local people, offered to increase the amount of revenue from Rs 109 and 8 annas to Rs 157 and 4 annas. This offer was accepted, and a royal order was accordinly issued in the Vikrama year 1902 (A.D. 1845) in the name of Vidyeshwara Pandit of our village. "This arrangement continued from 1902 to 1923 (1845 to 1866 A.D.). "In the Vikrama year 1924 (A.D. 1867), these villages were granted to Raja Prithvipati Khan of Garhunkot subject to the payment of revenue at the usual rate. The Raja subsequently reconfirmed the authority that had been granted to Vidyesgwara Pandit in 1902 Vikrama (A.D. 1845) in one village. In the remaining seven villages, however, he dismissed the existing mukhiyas and replaced them by Bolu Acharya of Champakot." Karabir Shahi submitted this petition on behalf of these dismissed mukhiyas pleading that they be reinstated. The petition was sent to the Sadar Dafdarkhana, which again referred it to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur through the Khaushal Office. Commander-in-Chief General Badri Narsing Kunwar Rana Bahadur, Western Command, was then ordered to take appropriate action on the petition. Kartik Badi 7, 1926 (October 1869) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 62, pp. 478-482. 91. Problems of Tax-Collection, A.D. 1910 A notification dealing with the problem of non-payment of taxes was published in eighteen districts in the hill region of the Kingdom on Ashadh 1, 1967 (June 14, 1910). These districts were as follows: Ilam, Doti, Dailekh, Jumla, Kathmandu, Kirtipur, Patan, Bhadgaun, Sindhupalchok, Gorkha, Bandipur, Palpa, Dolakha, Okhaldhunga, Syangja, Gulmi, Pallokirat (Chhathun, Terhathum) and Majhkirat. An abstract translation of the notification is given below: "Action is still being taken against people for recovery of arrears of taxes due since the Vikrama year 1922 (A.D. 1865). In order to mitigate their hardships, and also to ensure the smooth collection of taxes the government has decreed as follows: (a) "All arrears of payment due until the Vikrama year 1958 (A.D. 1901) have been remitted. (b) "All arrears of payment that have fallen due during the period 1959 to 1867 Vikrama (A.D. 1902-1910) must be paid by Chaitra 31, 1967 (April 12, 1911). (c) "After Baisakh 1, 1968 (April 13, 1911), all payments must be made before the end of the year (i.e. Chaitra 31, or April 12). (d) "In the event of the complete payment of taxes by the end of Chaitra 31 (or April 12) every year, the arrears may be realized through the auction of the defaultier's property, and he may also be imprisoned. (e) "In case any government officer or Talukdar is proved to have realized arrears that have been remitted, he may be punished with life imprisonment or death at our discretion. A notification issued on Poush 16, 1967 (December 30, 1910) declared, "It is not feasible to fix rates every year for the commutation of taxes in commodities for the purpose of collection. In case rates are fixed in this manner, the delay in obtaining approval from the center prevents people from paying their taxes at a time when they have the means. Moreover, peasants suffer hardship because the commutation rates are changed every year. "With the people' welfare in mind, we have studied the schedule of prices of agricultural commodities reported to be current during the months of Poush and Magh in the Vikrama years 1964 and 1965 (i.e. January-February, 1908 and 1909), as well as the customary commutation rates. On the basis of these two schedules, we have prescribed permanent commutation rates as follows. All commodities payable as taxes shall be converted into cash at these rates for the purpose of payment at revenue offices. 92. "However, rates current in the village shall be used for the followings: (a) Rents payable to jagirdars. (b) Private transactions. Commutation Rates (per rupee) (1) Dolakha (East No. 2) Paddy Rice Maize Blackgram (mas) Wheat Millet (Kodo) Mustard Fenugreek (Jwano) Oil Iron Other Rates Ghee Nalu grass Goat Laborer (bethi) Walak East No. 1 (a) Sindhupalchok: Paddy, millet ..... 10 pathis per rupee. Maize ..... 8 pathis " Wheat ..... 6 pathis " Rice, blackgram ..... 4 pathis " ..... 1 muri in Dolakha town 10 pathis in Chisankhu and other areas. ..... 5 pathis. ..... 8 pathis. ..... 3 pathis. ..... 5 pathis. ..... 10 pathis. ..... 4 pathis. ..... 4 pathis. ..... 5 pathis. ..... 4 dharnis. ..... Rs. 1.5 per dharni. ..... 50 paisa per dharni. ..... 8 paisa per day each. ..... paisa per day each. ..... 10 peisa per load. 93. (b) Kabhrepalanchok (except seven villages belonging to Bhadgaun: Paddy ..... 9 pathis per rupee. Millet ..... 7 pathis " Maize ..... 6 pathis " Rice, wheat ..... 4 pathis " Blackgram ..... 3 pathis " (c) Seven Villages (belonging to Bhadgaun): Paddy Millet Maize Rice Blackgram Wheat Other rates are the samte as in Dolakha. East No. 3 Paddy, maize, Wheat and millet ..... 10 pathis per rupee. Blackgram ..... 5 pathis " West No. 1 (a) Nuwakot: Paddy and Millet Maize Rice, blackgram Wheat (b) Salyan: Paddy and Millet ..... 12 pathis per rupee. Maize ..... 9 pathis " Rice, blackgram ..... 4 pathis " Wheat ..... 6 pathis " ..... 6 pathis per rupee. ..... 7 pathis " ..... 5 pathis " ..... 3 pathis " ..... 2 pathis " ..... 4 pathis " ..... 8 pathis per rupee. ..... 6 pathis " ..... 3 pathis " ..... 5 pathis " 94. (C) Lamidanda (22 moujas including Pasangkhel): Paddy and Millet ..... 7 pathis per rupee. Maize ..... 9 pathis " Rice, blackgram ..... 3 pathis " Wheat ..... 5 pathis " (d) Jhitlung (and 20 other moujas): Paddy and Millet ..... Maize Rice, blackgram ..... Wheat Other rates are the same as in Dolakha. West No. 2 Paddy Rice Maize, wheat, millet Blackgram Other rates are the same as in Dolakha. West Nos. 4 and 5 Paddy and Millet, Maize ..... Rice Wheat Blackgram Other rates are the same as in Dolakha. Pyuthan: Paddy ..... 16 pathis per rupee. Maize, millet ..... 15 pathis " Rice, Wheat, blackgram ..... 8 pathis " Other rates are the same as in Dolakha. 10 pathis per rupee. ..... 8 pathis " 4 pathis " ..... 6 pathis " ..... 13 pathis per rupee. ..... 6 pathis " ..... 10 pathis " ..... 4 pathis " 1 muri per rupee. ..... 8 pathis " ..... 12 pathis ..... 5 pathis " 95. Gulmi: Maize, millet Rice Wheat Blackgram Paddy: 16 pathis per rupee. 8 pathis " 12 pathis " 6 pathis " 1 muri per rupee in Parbat, Achham, Argha, Isma, Musikot, Dhurkot and Khanchi. 18 pathis per rupee in Galkot. 16 pathis per rupee in Gulmi. Other rates are the same as Dolakha. Palpa: (a) Madi and 51 other moujas: Paddy Rice, wheat, blackgram ..... Maize, millet (b) Malang, Rakuwa, and 45 other moujas: Paddy Maize, millet Rice Wheat, blackgram (c) Dansing-Danda and 77 other moujas: Paddy Maiza, millet Rice Wheat, blackgram Other rates are the same as in Dolakha. Salyan: Paddy, millet Maize Wheat Rice, blackgram ..... Other rates are the same as in Dolakha. ..... 8 pathis per rupee. 4 pathis " ..... 7 pathis " 15 pathis per rupee. 14 pathis " 8 pathis " 6 pathis " 12 pathis per rupee. 10 pathis " 6 pathis " 5 pathis " ..... 12 pathis per rupee. ..... 10 pathis " ..... 8 pathis " 6 pathis " 96. Kathmandu and Kirtipur (Areas Inside the Valley): Paddy Semi-milled rice Milled rice Maize Soybean gahat 5 pathis per rupee. 3 pathis " 2 pathis and 1 mana " 3 pathis and 2 manas " 3 pathis and 1 mana " Milled (Kodo) Peas Sesame Barley Mustard Wheat Crushed oil seeds (edible) Wheat flour Blackgram Ghee Chicken Firewood Leaves Thuma sheap Goat Oil Bananas Maize-Cobs Yoghurt ..... 5 pathis " ..... 2 pathis and 1 mana " 1 pathi and 4 manas " ..... 3 pathis " 1 pathi and 7 manas " ..... 3 pathis " ..... 4 pathis " ..... 3 pathis and 6 manas per rupee, or 26 paisa per dharni. ..... 2 pathis and 1 mana ..... Rs 2.50 per dharni. R. 1 per dharni. ..... 25 paisa per load. ..... 12 paisa per load. ..... Rs. 3.75 each. ..... Rs 4 each. ..... 70 paisa per kuruwa. 20 paisa per bunch (Kangiyo) ..... 1 paisa for 2 cubs. 8 paisa per jar (theki) (To be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: July 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 7 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contexts 1. Problems of Tax Collection, A.D. 1910 2. After the Sungauli Treaty 3. Two Views on the Producing Classes 4. Monopoly for Export of Goat and Sheep Skins 5. Social History of Dolakha 6. Birta Grants to Jung Bahadur Page 97 ..... 100 101 ..... 110 99 103 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 97. Problems of Tax Collection, A.D. 1910 (Continued from the June issue). For Areas Outside Valley Paddy Wheat, semi-milled rice, soybean gahat Barley, maize Millet Wheat flour Mustard, blackgram peas ..... Sesame ..... Curshed oil seeds (edible) ..... Ghee Chicken ..... Oil Firewood Thuma sheep, gaots Leaves Yoghurt ..... Bananas ..... Maize-cobs ..... 6 pathis per rupee. ..... 4 pathis " ..... 5 pathis " ..... 6 pathis " ..... 4 pathis and 2 manas per rupee, or 24 paisa per dharni. 3 pathis " 2 pathis " 5 pathis and 2 manas " ..... Rs 2 per dharni. 60 paisa per dharni. ..... 60 paisa per dharni. ..... 14 paisa per load. ..... Rs 3.25 each. ..... 10 paisa per load. 6 paisa per jar (theki) 15 paisa per bunch ..... 1 paisa for 2 cobs (ghoga) For all areas of Kathmandu and Kirtipur, Irrespective of Their Location Inside or Outside the Valley Crushed rice (chyura) ..... 3 pathis and 1 mana per rupee. Hen's eggs ..... 45 eggs per rupee. Barley-flour ..... 4 dharnis " 98. Iron ..... 25 paisa per dharni. Brown-Sugar cakes (chaku) ..... 81 paisa per dharni. Nalu grass ..... 75 paisa per dharni. Maize-flour ..... 22 paisa per dharni. Oil ..... Rs 3 per dharni. Potatoes ..... 12 paisa per dharni. Rice-shraw ..... 1 paisa for 2 sheaves (mutha) or 4 paisa per bundle (Kalli) Wheat straw ..... 1 paisa per sheaf. Leaves ..... 1 paisa per bundle. Flowers ..... 1 paisa per bunch. Duck ..... Rs 1.50 each. Duck's egges ..... 5 pasia each. Gourd ..... 10 paisa each. Leg of mutton ..... 16 paisa each. Yoghurt ..... 12 paisa per pot (Kahatara). Fish ..... 4 paisa per package (perungo). Mats ..... 24 paisa each. Leather shoes ..... 40 paisa each. Oil cakes ..... 16 paisa each. Bananas ..... 6 paisa per bunch (kangiyo) Laborers ..... 16 paisa each per day. Caps ..... 4 paisa each. Walak For Areas in Patan and Bhadgau ..... 16 paisa each. n: Same as those for Kathmandu and Kirtipur. Poush 16, 1967 (December 30, 1910) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 12, pp. 188-196. 99. After the Sugauli Treaty Royal order to Kaji Balanar Singh Kunwar, Sardar Ram Sundar Thapa, Subba Jayanta Khatri and Ram Singh Kunwar. A treaty has been signed with the British under which territories east of the Mech rice in both the hills and the Tarai have been given away to them. Any person who possesses sources of income in those territories shall recall his agents and hand over such sources to the British authorities. Appropriate arrangements shall be made regarding lands in areas west of the Mechi ricer. Baisakh Badi 8, 1873 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 36, p. 266. Two separate notifications issued on Shrawan Badi 6, 1873 for the Kali-Rapti and Rapti-Gandak regions instructed revenue and other officials employed by the government of Nepal to hand over charge to officials of the (East India) Company in accordance with the terms of the (Sugauli) treaty. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 36, p. 299. Royal order to Subedar Bhimsen Baniya: "Do not let herds of cows and buffaloes be taken through the gates of the Pauwa fort in Sindhuli, as such a practice will damage the road. However, traders shall be allowed to bring in buffaloes through that road. "Remove all settlement from the area south of the Mahabharat mountains, north of the Churia hills, west of Kawala and east of Pipaldanda. Close all tracks in that area and let it grow as a forest. Poush Sudi 3, 1873 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 36, pp. 343-44. On the same date, people employed in checkposts maintained along the Mahabharat range were ordered to help Subedar Bhimsen Baniya implement the arrangements mentioned above. The order added, "Close all tracks in the area and render them unusable by planting bamboo, cane and thorny bushes as before." Poush Sudi 3, 1873 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 36, pp. 343-44. 100. Two Views on the Producing Classes Vaisyas, shall engage in trade, animal husbandry, and agriculture1, while sudras shall serve Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas2. Sudras shall also work for the King without wages3. A Sudra who is able to acquire wealth shall not accumulate it, as otherwise he may oppress Brahmans4. The King must ensure that Vaisyas and Sudras do their duties as otherwise the world will be through into confusion5. ______________________________ 1. Hanusmriti, X-79. 2. Ibid, X-121. 3. Ibid, X-120. 4. Ibid, X-129. 5. Ibid, VIII-418. Can it therefore be a subject of surprise, that the arts of agriculture, and the improvement of society, have made no greater advances on Java? Need it excite wonder, that the implements of husbandry are simple: that the cultivation is unskillful and inartificial; that the state of the roads, where European convenience is not consulted, is bad; that the natural advantages of the country are neglected; that so little enterprise is displayed or capital employed; that the peasant's cottage is mean, and that so little wealth and knowledge are among the agriculture population; when it is considered that the accupant of land enjoys no security for reaping the fruits of his industry; when his possession is liable to be taken away from him every season, or to suffer such an enhancement of rent as will drive him from it; when such a small quantity of land is allowed him as will yield him bare subsitence, and every ear if grain that can be spared from the supply of his immediate wants is extorted from him in the shape of tribute; when his personal services ae required unpaid for, in the train of luxury or in the culture of articles of monopoly; and when, in addition to all these discouragements he is subject to other heavy imposts and implitic restraints? No man will exert himself, when acting for another with so much zeal as when stimulated by his own immediate interest; and under a system of government when everything but the bare means of subsistence is liable to be seized; nothing but the means of subsistence will be sought to be attained. Thomas Stamford Raffles: The History of Java (reprint of 1817 ed.; Kuala Lumlur; Oxford University Press 1979), 2 vols. Cited in review published in Financial Express, November 18, 1979. Monopoly for Export of Goat and Sheep Skins One Jamaluddin Raki had obtained a contract for the monopoly procurement and export of hides and skins (charsa rakam) in the region situated east of Banepa, west of the Mechi river, south of the Nepal- Tibet border, and north of the Churia hills. Because Udayapur-Gadhi was located within these boundaries, he tried to set up an office there to operate the monopoly. However, his authority to do so was challenged by the Dittha of the local Bazaar Adda. When the dispute was referred to the government, it ruled that Jamaluddhin Raki should be allowed to set up his office in Udayapur-Gadhi, but that his jurisdiction did not extend to areas in the south. The Bada Hakim of Saptari-Morang, Chautariya Khadga Bahadur Shah, was notified accordingly. Ashadh 1961 (June 1904) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 78, pp. 232-236. The Rakam Bandobasta Adda (Revenue Contracts Office) received the following offers monopoly procurement and export of goats skins from the following Tarai districts: (1) Mahmud Raki, currently staying at Indrachok in Kathamndu, offered Kampani Rs 600 a year a three- year period for the districts of Rautahat and Sarlahi. He made the offer on behalf of Makhu Miya, a resident of a Gorakhpur, India. (2) Jamaluddhin Raki offered the following amounts of year, payable in advance (gani-mahsul), for the following districts for a three-year or six-year period: District Annual Payment Mahottari ..... Kampani Rs 700 Sarlahi ..... " Rs 300 Rautahat ..... " Rs 500 When bids were invited on the basis of these offers, Jamaluddhin Raki increased his offer as follows for a three-year period beginning Kartik 1, 1961 (October 16, 1904). The stipulated amount was to be paid each year in advance: District Annual Payment Mahottari ..... Kampani Rs 1,650 Sarlahi ..... " Rs 700 Rautahat ..... " Rs 1,150 Total Kampani Rs 3,500 The offer covered both goat and sheep skins. 102. Subsequently, a fresh bid was conducted in the presence of the Prime Minister, Chandra Shumshere J. B. Rana. The contract was finally given to Mahmud Raki for a total payment of Kampani Rs 5,751 for [.......] districts of Mahottari, Sarlahi and Rautahat. The breakdown was as follows: District Annual Payment Total Amount for 2 years, 7 Months and 8 Days from Marga 23, 1961 to Ashadh 32, 1964. Mahottari K. Rs 2,711 K. Rs 7,063 and [..]0 annas Sarlahi K. Rs 1, 150 K. Rs. 2,996 and 6 annas. Rautahat K. Rs 1,890 K. Rs 4,924 and 8 annas. The Rakam Bandobasta Adda was then ordered through the Muluki Adda to forward Mahmud Raki's new offer to the local administrators of Mahottari, Sarlahi and Rautahat through the Madhesh Bandobasta Adda. Mahmud Raki, on his part, offered to credit the advance payment due from him at the Sadar Muluki Khana (Central Treasury) in Kathmandu because of the delay. The offer was accepted. The monopolist was permitted to procure skins of goats and sheep slaughtered for meat, or dying of natural causes, at prescribed prices. He had no right to demand skins consumed by the owner, or used by him for demostic and agriculture purposes. That is to say, the monopolist was permitted to procure only such skins as were actually offered for sale. The procurement prices were fixed as follows:- Size Price Less than 30 inches in length ..... annas each Demaged skins ..... do. More than 30 inches in length ..... 12 annas: The monopolist was empowered to sieze skins being smuggled to India and hand over the smuggler to the Birgunj Revenue Offcer for appropriate action. He was required to pay export dy\uty at the prescribed rate on skins exported to India. Marga 1961 (November 1904) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 78, pp. 305-314. 103. Social History of Dolakha (Continued from the Jne issue). Women belonging to the ruling circles were traditionally given some classical education. A fragmented inscription found at a Buddhist chaitya at Listitol describes a girl belonging to a ruling family as "well-versed in the nitisastra." However, no other details are available because the inscription is not complete. But the inscription mentions Jitadeva, hence the gild may have been his daughter. Be that as it may, that inscription shows that the rulers of Dolakha educated their daughters in the nitisastra. The social ideal was that women should be skilled in domestic affairs, be respectful toward their husbands and other elders, and remaind neat and clean. This is known from an illustrated work called Laxmi-Dharma-Samvada, which was quite popular in Dolakha. It contained a satire of social evils. For instance, it enjoined on parents not to take bride-price, because of the religious merit accruing from the ritual gift of a virgin (Kanya-dana). An inscription of King Ranajit Malla, found at the temple of Bhimsenwara, also describes the benefits of kanya-dana. Poplygamy was common among the ruling families of Dolakha. The Sati system was popular among high-level people. An inscription of Indrasimha Deva mentions how an image of Akashabhairava was installed in the name of Hemalaxmi, who had become a sati. The I-hi system is commonly followed in Dolakha. The term is synonymous with marriage. Under his system, girls were married to the bel fruit, so that there should be no religious obstacle in divorice or remarriage. Unlike in Kathmandu, the I-hi ceremony for girls, and the bratabandha ceremony for boys were observed simultaneously. No priests are needed for actual marriage ceremonies, because they will have already been used for I-hi ceremonies; the presence of the head (thakali) of the family is sufficient. No yajnya or other rites are performed during the marriage ceremony. Festivals The Newar community is fond of merrymaking by celebrating festivals. Many of the festivals of the valley are celebrated in Dolakha also, with the exception of a few such as Pashacharhe and Ghodejatra. Other festivals, such as Sithi, Gathemangal, Gaijatra, Indrajatra, Dashain, Tihar, and Balachaturdashi have always been celebrated in Dolakha albeit with some local variations. 104. The Sithi festival is of ancient origin. In Dolakha, it is observed as a prelude to the sowing of rice. On this day, religious functions are performed at Devikot and at the temple of Tripurasundari. Some people observe their dewali (worship of the family deity on this day. The Gathemangal festival was celabrated during the medieval period to avert disease and epidemics. In the valley, a reed effigy of Chantakarna, as a symbol of disease and epidemics, is taken outside the town and thrown away. In Dolakha, the effigy is made from the hemp plant, and is fitted with a winnover sas[.......] sk. It is carried round the town to the accompaniment of instrucmental music and thrown away outside. As in the valley, crushed rice mixed with yoghurt is offered. The Gaijatra festival is observed as Hilejatra in Dolakha for more than a week after the fields are cultivated. Dramas and farcos are staged, and the images of Bhairawa and Kumari are taken out in a precession in the night. a special program is staged near a tank in front of the royal palace (raja-kula), at which the victor is presented with the head of a buffalo. At the beginning of the Hilejatra festival, people bathe in the Banarashi river the visit the temple of Goddess Kalinchok. The number of Bandas and Vajracharyas in Dolakha is not large. However, the Bandejatra festival is celebrated there with great enthusiasm. On that occasion, Bandas take out a procession to the accompaniment of instrumental music. Ritual gifts and food are offered to them at different places. Guthi endowments have been made in Dolakha to finanace this festival. This information is contained in a royal order (lalmohar) of the Vikrama year 1857 (A.D. 1800). The Krishnashtami festival is similarly celebrated in Dolakha. One day before the festival, an image of Krishna is installed at a roadside shelter near the temple of Bhimeshwara. On the day of the festival, the image is placed on a chariot (khat), and taken round the town in a procession. Indrajatra is one of the major festivals observed in Dolakha. On the occasion of this festival, poles are erected at various places, and images of Akasha Bhairava (Hathwan) are displayed at different localities. Ritual offerings (Prasada) are distributed to devotees for five days consecutively. Other deities ae exhibited at different places and cultural programs are organized. There are many trusts (guthis) relating to the Indrajatra festival. Inscriptions refer to arrangements for the observance of this festival at different places as well as to the installation of images of Indra. 105. Dashain is the most important festival celebrated in Dolakha. The ceremony of Ghatasthapana (installation of ceremonial jar on the first day of the Dashain festival) is performed at Rajkula, Mulakot and Devikot. In the seventhday, Phulpati is brought to the Bhimeshwara temple from Rajkula, and salvos are fired. On the tenth day, Tharis and Guthiyars set out from Rajkula to the accompaniment if instrumental music and make a round of the town, and offer Tika to all. The following day, Khadgajatra is taken out in a procession starting from Rajakula and Mulakot. The main localities of the area are represented in this procession. The participants are dressed in white rohes (Jama) and turbans. They go to the Bhimeshwara temple to the accompaniment of instrumental music and make a round of the town. The Khadgajatra procession taken out from the temple of Tripurasundari at Devikot is also of particular significance. In the cource of the procession, a life-size copper image of Chakravarti, who is customarily regarded as the son of Tripurasundari, and is also called Batuka-bhairava, is also taken out. Torches are lit, and a buffalo is sacrified to Thaki; who drinks the blood and also performs other ritual functions. Some other fairs and festivals are also observed in Dolakha. A fair is held at Bhimeshwara temple on the occasion of Bhima Ekadeshi. People from distant areas attend this fair. Such festivals as Chaitra Dashain and Rama-Nayami are also observed in a festival atmosphere. The Machhindranath chariot festival is also observed. Costumes Dolakha is situated very far from Kathmandu Valley. However, the costumes of the intahabitants of the Valley seem to have exerted considerable influence on the Newars of Dolakha. The custom of wearing a white robe (Jama) and a turban on the occasion of such festivals as Khadgajatra is still followed in Dolakha. This indicates that white robes and turbans popular [ ....... ] dresses of the medieval period, were popular in Dolakha also. Paintings of rich persons of Dolakha shown them attired in angrarakha, which was much popular among the affluent class during the latter half of the medieval period, with a length of cloth (patrika) round their waist, wearing a turban and a pearl necklace. Women are shown wearing a blous (cholo), sari, and scarf, the popular dress of women during the Malla period, as well as arnaments on their ear and bangles on their wrists and with braided hair. The customes used in Dolakha during the medieval period were thus similar to those in Kathmandu Valley. The use of handloom cloths (Changes Panga) in Dolakha was also naturally common because of the cold climate. 106. Religious Attitudes The most noteworthy feature of the history of Nepal's religion is religious tolerance and harmony. The Kings and common people of this country respected different religions. This was the reason why religious cults of Shaiva Buddhist, Vaishnava and Shakta, and their sub-cults could find a place in Nepal. Several of them have disappeared in the places of their origin, but those that had migrated to Nepal were able to survive, albeit in a changed form. This was primarily due to the liberal religious attitude of Nepali society. Thanks to this liberal religious tradition, various religious sects were able to enter Dolakha, and a fine example of religious tolerance is found there. Bhimeshwara is the most reveral among the deities in Dolakha. Just as the rulers of the Valley revered Pashupathi, the rulers of Dolakha worshipped Bhimshwara. The different ways of worshiping Bhimeshwara in Dolakha testify to the tradition of religious harmony prevalent there. One reason why Bhimasena is particularly worshipped in Dolakha is that it is the main trade center located on the trade route to Tibet. Bhimsena is worshipped by merchants more than by any other class in Nepal. They worship Himasena praying for greater trade opportunities. At that time traders preceeding to inaccessible areas like Tibet needed physical strength, which was needed for ensuring their safety. This probably explains their tradition of worshipping Bhimasena, who was renowned for his physical prowess. The legends of Kathmandu Valley indicate that there was some connection between the Bhimasana of Dolakha and the Bhimasena of the Valley. However, some differences can be seen as regards the status of Bhimshwara of Dolakha and Bhimasena as worshipped elsewhere. In Dolakha, Bhimasena is worshipped as Mahadeva, and hymns are chanted accordingly. Images of bulls, tridents, etc are also offered to Bhimasena. The image of Bhimasena somewhat resembles of linga or phallus. The gold plate inscriptions of Jitadeva and other at the Bhimeshwara temple explicitly refer to Bhimsena as Mahadeva. At the same time, such sacrificial functions as Meshabali and Panchabali are performed for Bhimsena. Indeed, followers of different sects worship Bhimeshwara according to their respective ritual traditions. Buddhism has gained much popularity in Dolakha. The Tamangs in this area are all adherents of Buddhism. Among the Newars inhabiting the major settlements of Dolakha, Shresthas, predominate. In Kathmandu Valley, few Shresthas have been initiated into Buddhism. On the other hand, there was a large Buddhism. This was due to their close contacts with Tibet and the popularity of Buddhism among the Tamangs of Dolakha. Some of these Shresthas are still found there. Images of the Buddha are still found in almost 107. every household. Buddhist stupas are also extent, though a in a dilapidated condition. Numerous ordinary chaityas set up by the Lamas are found at different villages and along tracks. The people of Dolakha take greater interest in the Band festival than those of Kathmandu Valley. The rulers of Dolakha took some interest in Buddhism. The well-known Dharmadhatu Chaitya at Listitol in Dolakha had been built by Jayanarayan Deva, a famous ruler of Dolakha, and his Queen Vittalaxmi. Mumbers of the royal family and the nobility have installed a golden whell at that stupa. The inscription installed there indicates that they had come under the influence of Buddhism. However, they had faith also in the Shaiva, Vaishnava, and other cults. When vittlaxmi died, Jayanarayana Deva installed an image of Uma-Maheshwara, praying that the religious merit accruing the act should make it possible for her to attain the Sukhawati Bhuwana. This presents a good example of the religious coordination prevailing in Dolakha. According to a legent current in Kathmandu Valley, a certain ruler of Dolakha offered his daughter in mariiage to the son of a ruler in the Valley. Porters were rounded up to transport her dowry to the Valley, but there was always one person short. Meanwhile, a lazy and dirty old man appeared there. He was promptly impressed as a porter. When they reached Kathmandu Valley, other porters remained busy, whereas the old man only sta lazily picking lice. This made the leater of the porter's team furious. The old man was then sent to dig the fields. But he did not do so. he was then severly reprimanded and ordered to dig a very large fieldj. Even then, the old man sat lazily all day long. Next morning, however, the entire field was seen to have already been dug. Not even ten persons, not to speak of one, could have completed the work in one night. Rumors about the mysterious old man spread in Kathmandu Valley. Finally, learned men came to the conclusion that the old man was none other than Bhimasena Maharaja of Dolakha. Preparations then began to worship him. Bhimasena then said, "I had come to Kathmandu in disguise because I wanted to see this place, but now you have discovered my identity. Now I cannot remain here. I will go back. You may install my image whenever I tread with my feet fand worship me." Bhimsena then left Kathmandu. Image of Bhimasena were accordingly installed at these places in Kathmandu where he had visited. This is the origin of the Bhimasena temples of Kathmandu and Patan. Water spoutes were erected in Dolakha mostly at places where there were many temples, such as Tindhara. An image of Pashupati has been installed there one one side, and of Vishnu on another, with an image of Buddha in the Middle. There are also several images in various incarnations of Vishnu. They bear testimony to the liberal religious feelings of the people of Dolakha. 108. The Vaishnava cult was very popular in Dolakha. The cult of Krishna was specially prominent during the reign of Udhawadeva and Ujotadeva. There are many images of Vishnu, particularly of Gopinarayan, installed in Dolakha during the reign of Ujotadeva. Ujotadeva also installed an image of Buddha at the Hiranyavarna Vihara in Lalitpur. Tantric deities such as Tripurashundari, Balakumari and Vajrayogini were similarly popular in Dolakha. Temples of Balakumari were like meeting-places of Tantric followers of both the Budhist and Shaiva sects. Thanks to the religious liberalizm and harmony prevalent among the inhabitants of Dolakha, many religious sects thus thrived in Dolakha. The love for learning displayed by the ruling classes and learned people of Dolakha is noteworthy for such an inaccessible area. Even today, manuscripts are found in almost every home in Dolakha, although few local people are able to understand the script or the language. Moreover, as the inscriptions show, the standard of scholarship was not very high. The manuscripts deal with such subjects as the Puranas, literary epics (Kavya), jurisprudence (Niti), astrology and astronomy (Jyotisha), medicine (ayurvedaya), Tantra, rituals (Pujavidhi) hymas (Stotra) and religious (Bhajana) and other songs. Many manuscripts contain translations in the Newari language, and a few in the Nepali language. The Dolakha people's love for learning continued for a long time. During the Shah period, some of them had joined the army and had been depupted to the Kumaun-Garhwal front. There thy commissioned local scholars to make transcripts of several works. Some of these transcripts are in the possession of Lal Bahadur Joshi. At present, a variant of the Newari language is spoken in Dolakha. It may roughly be said that half of the words used in Dolakha are different from those used by the Newars of the Valley. The reasons for this differene are differences in promounciation, and the influence of the Nepali, Tamang, and other languages. Indeed, some words are quite different from these used to the Valley. For example, "meat" is called "thonsi" in Dolakha; it may be possible to trance the origin. The language spoken in Dolakha resembles that spoken in Tauthali, Listi and Duti to a great extent, albeit with minor variations. In fact, the language spoken at all these four places is usually regarded as identical. The inhabitants of Dolakha proper call themselves Newar. They have matrimonial relations with the Newars of the Valley. The class names (thar) are also the same, such as Pradhan, and Joshi. Linguistic differences are explained by the following [depend]: When the five 109. Pandava brothers arrived in Dolakha in the course of the hiding, Bhimasena used a finctitious language to canceal their indentity; that language is still spoken in Dolakha. In other words, the language is as inintelligible to others even now as Bhimasena had intended it to be. However, a comparative study would reveal that the Dolakha language is only a local variant of the Newari language as spoken in the Valley. Significantly, the language used in the inscriptions of Dolakha is not unintelligible. In other words, it is not much different from the Newari language as spoken in the Valley. The language used in letters sent homeby the bhardars of Dolakha staying in the Vallely is also not very different; the few differences that are apparent are due to differences in pronouciation. Even now, the fourth letter of each group if consonants is promounced as the third one in Dolakha. For instance, ghar is promounced as gar. Inscriptions and documents show this practice to be of long standing. For instance, a document of King Pratapa Malla's time refers to gher (ghaa) as ger. Other inscriptions refer to bhasha (language) as Vakha, bhuya (again) as buya, bhala (said) as dala, dhana (wealth) as dana, and so on. There were also cases in which the fourth letter was used instead of the third. The distinction between ra and la is usually ignored in the Newari language of the Valley as well; this is more so in Dolakha. There are additional reasons for the present difference in the Newari language as spoken in Dolakha and in the Valley. Many old Newari words have become corrupted in the Valley, but they are still used in their original forums in Dolakha, Tanthali, and elsewhere. The Kathmandu practice of shortening words is not much followed in Dolakha. Many Newari verbs are now used with Nepali suffixes, such as nau (eat) and hau (bring). Finally contacts between the Newars of Dolakha and those of the Valley have been decreasing for the past two centuries, thereby accentuating linguistic differences. The End 110. Birta Grants to Jung Bahadur (This is not an exhanstive list) On Shrawan Sudi 12, 1912, Muluki Dittha Rudrabir of the Sadar Dafdarkhana was ordered to prepare lal mohar orders granting the following confiscated houses and compounds as birta to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur: (1) House and compound in Kathmandu confiscated by the Basantapur Jafati Tahabil from Jamadar Harku Lama because of the failure of a borrower to pay back a loan obtained through his personal surety. (2) House and compound at Manjeshwari Tol in Kathmandu confiscasted from Chigadhi Chhipa, a debtor of Laxmi Narsing Pradhan, who had been requested for a loan by Jig Narsing Haluwai of Hatgal Tol in Patan. Jog Narsing had wanted the loan to pay back a loan obtained by him from the Basantapur Tahabil through the personal surety of Subba Hehar Man Singh Rajbhandari. (3) House and compound at Thayamady Tol in Kathmandu belonging to Bangya Badha, confiscated for the recovery of a loan obtained from the Bhandarkhal Tahabil by Amit Bhawani Sing Hamal through Sardar Hastabir Shahi. (4) House and shop at Thathulayakul Tol at Indrachok in Kathmandu, confiscated from Manakesar Khawas, who had borrowed Rs 1,201 from Kaji Hiralal Jha, in consideration of the Kaji's failure to pay back a loan which he himself had borrowed. (5) House and compound at Tyaud Tol in Kathmandu confiscated from Harikrishna for the recovery of arrears due on an ijara for the management of mines in Palpa and Rukum for the Vikrama year 1894. Harikrishna had purchased the house from Narain for Rs 1,601 on Marga Sudi 13, 1895. Shrawan Sudi 12, 1912 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 66, pp. 93-98. Kaji Kalu Shahi was convicted on the charge of embezzling Rs 31,500 from the Dakhchok Central Treasury. His house and garden across the Tukucha stream in Kathmandu were, therefore confiscated by the government and converted into raikar. In A.D. 1846, the house and garden were granted as birta to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, who gifted them to Kaji Karbir Khatri. In A.D. 1850, Kaji Karbir Khatri made derogatory remarks about the Prime Minister, who, therefore, took back the gift and resumed possession of the house and garden. On Ashadh Sudi 14, 1912 (June 1855) Muluki Dittha Rudrabir of the Sadar Dafdarkhana was ordered to prepare a lal mohar order granting them as Sarba-Kara-akara- Sarbangamafi birta to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur. Ashadh Sudi 14, 1912 (June 1855) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 66, pp. 70-72. 111. The district of Bardiya was granted as Sarba-kara-akara-sarbanga-mafi birta bitalab. Half of the income accrued to Jung's family (with the exception of Ganga Maharani and her son, Jagat Jung), and the other half to his brothers, the grant included all sources of income Kathmahal, Kascharai, gola, customs and transit duties, judicial fines and penalties, etc. The following sentence appears in page 44 Thatched Huts and Stucca Palaces: Peasants and Landlords in 10th Century Nepal (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Private Ltd, 1978) by Mahesh. C. Regmi: The Rana family ..... was the major beneficiary of birta land grants made after 1846. in 1861, it obtained the biggest birta grant ever made in Nepal, comprising the present districts of Banke, Bardiya, Kailali, and Kanchanpur in the far-western Tarai region. The statement is inaccurate, for the birta grant covered only the area located between the Mannara and Karnali rivers, that is, the present district of Bardiya. The other districts, Banke, Kailali, and Kanchanpur remained under raikar tenure. The inaccuracy, however, does not affect the main thrust of the argument in the book. For the text of the birta grant, see Yogi Naraharinath (ed.) Itihasa Prakashana Sandhipatra Sangraha, Dang: the editor, 2022 (1966), pp. 177-78. The formal grant was made on Bhadra Badi 4, 1925 (August 1868) under the royal seal (lal mohar), but the actual grant was made in the Vikrama year 1917 (A.D. 1861) a few months after the British Government restored the far-western Tarai region to Nepal. see also: Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 69, p. 569. A total of 9 muris of rice-lands assigned to the Srinath and Sri Rajdal Kampus at Thapathali was acquired by Prime Minister Jung Bahadur for his new palace. He then granted the same area of lands in exchange from his kunuwa birta lands at Bauddha and elsewhere. Kartik Badi 13, 1917 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 66, pp. 343-46. King Surendra granted lands to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur at Gadkhar, Kabilas and other villages in Nuwakot district in appreciation of his services during the a royal pilgrimage to Gosainthan. The grant was made as Sarba-Kara-akara-sarabanga-mafi birta bitalab. Poush Sudi 5, 1918 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 33, pp. 434-36. 112. 40 muris of rice land, along with homesteads, were purchased from two local birta owners and incorporated in the birta holding of Prime Minister Jung Bahadur in Bihabar, Kabhrepalanchok district. Jestha Sudi 8, 1924 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 69, pp. 8-9. A house at Bhotahiti, Kathmandu was granted as bakas-birta to Prime Minister Jung Bahaudur. Shrawan Badi 10, 1924. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 69, pp. 12-13. Bhaluhi mouja in Pautahat district, purchased by Prime Ministerr Jung Bahadur, was granted to him as sarba-kara-akara-sarbanga-mafi birta. Aswin Sudi 5, 1925 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 69, pp. 30-31, 60-61. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-348X Kathmandu: August 1, 1981 REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 8 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ********** Contexts 1. Petition of the Bhotes of Olangchung ..... 2. Currency Systems in Doti 3. Birta Forests of Ranas ..... 4. On Prices 5. Nepal Press Digest (January 25-February 2, 1952) ..... 6. Revenue Collection on Birta Lands ..... 7. Petition of Khamba and Thakali Traders ..... 8. The Calcutta Buying Agency ..... 9. Forest Protection in Kaski 10. Appointment of Forwarding Agent in India ..... ************* Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Page 113 ..... 115 118 123 125 126 ..... 128 114 116 127 113. Petition of the Bhotes of Olangchung On behalf of the Bhote inhabitants of five villages in the Olangchung area of East No. 5 (Dhankuta) district, Wangchuk submitted the following petition to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere in Ashadh 1968 (June 1911). "Previously, a monopoly (hatti) had been introduced (for the collection of revenue) in the five villages of the Olangchung area. This arrangement caused considerable hardships to us, and, on our representation, the government was eventually pleased to abolish the monopoly and restore the original arrangements. "Similtaneously, the following obligations were imposed on us: (a) To maintain 500 bull yaks for use by the government for military purposes, (b) To provide the (unpaid) services of one laborer from each household, and, (c) To repair and maintain eight fords (sanghu) in this area at our own cost. "We have so far been discharging these obligation s faithfully. However, we are facting difficulties in maintaining the complete hard of 500 yaks. The yaks are all bulls situable for use as pack-animals. Consequently, we have to purchase new animals to maintain the herd intact in the event any of these yaks dies or is lost. The cost of yaks purchased in this manner is shared by each household equally. "In order to raise funds for meeting these costs, we had been using the yaks to pransport goods to Tibet for purchases of trade, using the profits to purchase new animals when necessary. But now a Tibetan called Derukpan has prohibited such traffice at a place called Tasitakasara. "Because trade with Tibet is necessary for us to that we may gain profits to maintain the herd 500 yaks according to our stipulation, we request the government to take up the matter with the Tibetan authorities through the Nepali Wakil at Lhasa." However, on Shrawan 19, 1968 (August 3, 1911) Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere ruled that no action need be taken on the petition. Regmi Research Collection (Miscellaneous Docements). 114. Currency Systems in Doti Chautariya Daksha Shah and Kaji Ajmabar Simha Patna, administrators of Doti, submitted the following report to Kathmandu: "Frpm former times, one Farrukhabadi rupee had been exchanged for 16 annas in terms of both the mohar rupee and the paisa rupee. These days, the exchange rate has gone down to 24 annas (mohar rupee) and 22 annas (paisa rupee). "Local bhardars and jimmawals have recommended that the exchange rates be fixed as follows, so that neither ryots nor military personnel may suffer losses: "16 annas for saunefagu, mejmani, asmani, and mijhari payments. "20 annas (mohar or paisa rupee) or 22 annas (Farrukhabadi) rupee for land-tax (mal-pota) payments." A royal order was issued on Jestha Badi 7, 1892 (May 1835) endorsing the recommended exchanges rates not only for the above-mentioned purposes but for private transactions as well. Regmi Research Collection, vol.l 45, pp. 91-92. About five months later, on Aswin Badi 3, 1892 (September 1835), new administrative regulations were promulgated for the Doti region, situated east of the Mahakali river and west of Chaukhute. These regulations, inter alia, prescribed: Transactions shall be conducted in tersm of the 16 ganda (or anna) paisa rupee as has been the custom from ancient times. Neither the army nor jimidars, traders and shopkeepers shall conduct transactions at higher rates. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 45, p. 158. 115. Birta Forests of Ranas On Poush Sudi 2, 1940 (December 1883), Prime Minister Ranodip Singh issued the following order to Major Captain Harilal Upadhyaya, Chief of the the Mahottari Revenue Office: Make arrangements to cut timbr from the birta forests of Shri 3 Rani Saheb as far as possible through private merchants under the Khuski system. In case no such merchant comes forward, disburse a total sum of Rs 4,000, in installments of Rs 1,000 each, to Lt. Singh Bahadur Thapa for that purposes, because the land cannot be broght under cultivation until the forest is cleared. Refund the amount with the income obtained from the sale of timber. Similar instructions were sent to Captain Dilliman Singh Basnyat, Chief of the Bhanwarpura Kathmahal in Mahottari district. Because no private merchant came forward, Lt. Singh Bahadur Thapa cleared the forest with the help of hired labor. Ten percent of the sale proceeds was sanctioned as wages and administrative costs. Baisakh Badi 11 and 30, 1943 (April 1886) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 488-98, 532-40. In 1886, Bir Shumshere had secceeded Ranoddip Singh as Prime Minister of Nepal. apparently he also took over the birta forest in Mahottari mentioned in the document. On Magh Badi 30, 1942 (January 1886), Prime Minister Bir Shumshere issued an order to Captain Dharma Datta Upadhyaya, Chief of the Koshi-Pachhuwari Kathmahal in Saptari district, that income from birta forests owned by his wife, Shri 3 Kanchha Maharani, in Udayapyr be credited to the accounts of the Revenue Office of the Government at Hanumanngar, Saptari district. Baisakh Badi 12, 1943 (April 1886) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 499-503. Jujuman, a resident of Bhaktapur, was granted a contract for the extraction and sale of the following products from birta forests owned by Commander-in-chief General Jit Jung Bahaudr Rana in Mahottari district: Wax, honey, Pipla (piper longum), Piplamul (root of do.), and harro (Terminalia chebula). The contract was valied for one year from Magh Sudi 15, 1941 (January 1885). Payment was stipulated at Kampani Rs 363. Jesstha Sudi 12, 1943 (May 1886) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 77, pp. 712-716. 116. On Prices Prices in Kathmandu Magh 18, 1966 (January 31, 1910) Gold ..... Silver ..... Musk ..... Copper ..... Mersi rice ..... Tauli rice ..... Mas Pulse ..... Maize ..... Salt ..... Mustard oil ..... Ghee ..... Betel-kut ..... Cumin seed ..... (From the Gorkhapatra of Ashadh 17, 2038 (July 1, 1981). Dailekh Bazaar On Ashadh 13, 1967 (June 29, 1910) Rs 31 per tola 84 paisa per tola 25 paisa per tola Rs 5.50 per dharni 2 pathis and 1 mana per rupee 2 pathis and 2 manas per rupee 1 pathi and 2 manas per rupee 4 pathis and 2 manas per rupee 1 pathi per rupee 56 paisa per kuruwa Rs 2.50 per dharni Rs 1.06 per dharni Rs 5.50 per dharni. Commodity Rice Maize Barley Mas Pulse Paddy Kodo millet Wheat Prices (per Mohar rupee) 3 pathis 6 pathis 7pathis 3 pathis 6 pathis 6 pathis 6 pathis (From the Gorkhapatra of Ashadh 28, 1967 (July 12, 1910). 117. Price-Control Measures, A.D. 1905 With the objective of checking a rise in prices, the government has taken the following steps:- (1) Import duties on the following items have been reduced as follows:- Co mmodity Old Rate New Rate (a) Sabari, salt, per load 50 paisa 25 paisa (b) Addles imported by officers Exempt (c) Soddwater and lemonade, per bottle 50 paisa 10 paisa (2) A contract for the collection of tax from curd vendors (dahi bhansar) had been granted in Patan for Rs 1,203 during a three-year period. The tax has been abolished, and the contract terminated, from Baisakh 1963 (April 1906). (3) The dahi bhansar in Kathmandu had been assigned as part of the Khangi emoluments of Colonel Kirtiman Khatri Chhetri. He had issued a contract for the collection of this tax for Rs 420 every year. This assignment has been replaced by a cash payment, and the tax has been abolished, and the contract ended, after it expired in 1963 (A.D. 1906). (4) No tax (mahasul) shall be collected on goats and buffaloes procured by government officials for sacrifice at the kot. (5) In Bhadguan, a tax of 68 paisa has customarily been collected from each curd vender through the Bhadgaun Goswara Bhansar. The tax has been abolished from Baisakh 1, 1963 (April 13, 1903). (3) Previously, customs duty on apple, chaksi, mosam, and other fruits imported from abroad had been collected at the rate of 5 percent ad valorems, and Rs 1.60 per bakkuload consisting of 32 dharnis. The duty has now been abolished. This measure shall not apply to kabuli pomegranate, sarda, grapes, dry fruits etc. (From the Gorkhaptra of Jestha 22 1963 (June 4, 1904). 118. NEPAL PRESS DIGEST (January 25-February 2, 1952) Part I The Government The Raksha Dal Revolt Home Department announced: "At 11:30 P.M. in the night of January 22, 1952, some members of the Raksha Dal (Security Force) started a rebellion. They freed Dr. K. I. Singh from jail, disconnected power supply in a part of the town, broke open the local jail, freeing all the prisoners, and then occupied the Singha Darbar. They seized arms in the store of the Raksha Dal Bridage at the Simgha Darbar, and then reided the artillery unit (Top-Khana) and the magazine (Gattha-ghar). His majesty immediately summoned all ministers to the Narayanhiti Palace to take measures to suppress the rebellion. After about 11:00 A. M. the next day the government was able to bring the Artillary Unit, the Magazine, and wireless and telephone services under its control. As government forces were proceeding toward the Singha Darbar, information was received that K. I. Singh had already escaped along with some misguided members of the Raksha Dal, and that he was proceeding toward Dahachok along the banks of the Bagmati river. The National Army is pursuing him. Agni Prasad Kharel, Tek Bahadur Malla, ringleaders of the rebellion who had escaped from jail, have been arrested." (Nepal Gazette, January 28, 1952). Royal Proclamation On January 24, 1952, His Majesty issued a proclamation referring to Ds. K. I. Singh's revolt and the efforts being made by the government forces to capture the rebels. The proclation added, "in a democracy, the government can be opposed by constitutional means. However, an armed movements, or violent attempts, definitely prove harmful for the nation and no government can condone violence. In particular, no government is any country can in any way tolerate any attempt to incite, mislead, or instigate the army, the police, and ther armed employees to organize a revolt. Those who make such attempts are rebels and traitors and deserve the strongest punishment according to the Constitution and the laws of the land." His Majesty continued, "As such, Dr. K. I. Singh and his accomplices, as well as who support them, are traitors. We expect the loyal and patriotic Nepali people to be in their arrest and prevent any assistance from reaching them. All government employess, including those belonging to the army, the police, and the Raksha Dal, are expected to continue working in their respective posts with a full sense of responsibility and intergrity." (Nepal Gazette, January 28). 119. State of Emergency Declared His Majesty declared a state of emergency and handed over full charge of the administration and the Council of Ministers to the Prime Minister, Matrika Prasad Koirala. (Nepal Gazette, January 28). In a message to the nation, His Majesty referred to the minister attempts of certain elements of disrupt tranquility and added, "in a democracy, nobody is entitled to take the law into his own hands in matters in which consitutitional means are available. The government is fully alert and vigilant in curbing lawless activities." His Majesty concluded with an appeal to everyone to extend cooperation to the government peacelfully without feeling anxious or flustered. (Nepal Gazette, January 28). The Department of State Adminstration of the Prime Minister;s Ministy similarly issued a communique calling on the people to remain loyal to the nation and His Majesty and extend all possible cooperation to the government without being misled by some members of the Raksha Dal (Security Force) and oppprtunist elements who had resorted to traitorous activities. The communique added: "some of the traitors have already been arrested, while some have escaped. The rest have been surrounded by the National Army. As commanded by His Majesty, the government has made all necessary security arrangemenet. The credit for the change that has come in the country, and the human rights that the Nepali people have gained, goes solely to His Majesty." (Nepal Gazette, January 28). Security Measures According to the Gorkhapatra (January 25, 1952) Kathmandu was now completely tranquil and the Singha Darbar Secretariat was functioning as usual. The paper expressed satisfaction that the people had peacefully extended cooperation to the government, without being mislead by "lawless elements." An official communique announced that warrents had been issued for the arrest of Dr. K. I. Kingh and Ram Prasad Rai. It threatened severe action against any person who helped them in any way. (Gorkhapatra, January 25, 1925). The Home Department later announced that 14 accomplices of Dr. K. I. Singh had been captured by the National Army in Dhading and brought to Kathmandu. (Gorkhapatra, February 2, 1952). A curfew was imposed in Kathmandu town from 7:00 P. M. on January 23, 1952 to 7:00 A. M. on January 24, 1952. An official notification was read out through microphones at different places calling on Raksha Dal personnel to surrender with their arms. (Gorkhapatra, January 25, 1952). The Home Department later announced that a curfew was being imposed 120. from 9:00 P. M. to 6:00 A. M. every day in view of the current extraordinary situation. Any one who did not half, or created disturbances, when challeanged by military patrols would be fired upon, the report added. (Gorkhapatra, February 2, 1952). A notification was issed calling on the people to surrender all unlicensed arms to the police, including those thrown away at different places by Raksha Dal personnel. The Home Department issued a three-day ultimatum to the prisoners who had escaped from different jaisl in the night of January 22, 1952 to surrender to the authorities. (Nepal Gazette, January 28, 1952). The Home Department announced on January 24, 1952 that no passport would ordinarily be issed (for visiting India) for three days. For unavoidable purposes, passports would be issued by the Home Minister's Office itself, a communique published by the Department added. It also annaounced a three-day ban on meetings and processions, other than social functions without the Home Minister's permission. (Nepal Gazette, January 28, 1952). His Mijesty Leaves for Calcutta On January 30, 1952, His Majesty, accompanied by the Queens, left for Calcutta by special plane for the wedding of the Youngest Princess, Bharati Rajyalaxmi Devi with the eldest son of the Maharaja of Mayurbhanj. The wedding was scheduled to be solemnized on February 5, 1952. (Gorkhapatra, February 2). Post of Deputy Commander-in-Chief Abolished The Home Department announced that the post of Deputy Commander-in-Chief, which had been created on April 14, 1951 (Baisakh 1, 1008) following the declaration of a state of emergency, has been abolished by the newly-formed Emergency Committee. The post had fallen vacant with the appointment of Kiran Shumshere as Commander-in-Chief. (Gorkhapatra February 2). Part II The Economy Forest Protection The Deputy Forest Minister, Dhamaratha Yami, received complaints from the local peole against the Forest Officer (Ban Janch Adda) at Godawari on January 20, 1952. the Deputy Minister, on that occasion, explained the importance of forests from the viewpoints of development and ecology and declared that the government and the people were equally responsible for the conservation of forest resources. (Gorkhapatra, January 25). 121. Land Reclamation The Director of the Department of Agriculture (Krishi Parishad) issued a notification calling on the people not to submit applications for the allotment of cultivable lands in prohibited areas in Hitaura, Bansbari (Bhaktapur), the banks of the Bagmati river near the Guhyeshwari temple, and lands which should not be reclaimed in the public interest. (Gorkhapatra, January 25). Supply of Salt The control Office invited bids for the transportation of salt to Sankhu, Sundarijal, Banepa, Dhulikhel, jitpur-Phedi, Budhanilakantha, Bhimdhunga, Thankot, Chapagaun and Pharping. (Gorkhapatra, January 25). The Kathmandu Ginema Hall The Home Department invited tenders for leasing the Kathmandu Cinema Hall. Applicants were required to stipulate full payment of the rent in advance and pay 25 percent (of the value of tickets) as luxury tax (Vilasa-Kara). Gorkhapatra, January 25: Nepal Gazette, February 4). Part II The Political Scene Minister Khadga Man Singh's Appeal In a statement, the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Khadga Man Singh, called on the people to forget petty difference and work unitedly in view of the major change that had been brought about in the country. He added, "If we proceed ahead unitedly, Nepal will become a reputed country within the next ten or fifteen years. His Majesty staked his life and throne in order to bring about democracy. Had His Majesty not done so, the Ran regime would not have fallen, nor would we have obtained any rights. The newly- breated Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs will soon organize elections for a Constituent Assembly. An advisory Assembly consisting of members nominated by His Majesty will be formed for the interim period." The Minister appealed for public cooperation in these efforts. (Gorkhapatra, February 2). Nepali Congress Affairs The Central Office of the Nepali Congress invited nominations for the election of the President of the Party by February 2, 1952. (Gorkhapatra, February 2). Krishna Prasad Upadhyay, General Secretary of the Nepali Congress, contradicted a report published in the Searchlight (Patna: January 25, 1952) according to which one faction within the Nepali Congress had advance information about the Raksha Dal revolt. He added, "There may be differences on local and foreign issues among the members of our party, but we all of us are opposed to the path of violence. We believe that since democracy has been achieved, there is no need for an armed movement. Rather, the time has come when we should fight against poverty, illiteracy and unemployment." (Gorkhapatra, February 2). Nepali Congress representatives from West No. 3, West No. 4, and Baglung have appealed to the local people to extend full cooperation to the government in maintaining law and order. They declared, "Certain hooligans who claim to be political leaders have made an attempt to defame both the government and the Nepali Congress with the support of some members of the Raksha Dal. Those reactionary elements who had been calling for the disbandment of the Raksha Dal are now inciting that force in an attempt to undermine democracy." (Gorkhapatra, February 25). Contradiction The Bada Hakim of Biratnagar contradicted a report published in the Awaj, a Nepali daily issued from Kathmandu, that black-flag demostrators had been lathi-charged in that town on January 14, 1952. (Gorkhapatra, January 25). Part IV Nepal and the World Dharma Ratna Yami, Deputy Forest Minister, issued a statement condemning B. P. Koirala for raising slogans of foreign interference and charging the India Ambassador, Chandrashwar Prasad Narayan Singh, with having acted in a manner inconsistent with Nepal's independence. He described such charges as "the meaningless propaganda of ungrateful elements who have fallen from power" and called on progressive elements not to be miled by it. Dharma Ratna Yami concluded, "The role played by His Majesty and the Indian Ambassador in bringing about the recent change in Nepal has been no less important than that of the people." (Gorkhapatra, January 25). Part V Miscellaneous His Majesty made a donation of Rs 5,000 to the Gnyanamala Bhajana Khala of Kathmandu for the construction of a road around the Swayambhu hill. Sahu Maniratna Jyoti, a businessman of Kathmandu, has donated a G. M. C. lorry for the project. (Gorkhapatra, January 25). (Specially compiled for Regmi Research Series). 123. Revenue Collection on Birta Lands Prime Minister Bir Shumshere's senior Queen (Shri Tin Jetha Bada Maharani) owned four villages in the Palanchok area as birta. Salambu, Bigati, Kaphale and Majhiphede. In the Vikrama year 1956, an ijara for the collection of following year, the amount was increased by percent according to the law to Mohar Rs 890 and 8 annas. Lilanath Kharyal, a resident of Kharyalthok village in Palanchok, made this offer with captain Thir Bahadur Shah as his personal surety. No higher bid was received, hence his offer was accepted. Under the term of the ijara, the ijaradar was empowered to collect revenue from the following sources: Serma, Saunefagu and other customary homestead (ghargani) taxes and levies, judicial fines and penalties, escheat property, and fines collected from persons belonging to non-sacred-thread- wearing castes and communities who were guilty of illicit sexual intercource within their own caste or community (chak-chakui). The ijaradar has no right to collect revenue from the following sources. Rajanka levies, buried, property (kalyanadhana), dharmadhikara levies, fines and penalties collected from person guilty of Panchakhat crimes, jhara levy from rakam households, taxes levied on forest or riverine produce, ad hoc (hedarta) taxes and behata, udanta, gadanta). The ijaradar was also given the following instructions. "Promote reclamation and settlement in the villages, keep the ryots satisfied, and make collections in the customary manner. Complete payments within schedule, along with interest if arrears accumulate. No remission whatsoever shall be granted in the stipulated amount on the plea of natural calamities or your inability to make collections. Despense justice according to the Ain and do not harass and oppress the people. If any ryot complaints to us that you have taken bribes or other payments (salami), or harassed and oppressed the people wrongfully be collecting unauthorized payments or otherwise, we shall punish you according to the law." The ijara was granted by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere through the Narainhiti Nagadi Tahabil Office. It stipulated payment in three installments: Rs 400 in the month of Marga, Rs 290 in Falgun, and Rs 200 in Chaitra. Kartik Sudi 11, 1957 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 82, pp. 105-7. On the same date, Kartik Sudi 11, 1957, an ijara for the collection of revenue on birta lands of Prime Minister Bir Shumshere in the Bojhani area of Sankhu and Birsambhara in Nagarkot was granted to Captain Dhan Bahadur Thapa Chhetri through the Narainhiti Nagadi Tahabil. The stipulated amount of Rs 327 and 3 anna (Rs 297 and 4 annas for Sankhu, 124. and Rs 29 and 15 annas for Nagarkot) was paid in advance (gani-mahsul). The terms and conditions of the ijara wer the same as those mentioned above. The ijaradar was placed under the additional obligations of financing religious functions and festivals in the concerned areas in the traditional manner. Captain Dhan Bahadur Thapa Chhetri operated the ijara on the same terms and conditions in the Vikram year 1956 also. No bids were invited Regmi Research Collection, vol. 82, pp. 107-12. In 1957 Vikrama (A.D. 1900), Prime Minister Bir Shumshere purchased birta lands in the villages of Kodari, Palanchok, with a recorded revenue of Mohar Rs 82 and 12 annas. A one-year contract (ijara) was then granted to Vrishadhwaj Khatri Chhetri, a private of the Simhanath Battalion belonging to Kodari village, currently residing at Wotu Tol in Kathmandu for the collection of revenue from that birta holding. The payment stipulated by him amounted to Mohar Rs 95 that is, Mohar Rs 12 and 3 more than the recorded figure. Vrishadhwaj Khatri Chhetri was furnished with personal surety for the contract by Surabir Khatri Chhetri, a private of the Rifle Battalion belonging to Kodari village, currently residing at Makhan Tol in Kathmandu. Marga Sudi 5, 1957 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 82, p. 196. Prime Minister Bir Shumshere had purchased two moujas in Mahottari district as Birta. Halkhori in the Parganna of Mahottari, and Bigati in the Parganna of Kodari. The mouja of Pachharwa in the Parganna of Khesraha belonged to the 17 sons of General Dhir Shumshere in Common. In the Vikrama year 1955, revenue in these moujas was collected on their behalf by the Mahottari Mal Officd on amanat basis and deposited at the Narainhiti Nagadi Tahabil Office. The assessed revenue was as follows: Kampani Rs 800 from the moujas of Halkhori and Bigatti on the personal account of Prime Minister Bir Shumshere, and Kampani Rs 500 from the mouja of Pachharwa on behalf of all the 17 brothers. Accounts were audited by the Kumarichok Office. Marga Badi 30, 1957 Regmi Research Collection, vol.l 82, pp. 201-9. 125. Petition of Khamba and Thakali Traders Khamba and Thakali traders from Lamjung submitted the following petition to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur: "From former times, Khamba and Thakali traders have been raising sheep, goats, gelding goats, and gelding goats, and baruwal sheep at Thingaun Vaillge in Lamjung and engaging in trade in the area situated between Mardu and Thukung. "In the Vikram year 1904, Tsering Budha of Manang procured a royal order on the basis of false particulars prohibiting Khamba and Thakali traders from raising sheep goats, gelding goats, and baruwal sheep and engaging in trade in that area, thereby subjecting us to unnecessary harassment. "In the Vikrama year 1908, we submitted a complaint in the Kaushal Kachahari (at Kathmandu). The government thereupon assured us that our traditional sytem would be restored. An order was issued in the name of the dwares, tharis, mukhiyas, and other prominent people of Lamjung informaing them that the royal order obtained by Tsering Budha of Manang on the basis of false particulars had been withdrawn, and that the traditional system of the Khamba and Thakali traders had been restored. The order added, "In case the facts are different, summon both sides and hear their case and settle the dispute in a judicious manner." "However, Tsering Budha of Manang could not plead his case before us at the Amal. The case was eventully heard at the court (dalan) of Kaji Jitman Simha Basnyat, where he signed a statement acknowledging the validity of our case. A judgement was accordingly pronounced in our favor. Since then, we had been raising goats, sheep, etc and engaging in trade as usual. "This year, Tashi Wangyal, Tanchogyal and other people of Manang have again prohibited us from raising animals and angaging in trade, thus causing us harassment." On Magh Sudi 1, 1915 (January 1859), Prime Minister Jung Bahadur Thapa referred to petition to Dittha Mukunda Krishna Padhya and Bichari Badal Singh Karti ordering them to restore the traditional system of the Khamba and Thakali traders if the fact mentioned by them in their petition were correct, or else give a hearing to both sides and pronounce a judgement accordingly. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 81, pp. 547-51. 126. The Calcutta Buying Agency On Magh Badi 30, 1915 (January 1859), Kharidar Kashidatta Upadhyaya was deputed to Calcutta to work in the office opened there fore the purchase and supply of goods required by the government from time to time. The following instructions were issued in this name: (1) Purchase goods at the lowest available prices. Money for this purpose will be made avaible by Lt. Colonel Lal Singh Khatri and Captain Shivashankar Padhya. (2) Maintain accurate accounts of such purchases, as well as of rents paid for the office, transportation charges, packing changes, etc. (3) Pay salaries to three nausindas employed at the office at the rate of Kampani Rs 27 every month. Appoint these nausindas in consulation with Lt. Colonel Lal Singh Khatri and Captain Shivashankar Padhya. (4) Spend reasonable amounts on paper, ink, oil, lamps, account-books and ledgers, gun, etc. (5) You shall be punished according to the law if you are proved to have debited amounts in excess of actual expenditure, or amount which have actually not been disbursed. (6) While purchasing gold on our behalf in Calcutta, obtain receipts from there on the basis of the same weights and units that had been used at the time of the purchase. Regmi Research collection, vol. 81, pp. 553-55. 127. Forest Protection in Kaski On the orders of Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, forests in the area situated between Pokhara and Dhiki- Bhanjyang, the catchment area of Phewa-Tal in Kaski district, had been declared proteted. Red flags had been installed on the boundaries of the protected forests, along with a wooden inscription prescribing that any person who cut timber in those forests, or set fire to them, or cleared them for agriculture purposes would be punished by the appropriate Adalat or Amal. During the time when Colonel Tek Bahadur Kunwar Rana was Chief of the Kaski-Lamjung Tahasil Office, eight men belonging to the Bhairav Dal Battalion had been employed as forest guards there. They were paid a salary of Rs 50 each. They were subsequently withdrawan. On Baisakh Sudi 7, 1938 (April 1881), Captain Komal Singh Mahat Chhetri, Chief of the Kaski- Lamjung Tahasil Office, reported to Prime Minister Ranoddhip Singh that it would not be possible to protect that forest merely through the orders of the government. He pointed out that Dhiki-Bhanjyang was situated at a distance of 5 or 6 kos from the Tahasil Office, so that effective supervision was not possible. Captain Komal singh Mahat Chhetri, therefore suggested that eight forest guards be appointed to protect the forests on monthly salaries paid through the Kausi Tosakhana. Prime Minister Ranoddip Singh then issued the following order: "Military personnel had been assigned to protect these forests because a military contingent had been stationed at Pokhara. There is no such contingent there at present. Two men shall therefore be procured from the new battalion that has been created in Palpa to work as forest guards there." Ashadh Sudi 5, 1938 (June 1881) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 82, pp. 708-11. 128. Appointment of Forwarding Agent in India Babu Lalluji had been appointed by the government of Nepal as an agent in India to forward good purchased in Hindusthan as well as in Calcutta by the government, members of the royal family and the Rana family, other prominent persons, traders, etc. by railway to Patna on payment of brokerage. He subsequently relinquished that assignment. Biharilal was then appointed as his successor. The following instructions were issued in the name of the Biharilal on Magh Badi 6, 1938 (January 1882): 1. Charge brokerage (adhati-dastur) at the usual rates. Do not make any increase in these rates. 2. Take charge of goods in Hindusthan and in Calcutta, forward such goods to Patna or Motihari by railway, and deliver them to the owner within the scheduled time. 3. You shall be held personnely liable in the even of the loss of any goods or consignments of which you have taken charge and for which you have been paid brokerage. 4. No person shall be compelled to utilize your services if he prefers to bring his goods himself on his onw responsibility without paying brokerage to you. However, no one shall be allowed to utilize the services of any other agent on payment of brokerage. In case anuone does so, report the matter to us and we shall inflict appropriate penalties. 5. You shall be dismissed if you do not work in a satisfactory manner, increase the rates of brokerage, or fail ot deliver goods to the owners in time. In addition, you shall be held liable to pay compensation, and punished with a fine. Magh Badi 6, 1938 (January 1882) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 82, pp. 737-741. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: September 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 9 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contexts 1. Forest Legislation in the 1866 Muluki Ain 2. Forest Legislation in the 1918 Muluki Ain 3. Arrangements for Sanitation in Kathmandu Town 4. Prices in Kathmandu 5. Commercial Timber 6. Birgunj Bazaar 7. The Thula Hakim 8. Remittances to Calcutta, 1901-2 9. Sale of Cardamom in Napalgunj 10. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 129 130 132 Page 133 134 135 139 140 140 137 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 129. Forest Legislation in the 1866 Muluki Ain 1. Any person who cuts trees in areas where this has been prohibited through royal or other orders, or in guthi, birta, bekh, chhap, and other lands belonging to others, shall be punished with a fine amounting to Rs 4, Rs 3, Rs 1, or Rs 1, according to whether the tree is of abal, doyam, sim, or Chahar category. The timber shall then be restored to the owner. 2. Even the owner shall not cut trees that hve been planted on roadsides, or an water springs or irrigation channels. Any person who cuts such trees shall be punished with a fine amounting to Rs 4, Rs 3, Rs 2, or Rs 1 according to whether the tree that has been cut of abal, doyam, sim, or chahar category. He shall also not be allowed to retain possesionof the timber. If he does not pay the fine, he shall be imprisoned according to the law. 3. Throughout the Kingdom of Gorkha, including the Tarai region, owners of guthi, sadavarta, bekh, chhan and manachamal lands, taxable lands, and phikdar lands which have been granted on conditions similar to jagir, and jagirdars, shall not cut trees on ther lands and sell the timber. However, they may (cut trees on their lands) for constructing houses, gardens and orchards. In case any person (of the catagories mentioned above) cuts trees (in forests owned by him) and sells the timber after the commencement of this law, the proceeds of such sale shall be confiscated, and an equal amount shall be collected as fine. In case he does not pay the fine, he shall be imprisoned according to law. 4. A birtaowner may cut trees on lands situated within the boundaries of his birta. He shall no be deemed to have committed any offense if he does so. Source: Ministry of Law and Justice, His Majesty's Government, "Rukh Katne Ko" (On cutting trees), in Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shah Devaka Shasan Kalma Baneko Muluki Ain (Legal code enacted during the reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev), Kathmandu: the Ministery, 2022 (1965), p. 157. 130. Forest Legislation in the 1918 Muluki Ain 1. No person shall cut or direct the cutting of trees in areas where this is prohibited by official order or notification or on lands which he has no title, and, even if has title thereto, along roads, water, springs, or irrigation channels located thereon, or at places where such acts will lead to damage, or in forests under the jurisdiction of the Forest Office (Kathmahal). In casy any person does not he shall be punished, and such trees shall be restored to the person to whom these belong. 2. A Birtaowner may cut trees on his lands in the hill region of Nepal, other than areas where cutting of trees is prohibited by official orders or notifications, and sell the timber. 3. Trees in forests on birta, bekh, phikdar, chhap, sadavarta, manachamal lands in the Tarai region from the Mahakali river in the west to Mechi river in the east of the Kingdom of Gorkha shall not be cut by any person without the command of the Prime Minister or an official order. 4. In case it becomes necessary to cut trees in forests on birta lands in the Tarai region, other than forests located in the Mahabharat area, and those where elephants and rhinoceros live or roam about, the concerned birtaowner shall request the chief of the local Kathmahal for permission to cut trees in forests on his birta lands and sell the timber. The chief of the local Kathmahal shall refer the case to the Prime Ministerj. If the Prime Minister issues an order permitting the cutting of trees in forests on such birtalands, the birtaowner shall cut at his own expenses only such old and mature trees as he can sel, leaving every other tree standing, so that the forest is not completely destroyed, subject to the condition that if he makes a profit from the sale of timber after deducting expenses incurred on cutting and transportation, he shall share the profit with the government equally. After the birtaowner has transported the timber to sale depots at ferrypoints and sold it, he shall credit half of the profit made by him to the accounts of the government, and appropriate the balance himself. 5. In case any person reports that he has raised a forest on a particular land under raikar or jafati tenure in consultation with the villages, but that the forest has remained unprotected because of the absence of an official order, or demands an official order granting him authority to raise a forest in specified areas other than those owned or cultivated by another person, and in case the inhabitants of the adjoining area are found to have expressed their consent in writing, an order granting the applicant authority to raise a forest on such land, and mentioning the particulars contained in such document, shall be issued. 131. 6. In cae any person has cut trees in birta forests in the Tarai region without the command of the Prime Minister, or an official order, but has not been able to seel it, the timber shall be confiscated. The person who has cut trees in this manner shall be punished with a fine equal to the value of the timber. In cae he has sold the timber, the proceeds of such sale shall also be confiscated and in addition, he shall be punished with a fine equal to such amount. Such forest shall be felt in its original condition, and permission shall not be granted to cut trees there. In case tress in such in forests have be3en cut for agricultural purposes, a fine amounting to only 10 percent of the value of the timber which has been cut shall be imposed. 7. Persons convicted of cutting trees shall be punished with a fine of Rs 4, Rs 3, Rs 2, and Rs 1 for abal, doyam, sim and chahar categories respectively. In case they have cut trees of the ten prescribed categories they shall be punished at the discretion of the Prime Minister. 8. In case any person has fraudulently defaulted in payments, the outstading amount shall be recovered from him, and a fine of an equal amount shall be imposed. 9. In case any person fraudulently makes a false claim, a fine equal to the amount claimed by him shall be imposed. 10. In case any person does not give what is due from him, the outstanding amount shall be recovered from him, along with the 10 percent and 5 percent fees. In case a fine is imposed on him, he need not pay the 5 percent fee. 11. In case any person has claimed more than what is due to him, he shall be fined with an amount equal to the difference. In case any person has understated what is due from him, he shall be fined with an amount equal to ten percent of the shortfall. 12. In case any person has taken a bride, the amount shall be forfeited. 13. In case any person fails to substantiate his complaint, he shall be punished with half of the fine that would have been inflicted on the respondent. In case he defaults in the payments of such fine, he shall be imprisoned according to the law. 14. In cae it becomes necessary to sentence any person to imprisonment under this law, the term of such imprisonment shall not exceed twelve years. 132. 15. In case trees in forests in the Tarai or hill region, other than those within the jurisdiction of Kathmahals, are cut for land reclamatiuon, complaints filed against the person responsible for such cutting shall be heard only so long as he is available; no such complaint shall be heard half of he is no longer available. Source: Government of Nepal, "Rukh Katne Ko" (On cutting of trees), in Muluki Ain (legal Code), Kathmandu: Bhadgawati Press, 1975 (A.D. 1918), pt. 3, pp. 13-15. ************** Arrangements for Sanitation in Kathmandu Town Public Notification Whereas old sewers in the town have been damaged, or have collapsed, and, as a result, outlets have been blocked and water has acculated in roads, streests, lanes, and countryards, and the town has consequently become very dirty, and whereas people have not been able to live and move about in a confortable manner, the stench has caused disease and epidemics, now therefore, in order that the people may be healthy and confortable, and free from disease, the government has undertaken a major project for the construction of new roads and sewers throughout the town. In addition, the government has established a Sanitation Office (Safai Adda). The inhabitants of the town are now ordered to comply with the following regulations. 1. All inhabitants of the town, including traders, merchants, and the commom people, shall remove all garbage that has accumulated in their countryards or in front of their houses within the prescribed time limit to suitable places. 2. In the future, all fresh garbage shall be demped on the roadside outside the gates of each house within 4 ghadis (approx-1 hours) after daybreak in such a way that the garbage is not scattered about. 3. Carts or employees of the Sanitation Office will remove such garbage every day and dump it at prescribed places. 133. 4. No person shall throw garbage 4 ghadis after daybreak, when carts (of the Sanitation Office) have already left the area. 5. Traders and merchants owning houses or shops on either side of New Road shall maintain the space in front of such houses or shops in a clean condition, act in the manner mentioned in Section 2, and comply with the instructions issued by the Sanitation Office. 6. People who maintain cows in the town shall construct sheds according to designs and at places prescribed by the Sanitation Office in such a manner that the area does not become dirty. Chaitra Badi 30, 1958 (March 1902) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 87, pp. 684-87. ************** Prices in Kathmandu Jestha 10, 1967 (May 23, 1910) Gold ..... Rs 31 per tola Silver ..... 85 paisa per tola Musk ..... Rs 25 per tola Copper ..... Rs 5 per dharni. Marai rice ..... 2 pathis and 2 mans per rupee Mas pulse ..... 1 pathi per rupee Maize ..... 3 pathis per rupee Salt ..... 1 pathi per rupee Mustard oil ..... 56 paisa per kuruwa Soruce: Gorkhapatra, Bhadra 3, 2038 (August 19, 1981). 134. For prices in Kathmandu on January 31, 1910, see Regmi Research Series, Year 13, No. 8, August 1, 1981, p. 116. The price of musk has been inadvertently listed there as 25 paisa per tolal it should read Rs 25 per tola. A comparison of prices in Kathmandu on January 31, 1910 and May 23, 1910 shows that during this four-month period, marsi rice became slightly cheaper, whereas the per rupee, and of mas pulse steeply from 4 pathis to 3 pathis per rupee, and of mas pulse from 1 pathis to 1 pathi per per rupee. ********** Commercial Timber The 1953 edition of the Muluki Ain contains a list of those categories of timber in the Tarai and hill regions which could be cut only with the permission of the government: (Government of Nepal, "Rukh Katne Ko" (On cutting of trees), in Muluki Ain (Legal Code), Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 1992 (A.D. 1935), pt. 3). The list is as follows:- A. Tarai Region Nepali Name Scientific Name 1. Sakhu 2. Sissau 3. Karma (Haldu) 4. Sattisal 5. Bijayasal 6. Semal 7. Tooni 8. Kusum 9. Jamun 10. Botdhairo 11. Asna 12. Pajan 13. Khair Shorea robusta Dalbergia sissoo Adina cordifolia Dalbergia latifolia Pterocarpus marsupium Bombax Ceiba Cedrela toona Schleichera trijuga Syzygium cumini Lagerstroemia Parviflora Terminalia tomentosa Oouginesis uouginensis Acacia catechu B. Hill Region Nepali Name Scientific Name 1. Sal Shorea robusta 2. Sallo Punus spp. 3. Champ Michelia champaca 4. Okhar Junglans regia (Ranisallo, [Khocosallo,............]..... Pinus roxburghii. Gobresallo..... Pinus wallichiana). Birgunj Bazaar 1. Birgunj Bazaar Adda On Jestha Sudi 5, 1958 (May 1901), expenses amounting to Kampani Rs 183-13, incurred for the construction of a brick building to accommodate the Birgunj Bazaar Adda were approved from Kathmandu. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 64-76. On Kartik Sudi 7, 1958 (October 1901), Dittha Yagnya Dhwaj Mahat Chhetri of the Birgunj Bazaar Adda was dismissed. Dittha Bishnu Pokhryal was appointed as his successor on a salary of Kampani Rs 500 a year. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 218-222. Regulations promulgated in the name of the Birgunj Bazaar Adda included the following provisions. (1) Local traders shall take their goods to Birgunj Bazaar for sale. In case they sell goods elsewhere, or export them to India, without paying duties at Birgunj Bazaar, the goods shall be confiscasted, and a fine of an equivalent amount shall be imposed. (2) The Birgunj Bazaar Adda authorities shall seal consignments destined to Kathmandu Valley and forward them to Chisapani, where duties shall be collected at prescribed rates. 136. (3) Shops in government owned buildings in Birgunj shall be leased to the highest bidder. Kirtik Badi 8, 1958 (October 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 226-39. However, the Birgunj Bazaar Adda was not able to discharge these functions properly. In particulars, it was found that traders had their consignments sealed by the Birgunj Bazaar Adda at Birgunj and checked by the Chure Customes Post, but then diverted the considgnments to other destinations in Nepal, or smuggled them to India. Because customs duties were collected at Chisapani, this meant that traders could successfully evade payment. There was, consequently, a wide gap between the amount of customs revenue assessed at Birgunj and the actual amount collected at Chisapani. In A.D. 1900, the amount actually collected at Chisapani totaled mohar Rs 4673-12. The figure was still lower in A.D. 1901, when it amounted to Mohar Rs 2310-2. The government took the following steps to check such evasion of customs duties:- (1) Arrangements were made for the collection of customs duties by the Birgunj Bazaar Adda at Birgunj. Collection at Chisapani was discontinued. (2) The staff of the Birgunj Bazaar Adda was expended. Margh Sudi 8, 1958 (November 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 296-310. The functions of the Chisapani Customs Post were thereafter limited to checking the weight of consignments dispatched through Birgunj. Marga Sudi 8, 1958 (November 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 311-312. 2. Birgunj Mahajani Adda On Magh Badi 5, 1957 (January 1901), the Birgunj Mal Adda was ordered to provide funds for the construction of an office for the newly-created Mahajani Adda in Birgunj. Accordingly, it released a total amount of Kampani Rs 7,500 for this purpose in several installments. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 57-64. 137. The Birgunj Mahajani Adda was headed by Lt. Purna Bahadur Pradhan. The Birgunj Mal Adda was ordered to provide it with funds not exceeding Kampani Rs 41,665 every year on demand. The Kahajani Adda then requisitioned Kampani Rs 40,000 in currency notes. The Birgunj Mal Adda received Kampani Rs 9,730 in currency notes from the Rautahat-Sarlahi Mal Adda. For the balance of Kampani Rs 30,270, it deputed an employee, accompanied by a peon, to Calcutta to exchange coins into currency notes. Their travelling and other expenses amounted to Kamapni Rs 95 and 9 annas. Jestha Sudi 2, 1958 (May 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 96-112. Note: These documents do not shed any light on the objectives with which the Birgunj Mahajani Adda was established. It is possible that it was a state-trading agency, as the name suggests. There is evidence that raw silk was old on government account from an establishment known as Resham Kothi (Silk House). On Jestha Badi 12, 1958 (May 1901), Major-Captain Kulananda, Chief of the Calcutta Buying Agency, (see Regmi Research Series, Year 13, No. 8, August 1, 1831, p. 126) was ordered to sell about 5 maunds of raw sild that had accumulated at Resham Kothi in Birgune and remit the proceeds to the Birgunj Mal Adda. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 11-16. ************* The Thula Hakim In 1901 A.D., the Tarai districts and the hill areas adjoining them appear to have been under the jurisdiction of four regional administrators, known as Thula Kakim. They were as follows:- (1) General Khadga Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana, Commanding Governor for the western Zone, with headquarters at Palpa. (2) Major General Durga Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana, with headquarters at Dhankuta. (3) Colonel Khadga Bahadur Shah. (4) Lt. Captain Bir Bahadur Basnyat. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 317-20 and 378-83. 138. The following regulations were promulgated in the names of the four Thula Hakims on Kartik Sudi 9, 1958 (October 1901):- (1) Any Jimidar who misappropriates revenue collected by him, or appropriates revenue from undeclared lands, shall be dismissed. Such jimidars shall be replaced by jimidars of adjoining jimidari holdings, or, if the latter do not agree, by other responsible persons. (2) In case any person has constructed a tank, and applies for timber (for use as a conduit), one tree shall be sanationed on payment of a fee (salami) of one Kampani rupee. (3) Rewards not exceeding Rs 200 may be proclaimed for the capture of persons who are guilty of serious cases of burglary or decoity. If it is necessary to increase the the amount of the reward, refer the matter to Kathmandu. (4) The penalty for the first offense shall be imposed as prescribed in the Ain. It shall be doubled for the second offense and tripled for the third offense. If the offense is repeated even thereafter, refer the matter to Kathmandu and take action as ordered. (5) In case the same cow or buffalo destroys crops on the lands of the some as many as five times, capture be credited to the accounts of the Amini. (6) Any person who reclaims lands which have long remained uncultivated (muddatipatri) in Morang district shall be granted tax-exemption for two years. The period of exemption shall be one year if he has reclaimed uncultivated lands of other categories. (7) Ryots who have settled on lands in the forest areas in the northern parts of Morang district shall be shifted to the south. They shall not be allowed to cut any timber. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 157-160. Remittances to Calcutta, 1901-2 Jestha Sudi 2, 1958 (May 1901) The Birgunj (Bara-Parsa) Mal Adda was ordered to remit Kampni Rs 50,000 to the Nepali Wakil in Calcutta, Major Captain Kulananda. The amount was to be deposited with the Bangal Bank. It was meant for the purchase of goods in Calcutta. The document, however, does not specify the goods. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 81-96. Shrawan Badi 10, 1958 (July 1901) The Birgunj (Bara-Parsa) Mal Adda was ordered to remit Kampani Rs 50,000 to Calcutta in the manner mentioned above for the purchase of goods. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 574-592. Kartik Sudi 10, 1958 (0ctober 1901) On Chaitra Sudi 12, 1958 (April 1901), a sum of Kampani Rs 100,000 was allocated from revenues collected in the districts for the purchases of gold and other goods for Prime Minister Deva Shumshere in Calcutta. Accordingly, Subba Yog Prasad Rana of the Banke Mal Adda remitted the amount to Wakil Major Captain Kulananda in Calcutta. The amount was to be deposited with the Bengal Bank in Calcutta. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 160-173. Magh Sudi 2, 1958 (January 1902) The Birgunj (Bara-Parsa) Mal Adda was ordered to remit Kampani Rs 16,000 to Calcutta in the manner mentioned above for the purchase of gold for Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 383-400. Baisakh Badi 1, 1959 (April 1902) Subba Yog Pratap Rana of the Banke Mal Adda was ordered to remit Kampani Rs 62,500 to Calcutta in the manner mentioned above for the purchases of 2,500 tolas of gold for Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere. The figure was subsequently raised to 300 tolas worth Kampani Rs 70,000. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 736-749. Ashadh Sudi 8, 1958 (June 1901) The Majhkhand Mal Adda was ordered to remit Kampani Rs 50,000, out of Kampani Rs 100,000 required to purchase gold for the Prime Minister, to Wakil Major Kulananda in Calcutta. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 979-990 140. Sale of Cardamom in Nepalgunj The firm of Mahabir Ramphal in Nepalgunj offered to lift the entire stock of cardamom in the possession of the Nepalgunj Bazaar Adda within eight months if the rate was fixed at Kampani Rs 23-0 per maund (4 sers, or 92 tolas). On Magh Badi 8, 1957 (January 1901), Sardar Dhundi Raj Shahi of the Naya Muluk Goswara Adda ordered the Nepalgunj Bazaar Adda to invite tenders on the basis of offer made by Mahabir Ramphal. However, no other tender was received. At that time, the stock of cardamom in the possession of the Nepalgunj, Bazaar Adda amounted to 824 maunds. The cost price was calculated at Kampani Rs 23,903-4 at the rate of Kampani Rs 29 per maund. The total amount offered by Mahabir Ramphal was only Kampani Rs 19,421-10 at the rate of Kampani Rs 23-9 per maund. The Nepalgunj Nazaar Adda thus suffered a loss of Kamapani Rs 4,481-13. Chaitra Sudi 13, 1958 (March 1905). Regmi Research Collection, vol 88, pp. 687-98. Revenue and Expenduture of the Government of Nepal, 1951 Government of Nepal, 2008 Salko Bajet Vaktavya" (Budget statement of the 1951-52), Nepal Gazette, Vol. 1, No. 26, Magh 21, 2008 (February 3, 1953). Brothers and Sisters, The subject on which I am speaking before you today is a new one for Nepal. even then, it is very interesting as well as sensitive. It is normal in other countries to submit budget estimates every year. But is will be no exaggeration to say that is is unprecedented for us. the people had no hand in the state administration during the 141. Rana regime, and no one had any precise information about the revenue and expenditure of the country. There is now democracy in the country, and a government responsible to the people has been formed. The people, therefore, have the right to know how much revenue is collected, and how it is spent. As the first Minister of Finance of the democratic government, I feel proud to submit before you the first ever budget estimates of the country. "Nepal had no tradition of maintaining accounts and preparting budget estimates according to modern procedures as in their countries. The proverb "Do no ignore any individual item in the accounts; do not add up the totals," in known to all. Our accounts never indicated separately the sources of revenue and heads of expenditure. As such, we faced many problems and difficulties in preparing consolidated accounts of each head of revenue and expenditure and presenting budget estimates accordingly. This may have led to many errors in the present budget estimates. But I hop you will kake into account those problems and difficulties. "I regret the delayed presentation of the budget estimates. There are many reasons behind the delay. The establishment of a government responsible to the people in place of an autocratic and feudal government is by no means a minor change. History shows that such changes in any country are accompanied by many obstructions and problems. Nepal cannot be an exception. The present budget estimates are of the year 2008 (1951-52) alone. But is is necessary to look three or four years ahead while making economic arrangements. The economic program to be presented along with the budget estimates contains an outline of programs for the social economic and cultural development of the country during the next years. Another budget will be presented before Baisakh (April 1952). It will contain more sophisticated programs to be implemented over a period of years, rather than during the single year. "Before the formation of the interim government, the balance left after meeting all governmental expenses from the revenues of the country used to be regarded as the property of the Maharaja. There was no clear distinction between the national treasurey and the personal property of the Maharaja. While preparing accounts, no distinction was made between the general account and the capital account. Apart from those reasons, the armed revolution in the country, disorders prevailing in several parts of the country even aftr the formation of the interim government, amd difficulties casued many difficulties in assessing the economic condition of the previous year. Consequently, the total revenue and expenditure during 2007 (1950-51) could not be ascertained. Since the same difficulties were encountered while compiling statistics for 2008 (1951-52) also, it cannot be said that the figures of revenue and expenditure mentioned in these budget estimates are wholly correct. Moreover, the previous regime used to provide the department responsible for spending funds or implementing any program the entire amount allocated for that purpose in a lump sum. The unspent balance was kept in reserve under the control of the appropriate departmental authorities. Proper details of such amounts could not be received, despite repeated directives of the Finance Ministry. The officials of ministers and departments were thus able to spend funds withour obtained the approval of the Council of Ministers or the Finance Ministry. Since the details of funds received and expenses incurred by such officials have not been received, the Finance Ministry has failed to determine the amount spend so far during this year. It has also not been possible to determine how much of the revenue to be raised during this year has been actually collected, and how much remains outstanding. As such, the present budeget estimates, which have been approved by the Council of Ministers, are estimates preparted on the basis of a rough calculation of the accounts of the past eight months, and estimates of revenue and expenditure of the remaingin four months. But the figures have been checked with available accounts as far as possible. Financial Position in 2007 (1950-51) Revenue during 2007 (1950-51) totaled Rs 29,082,000, while expenditure totaled Rs 24,687,000, with a saving of Rs 4,394,000. Due to the armed revolution and disturbances during the past year, it has not been possible to determine how much of the balance has been actually credited to the accounts. But the Accountant General is trying to prepare the accounts. Budget Estimates, 2008 (1951-52) I have compiled particulars under the following three heads:- (a) General revenue and expenditure, (b) Special revenue and allocations thereof, (c) Consolidated particulars of revenue and expenditure. (a) General Income and Expenditure General revenue during 2008 (1951-52) is estimated at Rs 30,516,000, that is, Rs 1,435,000 more than during the previous year. During 2007 (1950-51) Rs 15,116,000 was collected as land taxes. This year, the figure is expected to be Rs 9,405,000. The decline in land-tax revenue is due to the following factors:- (a) The Council of Ministers sactioned a remission of 2 annas in the rupee so as to provide relief to preasants and collect lands taxes in time. 143. (b) Abolition of the bigahatti levy, which had contributed Rs 2,724,000, (c) The armed revolution, and the consequent disorders, (d) Drought in several areas, (e) Lack of proper decisions regarding the administrative system seven afater the formation of the interim government. Though revenue from land taxes has declined, yet it is expected that revenue from some other sources will increases. The folliwng are the main sources from where revenue is expected to increase:- (a) Rs 732,000 from customs duties, since duties on cigarettes and at the Biratnagar and Phalelung Bazaar Offices have been increased. (b) Rs 188,000 from liquor excess, (c) Rs 2,212,000 from timber exports, (d) Rs 2,500,000 from increased export dutied on paddy, jute, potato, oil seeds and other commodities. Expenditure is expected to increased by Rs 27,834,000 during this year compared with 2007 (1950-51). The following are the main heads on whch expenditure is expected to increase:- His Majesty ..... Rs 584,000 Ministers and the Nepal Government Secretariat ..... Rs 3,240,000 Increased salaries for civil servants ..... Rs 2,000,000 National Army ..... Rs 2,712,000 Reorganization of Police Force and Raksha Dal ..... Rs 3,830,000 Law and order ..... Rs 700,000 Elections ..... Rs 323,000 Population census ..... Rs 208,000 Advisory Committee ..... Rs 232,000 Health ..... Rs 300,000 144. Education Local self-government Road construction Irrigation Ropeway Electricity Telephone, telecommunication, and postal services Airport Food subsidy to Civil servants Cottage industries Agricultural programs Embassies in foreign countries Public works District administration Agricultural credit (Taccavi) Rs 556,000 Rs 200,000 Rs 2,513,000 Rs 1,000,000 Rs 758,000 Rs 501,000 Rs 1,113,000 Rs 725,000 Rs 1,950,000 Rs 200,000 Rs 200,000 Rs 431,000 Rs 441,000 Rs 367,000 Rs 1,500,000 (To be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-348X Kathmandu: October 1, 1981 REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 10 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ********** Contexts 1. State Trading at Brahmadeo-Mandi ..... 2. Saltpeter Exports to India 3. Sunar and Khajahani, 1901 4. Saw-Mills in the Tarai Region ..... 5. Abolition of the Naya Muluk Rakam ..... 6. Lac Exports from the Far-Western Region ..... 7. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 ************* Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Page 145 ..... 147 ..... 148 150 152 153 ..... 156 145. State Trading at Brahmadeo-Mandi Petition of Lt. Colonel Sher Bahadur Thapa Chhetri "On Shrawan Sudi 2, 1950 (July 1893), Raja Dal Bahadur Shah and I had been granted joint authority to undertakne state-trading operations at Brahmadeo-Mandi in Doti district. However, Raja Dal Bahadur Shah was dismissed in the Vikrama year 1951 (A.D. 1895), leaving me in sole charge of those operations. An order to this effect was received on Falgun Sudi 1951 (February 1895). "By Jestha Sudi 15, 1953 (May 1897), approximately 395 maunds of cardamom had been purchased at a total cost of Rs 11,848 according to the regulations. The relevant provision of the regulations is as follows: Purchases cardamom and wax, brought for sale in that market by people from the hill areas, on a monopoly basis as usual. In addition, approximately 13 maunds of cardamom was acquired in lieu of duty (Chungi), while maund was confiscated (from smugglers). Unsold stocks from the previous year's account totaled 1 maunds worth Rs 48-9. "During the period from Ashadh Badi to Poush Sudi 15, 1953 (June to December 1896), eight maunds of wax was purchased at a total cost of Rs 217-12, and approximately 1 maunds was collected as duty or confiscated from smugglers. "These supplies were dispatched to Pilibhit in India as usual and kept there in the custody of Fakir Chand until poush 1954 (December 1897). "Sebsequently, 356 maunds of cardamom was weighed and sold in the presense of Hawaldar Dambar Singh Swanr, who had been deputed for that purpose by Lt. Khadga Bahadur Basnyat Chhetri of the Kanchanpur Amini, according to an order issued by the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda. "The balance of approximately 52 maunds of cardamom was held to have been lost due to decline in moisture content, etc. a petition was submitted through the Naya Muluk Bandobast Adda for remission of that quantity. "However, on Ashadh Sudi 9, 1955 (June 1898), an order was received (from Prime Minister Bir Shumsherer) sanctioning remission at the rate of only ten percent of the total quantity, or approximately 41 maounds only. No remission was allowed for the balance of approximately 11 maunds of cardamom. "As regards the wax, the entire quantity of 9 maunds, as mentioned above, has become damaged and therefore unsalable. The Kumarichok (Audit) Office is demanding that the loss be compensated. 146. "During the time when Raja Dal Bahadur Shah was in charge of state-trading operations at Brahmadeo-Mandi, 393 maunds of cardamom had been purchased during the period from Poush 1949 to Baisakh 1950 (December 1892 to April 1893). It was sold after eight months, and the loss in weight, amounting to 30 maunds, was remitted. Similarly, approximately 95 maunds was remitted out of a total quantity of approximately 432 maunds of cardamom purchased by the Raja during the year ended Baisakh 1951 (April 1894), which was sold after a delay of eight or nine months, according to an order dated Jestha 6,1952 (May 1895), (The petition mentions two more cases in which the government had granted remissions as requested by Raja Dal Bahadur Shah). "Inasmuch as in previous years remissions have been granted in full as requested, I pray that the quantities requested by my (52 maunds of cardamom and 9 maunds of wax) also be remitted, and orders be sent to the Kumarichok Office accordingly." When the petition was referred to Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere through the Muluki Adda, the following order was issued:- (1) The percentage of the total quantity has been remitted in other cases, and the total cost the quantity of cardamom for which remission has been requested, have not been mentioned. A decision in this regard will be made after these particulars are explained. (2) The 9 maunds of wax worth Rs 217-12, said to have become unsalable, should be auctioned without reducing that figure as far as possible. Poush Badi 4, 1949 (December 1902) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 90, pp. 20-31. 147. Saltpeter Exports to India During the closing years of the nineteenth century, saltpeter was one of the items exported from Nepal to India. According to a British source: "Considerable quantities and annually carried across the frontier (into India), almost entirely from Nepal." (Sir George Watt, The Commercial Products of India (reprint of 1908 ed.), New Delhi: Today and Tomorrow Printers and Publishers, 1966, p. 975). In 1900-1, exports of saltpeter from Nepal to India totaled 4,590 cots. (Ibid, p. 975). Statistics of Nepal's saltpeter exports to India are as follows:- Saltpeter Exports to India Year 1878-79 1879-80 1880-81 1882-83 1883-84 1884-85 1898-99 1899-1900 Quantity Value (in maunds) (Indian Rs.) 35,205 Rs 281,640 10,588 Rs 63,528 14,001 Rs 95,204 5,985 Rs 47,880 14,521 Rs 116,168 10,249 Rs 88,876 17,442 Rs 114,566 21,303 Rs 132,169 (Government of Bengal, Reports on the Administration of Bengal, Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, Separate reports for different years). 148. Sunar and Khajahani, 1901 On Poush Sudi 5, 1957 (December 1900), a separate Mal Adda was created in Sunar. Previously, the area was under the jurisdiction of the Dang Mal Adda. A project was also started to construct a dam on the Rapti river to Sikataghat for providing irrigation facilities in Sunar. Jestha Badi 7, 1958 (May 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 914-24. The Dang Mal Adda was ordered to disburse a total amount of Kampani Rs 10,000 in installments of Kampani Rs 2,000 each to finance the Sunar Irrigation Project. On Falgun Badi 5, 1957 (February 1901) the Dang Mal Adda reported that it had no balance in Kampani rupees, hence it requested permission to make the disbursements from revenues collected by the Deukhuri Mal Adda. The permission was granted on the ground that the Mal Adda of both Dang and Deukhuri functioned under the same chief (hakim). Arrangements were also made for a loan not exceeding Kampani Rs 5,000 to buy food for the coolies employed in the irrigation project. The loan was to be repaid when the supplies were sold o the coolies. Jestha Sudi 3, 1958 (May 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 951-79. At that time, Butaul (inclusive of Palhi, Majhkhand, Sheoraj, Khajahani and Nawalpur), Dang, Deukhuri, and Sunar were under the jurisdiction of a single administration office knows as the Butaul- Dang-Deukhuri-Sunar-Goswara. Jestha Sudi 2, 1958 (May 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, p. 948. In A.D. 1901, heavy arrears of land-tax revenue accumulated in the accounts of the Khajahani Mal Adda. Its chief, Naib Subba Mathbar Jung Thapa Chhetri, was, therefore, transferred to the Palhi Mal Adda. The chief of the Palhi Mal Adda, Subba Padma Dev Panta, was then transferred to the Khajahani Mal Adda. Ibid, pp. 925-51. Subba Padma Dev Panta's previous salary, Kamapani Rs 1000 a year, war raised to Kampani Rs 1,400 when he was transferred to Khajahani. During the period from Vikrama 1952 to 1956, the arrears of land tax revenue totaled Kampani Rs 311,746. Naib Subba Mathbar Jung Thapa Chhetri who took over charge from his predecessor, Subba Yagnya Dhwaj Mahat Chhetri, as chief of the Khajahani Mal Adda, was able to collect only Kampani Rs 122,462, leaving a balance of Rs 189,284. The major factor responsible for the accumulation of arrears was a prolonged drought during the Vikrama 1954-56. "Because of the drought, the Jimidars of this district have become very poor. The arrears cannot be recovered even if their property is auctioned according to the regulations. Nor are prospective applicants available who will tak up vacant jimidari holdings on payment of the arrears. Lands will remain uncultivated if existing jimidars aer evicted in a situation where prospective applicants are not available, thereby causing further losses of revenue to the government." Another reason for the accumulation of arrears was that a fresh revenue settlement was conducted in the Vikram year 1952, which (1) increased land tax assessment rates, and (2) detected large-scale descrepancies in the actual area and the recorded are of holdings, thereby increasing the tax-liability of jimidars. Subba Padma Dev Pant, who mentioned all this in his report, stipulated that he would clear off the arrears in 2 years in case additional staff was sanctioned. The government sanctioned additional staff for a period of 18 months, involding a total expenditure of Kampani Rs 3,623. Jestha Badi 7, 1958 (May 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 89, pp. 70-98. The total land-tax-assessment figure in Khajahani for the Vikrama year 1957 was Rs 433,956. Of the amount: Rs 34,112 was collected by Naib Subba Mathbar Jung Thapa Chhetri until Magh Badi 6, 1957. Rs 116,729 was collected by Subba Padma Dev Panta until Chaitra Badi 5, 1957. The arrears for the Vikrama year 1957 thsu amounted to Rs 273,115, while total arrears amounted to Rs 460,670. There were a total of 595 moujas in Khajahani, but the number of jimidars was 2,217. In order to expedite collection of the arrears, the post of a Dittha, carring an annual salary of Kampani Rs 600, had been sanctioned. Expenses totaling Kampani Rs 3623 were later sanctioned for additional staf and other administrative expenses. Bhadra Sudi 7, 1958 (June 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 990-1000. 150. A Jimidari Bandobasta Adda had been created in Khajahani in the Vikrama year 1954. Fragmentation of jimidari holdings, and transactions in such Fragments, were quite common in that area. 1958 (A.D. 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 89, pp. 13-45. Obviously because of the prolonged drought in Khajahani, a dittha was appointed on a yearly salary of Kampani Rs 600 to expedite the construction of irrigation channels and promote land reclamation. Prime Minister Bir Shumshere issued orderes to the Thula Hakims to take all possible steps for the development of irrigation facilities. Jestha Badi (?), 1958 (May 1901) Remgi Research Collection, vol. 89, pp. 61-70. *********** Saw-Mills in the Tarai Region During A.D. 1900-1, the government of Nepal installed a saw mill at Fultekra in Nepalgunj under the management of a British engineer from Calcutta. Marga Sudi, 1958 (November 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 254-63. On Bhadra Badi 10, 1957 (August 1900), Naib Subba Thir Bahadur Khatri Chhetri of the Rapti- Dwar Kathmahal was granted permission to debit Kampani Rs 97-12 as expenses incurred for the purchases of unbaked bricks, thatch, etc. for constructing quarters for workers employed at the (Fultekra) saw-mill. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 89. pp. 299-310. 151. On the recommendation of Sardar Dhundiraj Shahi, Chief of the Naya Muluk Goswara, Naib Subba Thir Bahadur Khatri Chhetri. Chief of the Rapti-Dwar Kathmahal, was granted permission of Jestha Sudi 19, 1958 (June 1901) to spend Kampani Rs 1,600 for the construction of residential bungalow and a well for the British engineer. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 89, pp. 114-23. On the request of Naib Subba Thir Bahadur Khatri Chhetri of the Rapti-Dwar-Kathmahal, Subba Yog Pratap Rana, Chief of the Banke Mal Adda, was ordered to disburse a total sum of Kampani Rs 6,000 for paying the salaries and wages of the engineer, workers, coolies, etc of the (Fultekra) saw mill. Jestha Badi 10, 1958 (May 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 89, pp. 141-59. Naib Subba Thir Bahadur Khatri Chhetri was similarly granted permission to debit Kampani Rs 540 as expenses inccured on wages, materials, etc. required for the saw mill. Marga Badi 8, 1958 (November 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 264-95. A saw mill had been installed in the Tribeni area of western Nepal also with machinery imported from India. Poush Badi 8, 1958 (December 1901) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 88, pp. 333-78. These mills were installed mainly for the production of ties required for the India railways. 152. Abolition of the Naya Muluk Rakam Goswara Major-Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri, Chief of the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda, submitted the following report to the government on Aswin Badi 9, 1954 (September 1897): "Dariyaburdi Khair Addas had been established some years age for the sale and export of catechu as well as the wood of trees washed away by foods. "In the Vikrama year 1949 (A. D. 1892), the (Naya Muluk) Rakam Goswara Adda was established, and functions relating to contracts and monopolies (Mahalat), previously performed by Mal and Kathmahal Addas, were placed under the jurisdiction of these Khair Addas. "In the Vikrama year 1953 (A.D. 1896), the government adopted the policy of permitting open exports of catechu, subject to the payment of a duty of Kampani Rs 14 per maund, because sale and export of this commodity under the amanat system resulted in losses. In that year, revenue from the export duty on catechu totaled Kampani Rs 8,137-4. "Until the Vikrama year 1952 (A.D. 1895), these Khair Addas collected a sum of Kampani Rs 49,136-3 every year. Subsequently Abkari (excise duty on liquor) and Kascharai (tax on cattle grazed on pasture lands) taxes were transferred from Khair Addas to the appropriate Mal Adda. These taxes were yielding a sum of Kampani Rs 28,460-1 every year. Thus the amount to be collected by Khair Adda in now only Kampani Rs 20,676-1 every year. "Moreover, most of the sources of revenue under the jurisdiction of Khair Adda have been given out on contract, while only a few are being operated under the amanat system. Finally, functions relating to dariyabardi timber have been transferred from Khair Addas to the appropriate Kathmahals. "Thus the following amounts are being spent on Khair Addas for the collection of only Kampani Rs 20,676 a year:- (Naya Muluk) Rakam Goswara Rs 2,080 Babai-Karnali Khair Adda Rs 2,043 Rapti Khair Adda Rs 1,585 Mohana-Mahakali Khair Adda Rs 2,333. Total Kampani Rs 8,041. "The chiefs of Khair Addas have occasionally defalcated what they have collected, or else failed to make any collections at all. Some of them have fled to India, or died. Arrears have, therefore, accumulated, and the government has suffered losses." 153. Major-Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri of the Naya Muluk Bandobasta Adda then submitted the following suggestions:- (a) The (Naya Muluk) Rakam Goswara and all Khair Addas should be abolished from the Vikrma year 1954 (A.D. 1897). (b) Sources of revenue operated by these offices should be transferred to the appropriate Mal or Kathmahal, as the case may be. (c) Kathmahals should also be responsible for the collection of export duty on catechu. For this, they should be provided with additional staff. "In case these suggestions are implemented, a saving of Kampani Rs 6,631 will result." These suggestions were endorsed by the Muluki Adda, and approved by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Kartik Badi 5, 1954 (October 1897) Kartik Badi 12, 1954 (October 1897) Regmi Research collection, vol. 61, pp. 337-344. Lac Exports from the Far-Western Region 1. Karnali-Dwar Kathmahal (Kailali) In the area under the jurisdiction of the Karnali-Dwar Kathmahal in the Naya Muluk, arrangements were made with lac producers under which they undertook to supply half of their output free of cost to the government, and the balance at a stipulated price. In the year 1930 (A.D. 1873), total lac production in that area amounted to 3 maunds and 17 sers. The government accordingly procured the entire quantity, paying Kampani Rs 20-9 for half of it. It then sold and entire quanity for Rs 123-5, and also collected duties amounting to K. Rs 1-10, thus making a total income of K Rs 124-15. 154. Subsequently, the monopoly trade in lac in the area under the jurisdiction of the Karnali-Dwar- Kathmahal in the Naya Muluk became defunct for some reasons. An attempt was made to revive the monopoly in the Vikrama year 1939 (A.D. 1882). One Bhaja Shah offered to take up an ijara for this monopoly for a period of three years. He stipulated payment amounting to K Rs 35 in the first, Rs 100 in the second year, and rs 200 in the second year. The government decided not to grant an ijara for a period of three years as offered by Bhaja Shah, because it felf that it mifht be possible to increase the amount after one year. Captain Ambar Singh Pandit Chhetri of the Karnali-Dwar-Kathmahal was, therefore, ordered to invite fresh bids so as to ensure that revenue from this source did not fall below the amount of K Rs 124-15 collected in A.D. 1873, or at least K Rs 35 offered by Bhaja Shah for the first year. Ashadh Badi 3, 1939 (June 1882) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 91, pp. 14-18. 2. Mahkali-Dwar Kathmahal (Kanchanpur) Captain Sahasram Majhi Chhetri, Chief of the Mahakali-Dwar Kathmahal in the Naya Muluk, had procured 12 maunds (fractions of a ser have been omitted) of lac at a total cost of Rs 47-11 (Kampani Rupees). The lac, however, remained unsold. Captain Sahasram Majhi Chhetri's predecessor had been able to secure a price of Kampani Rs 30- 15 a maund during his term of office. According to an order dated Marga Badi 13,1936 (November 1879), Captain Sahasram Majhi Chhetri had been granted permission to sell lac at Kampani Rs 20-8 a maund. However, his successor, Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri, received only Kampani Rs 11 a maunds as the highest bid. The regulations that had been issued in his name prohibited him from making any sale at a price below what had been secured previously. Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri, therefore, referred the matter to Kathmandu. The total quantity of lac then in stock and the cost thereof were as follows:- In Kampani Rs Period Quantity Cost (in maunds) (inclusive of Chungi) Captain Sahasram Majhi Chhetri 12 Rs 47-11 Captain Kuldip Majhi Chhetri 58 Rs 255. 155. On Bhadra Badi 12, 1937 (August 1880), Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri was granted permission to invite fresh bids, and refer them to Kathmandu. Misri Lal, a merchant of the Indian market-town of Filibhit, offered the highest bid of Kampani Rs 11 a maund if the lac was of old stock, or Kampani Rs 16 a maund if it was supplied from both old and new stocks. No higher offer was received. On Chaitra Sudi 2, 1937 (March 1881), Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri again referred the matter to Kathmahal. Misri Lal's offer was accepted by Kathmandu on Ashadh Badi 1, 1938 (June 1881). The order reached the Mahakali-Dwar Kathmahal on Shrawan Sudi 9, 1938 (July 1881). Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri then sent a peon to Pilibhit summoning Misri Lal to take dilevery of the lac forthwith. Misri Lal set the following reply: This is the monsoon season, so I cannot come now. I will come to take delivery of the lac in the month of Poush (December 1881). However, Misri Lal did not come in December 1881. Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri then again sent a peon to Pilibhit to fetch him. Misri Lal told the peon: "I had offered a bid for the lac in Chaitra 1937 (March 1881). My bid was accepted only in Shrawan 1938 (July 1881). I was unable to take delivery of the lac at that time because of the monsoon season, when ox-carts cannot operate. Now the price of lac in the Pilibhit market is Kampani Rs 12 or Rs 14 a Pucca maund. I shall suffer a loss if I buy Nepali lac at Kampani Rs 16 a maund. I have, therefore, decided not to take delivery." Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri then reported to Kathmandu on Falgun Badi 7, 1938 (February 1882) that Misri Lal had refused to take delivery of the lac. He added, "Because Misri Lal belongs to India, we cannot use force to bring him here. It has thus not been possible to sell the lac at Kampani Rs 16 a maund as sanctioned." The case was referred to Prime Minister Ranoddip Singh through the Kathmahal Bandobasta Adda. The Prime Minister sanctioned the following instructions to Captain Kuldip Khadka Chhetri of the Mahakali-Dwar Kathmahal on Jestha Badi 7, 1939: "Send another order to Misri Lal directing him to take delivery of the lac within seven days, and warning him that otherwise he will be considered dishonest, and that the Gorkha government will be entertain any application from him in any matter in the future. If Misri Lal does not accept delivery within seven days, sell the 71 maunds of lac at the same rate (that is, Kampani Rs 15 a maund) to another merchant. In the event Misri Lal sets foot on our territory, action shall be taken against him according to Section 7 of the Law Relating to Revenue Matters (Rai-Rakam Ko)." Jestha Badi 7, 1939 (May 1882) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 91, pp. 70-78. 156. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 (Continued from the September 1981 issue) 4. Special Revenue and Allocations Thereof I am not using the term special from the viewpoint of aconomics. The main objective of these particulars is to show other revenues and reserves apart from the general revenue, as well as special revenue and allocations thereof different from general revenue and expenditure. Another objective is to keep intact the assets left by the previous government instead of using it for general expenditure. There is a reserve of Rs 79,040,258, inclusive of gold, silver, old mohar coins, Indian (Kampani) and Nepali coins, Nepali and foreign currency notes, and investiments in the shares of the Nepal Bank, left over by the Ran government. Previously, there was no proper system of backing the money released for circulation. The policy that was adopted at that time was to increase revenue and economise on expenditure anyhow. There was no problem of budgets. Now that a democratic government has been formed, we have to face many problems. Some of those problems are contributions of the old regime. That is why I have established the following three reserve funds with the above-mentioned reserves:- (a) Currency Reserve Fund of Rs 50 million (b) Exchange Stabilization Fund of Rs 20 million (c) Budget Equalization Fund of Rs 10 million. The Currency Reserve Fund and the Exchange Stabilization Fund will be spent only for the special purpose for which they have been established. The objective of the budget Equalization Fund is to meet deficits in the general budget. However, the amount taken out from this fund will be refunded from the revenue of the next year. By establishing these three funds, I have not only kept intact the present reserves, but also, I believe, laid a strong foundation for the economic progress of the country. There is also a Development Fund of Rs 25 million. This amount has been received in a Lump sum in place of the Rs 1 million stipulated for payment by the India (British) government every year after the second world war. There is also a Depreciation Fund of the Rs 2.2 million meant for the ropeway, electricity and railway services. I intend to spend some amounts from this fund for purchasing machinery and for maintenance and repair works. 157. Apart from the funds mentioned above, there are another reserves amouting to Rs 8.1 million meant for specific purposes. Some of them are of guthi type. Moreover, here are government investments in several mills and factories. Unfortunately, it seems necessary to write off some of these investimates, because they had been made without proper considerable. In any case, these amounts are not available for spending. 5. Ways and Means According to the proposed budget, revenue durng 2008 (A.D. 1951-52) is expected to amount to Rs 30,516,000, and the expenditure to Rs 52,521,000. This there is a deficit of Rs 22,005,000. Of this deficit, Rs 5,159,000 is meant for productive development projects, purchase of new machinery, and repair and maintence of old ones, and supply of taccavi loans. I have decided to meet this deficit by drawing Rs 1,259,000 from the Depreciation Fund, Rs 2,400,000 from the Development Fund, and Rs 1,500,000 (taccavi loans) from the Budget Equalization Fund. The remaining deficit of Rs 16,846,000 will have to be met from general revenue. So far as cash balances are concerned, reference has already been made above. Since the present government bears the responsibility of proding social services and facilities to the public I have decided to include some cash balances in the general revenue. The total amount to be included in this manner is Rs 3,649,000. At present there is a total reserve of Rs 2,579,000 in the Muluki-Khana (Central Treasury) and district revenue offices. If these two amounts are added, the total amount becomes Rs 6,228,000. There is thus a net deficit of Rs 10,618,000. Only three months are left for the expiry of this year. Since all the amounts allocated for various purposes under the budget are not likely to be spent during this period there seems to be no need to meet this deficit. I will later refer to additional means of increasing revenue, which will further reduce the deficit. 6. You must have noted that general expenditure has considerably increased in the proposed budget estimates. This situation can be improved in two different ways: (1) By reducing expenditure, or (2) by increasing revenue. Some of the heads for which allocation have been made are of a non-recurring nature. Even then, annual expenditure has considerably increased. We have decided to bring abount fundamental changes in the system of state administration and reduce as far as possible the number of employees working in various departments. But since it is the firm policy of the Nepali Congress to raise the living standard of the people, and provide various facilities to them, expenditure on previously 158. neglected social fields, such as education and public health, will certainly increase in the future. During this year, expenditure on education has increased by 50 percent, and in public health by 30 percent.[......]. This reveals greate progress then before. There is much prospect for development on our country. The economic program approved by the Council of Ministers outlines the pattern of development. This country, first of all, requires transport facilities. We have to spend much for this. I see it necessary for a years more to spend huge amounts of money on telephone, telecommunication, and postal services, and on the construction of roads and airports. There are also some productive development projects. For such projects, it is appropriate to raise public loans within the country itself, or borrow from abroand. There is also much prospect of cottage, light, and medium industries, but they require capital. I believe that the revenue of this country can be considerably increased. Land tax in the main source of our general revenue. But during the past 25 to 30 years, no concrete action was taken in connection with the land system. There are also many shortcomings in procedure of collecting land taxes. In case the birta system is abolished, the land-tax collection procedure is improved, and food and cash crops are cultivated in newly-reclaimed lands, revenue from this source is bound to increase. It has been decided to match our customs tariff rates with those of India on the basis of our trade treaty with that country. It has also become necessary to increase the rates of excise duty. As regards export duties, we have already increased the rates on paddy, jute, potato, oilseeds and spices. I am conducting studies for further increasing revenue from this source by holding consultations with the concerned ministries. We also intend to impose a nominal income duty on some items. Plans are being formulated to impose income tax on agricultural income accruing from land and jimidari holdings. But much cannot be earned from this source during the next two or three years. At present, this tax will be imposed with a view to acquainting the people with income tax, rather than increasing revenue from this source. After this sytem attains its full development in a few years, it will be the prominent source of revenue. At present, our telecommunication, telephone and postal fees are very low. As much, there are ample possibilities of increasing these rates. Revenues from this source will be increased by developing telecommunications services. I have also decided to impose annual on radia sets. Studies are being conducted on the present rates of railway, trolley and ropeway charges. In case it seems appropriate, these rates too will be increased. It is also being plained to imposed water tax on each household. I am, in addition, thinking of increasing taxes on vehicles. 159. Arrangements are being made to improve the forest management system. this too is likely to increase revenue. In the field of education, there is a proposal to provide free primary education throughout the Kingdom, and collect fees from students studying in secondary and high schools and collages. Revenue will be increased also by imposing fees on hunting, and by increasing arms licensing fees. I have proposed to issue a Democracy Memorial Stamp. This too will provide some revenue. Finally, I propose to start a national saving scheme. Under this scheme, certificates worth Rs 10, Rs 25, Rs 100, Rs 1,000, Rs 5,000 and Rs 25,000 each. being interest at the following rates, will be issued:- One-year certificates ..... 3 percent Two-year " ..... 3 percent Three-year " ..... 4 percent Four-year " ..... 4 percent Five-year " ..... 5 percent On this occasion, I would like to inform the public that the government has decided to establish a Planning and Development Board under the chairmanship of the Hon'able Prime Minister. The Board will consist of both government employees and private indidivuals. It will not only recommend priorities by studying plans recviced from various ministries, but also provide suggestions on general policies and programs for the next three to five years. It is necessary for the Finance Ministry of any country to exercise full control over revenue and expenditure in order to operate the economy property. The Kumari Chok and other Audit and Accounts Departments are being recoganized. An Accountant-General has already been appointed for bringing reforms in the system of maintaining accounts in the Muluki Khana, (Central Treasure) Tin Sancha (District Treasures) and District Revenue Offices, and to establish local audit offices to detect irregularities in time and take necessary action for correcting them. The Audit-General will see whether or not the government's revenue and expenditure are correct. The fiscal rules approved by the Council of Ministers have entrusted various authorities with fiscal powers. This is unprecedented for our country. No official or ministry will be entitled to spend in any manner in excess of the sanctioned amount without obtaining the approval of the Council of Ministers or the Finanace Ministry. The government is determined to implement these rules firmly in order to strengthen the economic condition of the country. For this, I expect full and wholehearted cooperation not only from any colleagues but also from government employees all over the Kingdom. 160. It has been decided that, after the Council of Ministers prepare a detailed description of plans, the amount allocated in the budget estimate my be spent only after obtaining the approval of the Council of Ministers or the Finanace Ministry according to need. It is the policy of the government to give as much care as necessary while spendingthe national wealth. It is with this objective that the Finance Committee of the Council of Ministers studies each important plan one by one and fixes priorities. It is one of the features of the proposed budget that the amounts allocated in it will be divided into task budgets. While sanctioning expenditure, task expenses will be provided for specifif projects, except for the expenses of the main offices which are indispensable for supervising and managing work. This will curtail wasteful every year, insure control of expenditure, and thus lead to the expenditure implementation of projects. A few months age, the Council of Ministers had decided to open a State Bank. Ram Nath and Sripai of the Reserve Bank of India visited Nepal on the invitation of our government in this connection. We held talks with them on the best way of implementing the decision of the Council of Ministers, as well as on various issues relating to currency, exchange, and loans. The government expects to open much a State Bank very soon. It is also determined to control excessive fluctuations in the exchange rates between the Nepali and Indian currencies. The State Bank is expected to perform other functions also, apart from keeping government reserves. I am grateful to the government of India for having sent Ram Nath and Sripai for consultations, I also thank Ram Nath for the having provided valuable suggestions. The establishment of a State Bank is yet another step toward properly organizing the economy of the country and activities relating to banking. (To be Continued0 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: November 1, 1981 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 13, No. 11 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contexts 1. Trade Outlets in Far-Western Nepal 2. Some Terms Pertaining to the Timber Export Trade in 19th Century Nepal 3. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 4. Land Taxation in Kailali and Kanchanpur 5. Time Required for Delivery of Mail from Kathmandu to Different Areas 6. The Wax and Paper Monopolies 7. The State and Economic Surplus 8. Problems of Land Administration in Central Hill Region Page 161 162 162 165 167 169 170 171 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 161. Trade Outlets in Far-Western Nepal Report submitted by Colonel Siddhiman Singh Rajbhandari: "Commdities produced in the region situated west of the Karnali river and east of the Mahakali river are sold at Brahmadeo-Mandi during the period from October to May. During the rest of the year, exports to India ae channlled throught Jhulaghat, Asgad, aulyang, and Darchula. "Until the Vikram year 1916 (A.D. 1859), duties collected at Jhulaghat, Asgad, aulyang and Darchula, collected underthe ijara system, yielded a revenue of Rs 417. During the following year, arrangements were made to collect duties at these places under the amanat system. Because the customs tariff rates were lower than in Brahmadeo-Mandi, producers and traders prefer to export their commodities to India through Jhulaghat, Asgad, Aulyang and Darchula, rather than through Brahmadeo-Mandi. This has caused a loss of revenue to the government. "Rs 81 from customs revenue collected at Jhulaghat, and Rs 39 at Asgad, Aulyang, and Darchula, have been assigned as jagir to the Sri Aridaman Company on a permanent basis. Revenue may go up and smuggling may be checked, if customs tariffs at these four places are collected at the same rates as at Brahmandeo-Mandi." Prime Minister Jung Bahadur then issued the following order effective Baisakh Badi 1, 1920 (April 1863): (1) The markets of Jhulaghat, Asgad, Aulyang and Darchula shall be removed from the jurisdiction of the Doti District Administration and placed under Brahmadeo-Mandi. (2) The amount of RS 120 paid as jagir to the Sri Aridaman Company shall be compensated by the Sadar Dafdarkhana through assignments of Jagera lands in Doti. (3) Customs tariffs shall be collected at these four places at the same rates as the Brahmadeo-Mandi, and consolidated accounts shall be submitted to the Dafdarkhana Kumarichok at the end of each year. Jestha Sudi 7, 1922 (May 1865) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 49, pp. 752-54. 162. Some Terms Pertaining to the Timber Export Trade In 19th Century Nepal Sira Forests containing commercially valuable timerh of the prescribed varieities. Jhora Forests containing inferior varieties of timber. Tipeta A system under which timber was cut through wage-laborers employed by the government. Khuski do. by private individuals against governemtn permits. Kathmahal A government-onwed or controlled depot responsible for the cutting and export of commercially valuable timber from trees with a girth of more than 3 feet each, as well as of other forest products. Thinguri Mahal do. less than 3 feet each. ************** Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 (Continued from the October 1, 1981 issue) 9. There are many difficulties and obstacles that we have to face. One of them is the lack of employees who understand the modern system of government and are trained in the work of various departments. We do nto have a sufficient number of high-level- professional experts and specialists required for various purposes. We have, therefore, made efforts to bring in personnel trained in India and other countries. We are also trying to take maximum advantage of the Point Four Program, the Swiss Technical Aid Plan, the Colombo Plan, and other international aid programs. We face an unhill task because we have to reconstruct the country. As such, it is essential for us to ask fot he assistance of experienced and trained personnel from other countries until our own people receive proper education and training. Since other countries too have fulfilled their requirements in this manner, we need to feel shy in asking for the hepfl of trained personnel. 163. Another problem is that of material resources. Though Nepal has abundant mineral and other natural resources, and there are ample prospects of exploiting them, yet we have to depend upon other countries for machinery, equipment, and other necessary goods and supplies. The third problem is that of money. I have put forward many proposals for increasing revenue. I hope the savings program will evoke enthusiastic response from the public. But we require money immediately for our development programs. Since the lack sufficient resources for the purposes, we will have to obtain loans from abroad. As you know, our Prime Minister and some other ministers had visited India recently to hold talks on various issues with the India Prime Minister and other India officials. I am happy to inform you that we received full sympathy as well as equipmentand experts. We are now preparing a detailed statement of the actual assistance that we require. We expect to finalize the matter with the India government soon. I would like to make it clear that the India government has attached no conditions to this assurance of economic cooperation. Our government will in no way accept any condition which may undermine our independence or sovereignty while obtaining foreign economic and technical cooperation. This is the firm principle of this government. I hope that all of you will join me in extending thanks to the Indian government for having helped us at the time of need. I would now like to say something about the economic policy of the government. The objectives of the government is to raise the living standard fo the people, and also improve their cultural and social life. The government will prepare a plan by properly coordinating all programs covering social, cultural, economic and political aspects in order to fulfill this objective. No inappropriate or haphazard work will be allowed to beundertaken. Our program will noe be influenced by the economic views of any ideology, but will be framed on the basis of the realistic policy of achieving maximum possible within the shortest possible period. After serious consideration, the government has decided to adopt the policy of mixed economy. It is the firm policy of the government to check exploitation of one group or individual by anoher, provide equal opportunities to all, and ensure equal distribution of wealth. Even then, there will be sufficient scope for private enterprise. I believe that the economic prosperity of the country lies more in increasing wealth through the development of available resources than in distributing the existing wealth equally. But it is necessary to narrow gradually the gap between the rich and the poor while increasing the nation's wealth. It is necessary to pay special attention to the poor. It is better to start small projects than to undertake many projects in the beginning. In the present situation, it is the policy of the government to develop cottage and small industries. 164. in the rural sector and then link them with big industries. We will make efforts to decentralize industries so as to avoild their concentration in urban areas. 10. This brief outline of our economy shows that our economic condition is solid and that much improvement is being made in the administrative system which is being reorganized on the basis of the new system. we have introduced new pay-scales and are prescribing new conditions relating to the civil services. In the future, civil servants will have a proper feeling of security and respect. The plan to construct a highway linking Kathmandu will be completed very soon. The Gauchar airport is being made all-weather like other airports. Airfields in Biratnagar, Pokhara, and elsewhere are also ready. Work has already been started in some development projects. Special emphasis has been laid upon cottage industries, irrigation, and reforms and agriculture. We have extended considerable assistance to peasants even at the cost of rvenues. The abolition of the birta and the forced-labor (bethi begar) systems and arrangements to provide tenancy rights to peasants in the lands being tilled by then, will certainly further improve the condition of peasants. An Agricultural Reforms Commission has also been formed. The population census and compilation of voters's lists are also almost complete. It is expected that elections will be held by the middle of next year. The people have obtained fundamental rights such as the right to choose their occupation, and freedom of speech and organization. The tasks of obstablishing an independent judiciary, and amending laws in accordance with the interim Constitution have already started. Though everything has to be doen from the beginning, yet initiatives have already begun in many fields. Even then, much yet remains to be done. The task of national reconstruction is not an easy one. It will not be surprising if it takes some time to raise Nepal to the level of ther developed countries by improving the economic, cultural and social standard of the new Nepal. apart from natural resources, manpower, and money required for completing such a great task, there is also a great need for patience, inspiration and full cooperation between the government and the people. With this objective, the Advisory Committee is going to meet soon. I would like to draw your attention to a very important issue. No country can march toward progress without proper law and order. The evil attempts of opportunists and terroristic activities like those of Magh 8, 2008 (January 22, 2952) create obstacles on the path of progress. Therefore, I strongly call on each individual and group of our motherland to cooperate with The government in maintaining la[.....] order. I have to doubt at all that if this basic requirement is ensured our country will march forward on the path of progress and prosperity every day. (To be Continued) Land Taxation in Kailali and Kanchanpur On Aswin Badi 1, 1954 (September 1897), Major-Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri, Chief of the Naya Muluk Bandobast Adda, submitted the following report to Kathmandu:- "Lands in Kailali and Kanchanpur had last been surveyed in the Vikrama year 1944 (A.D. 1887). These districts are largely waste and uncultivated, hence the ryots leave their holdings fallow after four or five years and shift to other holdings. However, they continue to pay taxes for ther old holdings. This means that the government gets no revenue from the newly-reclaimed lands. "By the Vikrama year 1953 (A.D. 1896), the total taxable area in Kailali and Kanchanpur districts amounted to 76,587 bighas and 14 kathhas." Major Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri proposed that the Kailali-Kanchanpur Mal Adda survey the cultivated area in the two districts every year in order to avoid loss of revenue. For this, he requested the following staff and expenses:- Designation Annual Salary (in Kampani Rs). 1 Mukhiya Rs 350 2 Nausinda Rs 216 (at Rs 9 per month each) 2 do. Rs 192 (at Rs 8 per month each) 4 do. Rs 216 (at Rs 4 per month each) 6 Peons Rs 240 (at Rs 3-5 per month each0 Office expenses Rs 50 Total Kampani Rs 1,264 166. Major Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri proposed to raise this additional expenditure in the following manner:- (1) A surcharge of 1 paisa should be levied on each rupee of land tax from the Vikrama year 1954 (A.D. 1897). On a total area of 76,587 bighas and 14 Katthas, this will mean an additional revenue of Rs 1,196- 10 j. (2) The rates of tax on Hale holding belonging to settlers from the hills should be increased from Rs 2 to 3 each. There should be a proportionate increase in the rate on Pate holdings as well. "The number of Hale and Pate holdings belonging to settlers from the hills in Kailali and Kanchanpur districts is as follows:- District Hale Pate Kailali 39 - Kanchanpur 285 32 Total 346 "The increased rate will not cause any intolerable burden for the settlers, because the rates of tax on hale holdings is a high as Rs 5 each in the adjoining area of Malbara. "At the current rates, an amount of Rs 837-8 is collected on these 346 hale and pate holdings belonging to settlers from the hills in Kailali and Kanchanpur districts. In case the above-mentioned proposal in increase the tax rates is implemented, and additional revenue of Rs 335 will be collected, thus bringing up the total to Rs 1,117-8." The government approved Major Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri's proposal it also decreed:- "In case settlers from India, or from elsewhere in the Kingdom, reclaim previously untaxed lands in Kailali and Kanchanpur districts, they shall be allowed tax remission for an initial period of three to five years. "In case ryots in these two districts vacates their taxable holdings and shift to new areas, land tax, as well as Tejarath, Sair-anna, and other levies, shall be collected from them the very first year." Kartik Badi 12, 1954 (October 1897) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 61, pp. 344-356. Time Required for Delivery of Mail from Kathmandu To Different Areas Area No. of Days Bara, Parsa 5 Rautahat 7 Sarlahi 8 Mahottari 10 Saptari 15 Morang 25 Mechi (Jhapa) 30 Western Tarai Palhi, Nawalpur 11 Khajahani 12 Sheiraj 13 Eastern Hills Majhkirat 9 Dhankuta 12 Ilam 18 Western Hills Gorkha 3 Pokhara 5 Syangja 6 Parbat, Palpa 8 Pyuthan 10 Salyan 13 Dailekh 16 Jumla 25 Doti 30 Dadeldhura 32 Baitadi 35 168. Inner Tarai Chitaun 4 Sindhuli 3 Udayapur 8 Nawalpur 11 Surkhet 18 Far-Western Region Nepalgunj 20 Kailali 25 Kanchanpur, Brahmadeo-Mandi 30 References 1. His Majesty's Government, "22 Sal Dekhi Aghika Rakam Bujhaunya Ain" (Law relating to the submission of accounts of revenue collection prior to the Vikram year 1922), in Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shah Devaka Shasanakalama Baneko Muluki Ain (Legal Code enacted during the reign of His Majesty King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev), Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, 2022 (1965), pp. 67-69. 2. Government of Nepal, " Bahi Bujhneko" (on the audit of accounts), in Ain (Legal code), pt. 2, Kathmandu: Sri Bhagawati Press, 1975 (1918), pp. 32-34. 3. Government of Nepla, "Bahi Bujhnejo" (on the audit of accounts), in Muluki Ain (Legal Code), pt. 2, Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 2012 (1955), pp. 46-48. 169. The Wax and Pater Monopolies On Jestha Sudi 12, 1919 (May 1862), the following public notification was issued to village headmen and producers of wax and paper in the Syartan, Satthar and Warpak areas of Gorkha. "Under the wax monopoly, the monopolist is under obligation to: (a) Supply wax of pure quality (Galawat) every day in the stipulated quantity, (b) Supply additional quantities when required at the rate of Rs 2 per dharni. "Similarly, under the paper monopoly, the monopolist is under obligation to supply writing paper to the palace at the rate of one ann per dhep (20 sheets) in the required quantities. "We have new received reports that jigirdars and birta owners do not let the monopolists procure wax and paper produced in the areas under their jurisdiction, and make their own arrangements for the sale of those commodities. "Jagirdars and birtaowners all over the Kingdom are, therefore, directed to let monopolists procure wax and paper produced in the area under their jurisdiction at local prices as usual. They shall be punished with fines if they make prices as usual. They shall be punished with fines if they make their own arrangements for the sale of those commodities." On Ashadh sudi 13, 1936 (June 1879), the monopolist, Sahu Ram Das, submitted a petition to the government as follows:- "Wax and paper are being sold elsewhere in contravention of the monopoly regulations. Government offices too procure paper from other souces. How then can I operate these monopolies and pay the stipulated amounts to the government?" Sahu Ram Das, therefore, prayed that orders be issued prescrining a fine amounting to double the profit that would have accrued to the monopolist, and confiscation of the commodities, if wax and paper were sold by anyone to persons other than the monopolist. The Petitions Office (Hukum Niksari Jhagada Patti Ek Lambar Adda) recommended that such an order be issued according to Section 25 of the Law on Revenue Contracts (Rairakamko) (in the Muluki Ain) and the terms and conditions stipulated with the monopolist. The Bharadari endorsed the recommendation. The Adalat Goswara was directed to issue a public notification accordingly. Before it could to so, however, the Adalat Goswara was abolished. The notification was, therefore, issued through the Adalat Dhansar. Marga Badi 5, 1936 (November 1879) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 91, pp. 182-88. 170. The State and Economic Surplus: Production, Trade, and Resource-Mobilization in Early 19th Century Nepal By Mahesh C. Regmi (To be published soon) Centents I The Setting II Resources-Moblization and the State III Implementation of Resource-Mobilization Policies IV The Pattern of Primary Production V Handicrafts and Manufactures VI The State and the Producer VII the Pattern of Trade VIII The Taxation of Production IX Commercial Taxation X Personal Obligations and the Supply of Commodities XI The Procurement of Commodities XII Revenue Monopilies and the State-Trading System XIII A Retrospect. The first Chapter of this study describes the geographical, historical and political background to the state's resource-mobilization policies in early nineteenth century Nepal before the commencement of Rana rule, while Chapter II presents a broad outlne of those policies. Chapter III examines the general nature of the Gorkhali State and administration in so far as they pertained to the implementation of those policies. Chapters IV and V describe the general pattern of primary production, as well as of handicrafts and manufactures. Questions relating to the ownership and control of natural resources (land, forests, and mines) that determined the institutional framework within which the production system operated ae discussed in Chapter VI. Chapter VII contains a description of the general pattern of regional and export trade in both primary commodities and handicrafts and manufactures. Having thus sketched the general pattern of production and trade [......] nineteenth-century Nepal, the book next deals with the taxation of production (Chapter VIII), commercial taxation (Chapter IX), and personal obligations (Chapter X) as the main sytems under which economic surplus from private production and trade was transferred to the state withour an act of exchange. Chapters XI and XII discuss the different systems through which the state garnered the surplus through the process of exchange: compulsory procuremtn, monopoly trade, and state trading. An attempt has been made in the final Chapter to draw some braod conclusions on the nature of productions, exchange, and resource-mobilization policies in early nineteenth-century Nepal. ************** Problems of Land Administration in Central Hill Region 1. Gorkha Order to Kumbhedan Indra Singh Adhikari: "Complaints are being received in large numbers that many homesteads are being depopulated in Gorkha. It appears that the regulations that have been issued in your name are vague and not clear. As much, it is necessary to summon Srinivasa Arjyal, hold consultations with him, and give him necessary instructions. Send him (to Kathmandu) immediately along with the royal and other hand land grants made to the inhabitants of Gorkha that you have withdrawan. Baisakh Badi 11, 1907 (April 1950) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 34-35. 2. Tanahu Orderto survey officers deputed to Tanahu from the Sadar Dafdarkhana Vishnu Datta Pande, a tenant, cultivating lands belonging to Chaturbhuj Barakoti, a resident of Purkot in Tanahu, has submitted the following petition: "The total area cultivated by me was 53 muris of rice-land. The land was repeatedly washed away by foods, so that only 40 muris was left cultivatable. I had been paying a rent of 11 muris and 3 pathis of paddy, and 12 annas as ghiukhane levy, on this land. In the Vikrama year 1904 (A.D. 1847) the land was again damaged by floods. No irrigation facilities 172. are available in the area that has been left undamaged. I had requested the survey officers to review the rent and inspect the irrigation facilities available there. However, instead of doing so, they only demand payment of rents. Two or three years have passed in this manner, and rents remain unpaid. Hapf of the produce on the land amounts to only five or six muris of paddy, or I cannot continue cultivating it on payment of 11 muris and 3 pathis of paddy." The survey officers were instructed by the Sadar Dafdarkhana as follows: "Inspect the land and the irrigation facilities available there, determine the actual figures, and collect outstanding rents accordingly. Make necessary arrangements to ensure that arrears do not accumulate with the tenant, and that the land does not remain uncultivated. Baisakh Sudi 3, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 37-38. 3. Lubhu (Lalitpur) the peasants of Lubhu in Lalitpur district submitted the following petition: "Customary arrangements (thiti) regarding rice-lands in our area are no longer followed. Such lands are being allotted to non-resident persons through royal or other orders. Moreover, laborers employeed under the byang system by the local military unit have appropriated rice-lands belonging to others. In the Vikrama year 1905 (A.D. 1848), some lands (in Lubhu) had been allotted to some byang laborers belonging to Patan, although these lands had till then ben cultivated by us. in these circumstances, we can no longer provide services to His Majesty's Government (Shri 5 Sarkar)." The following order was issued on Baisakh Sudi 4, 1907 (April 1950): 1. Rice-lands allotted to rakam laborers of all categories, such as byang laborers employeed in the arm, in gardens are orchards, or in temples and monasteries, as well as those employeed to grind guwnpowder, supply grass or charcoal, or to sing religious prayers, whether they reside in Lubbu or elsewhere, shall be allowed to retain their allotments. 2. Rice-lands in Lubhu allotted to byang laborers of Patan, as well as all other lands allotted to no-resident persons, shall be reallotted to resident cultivators subject to the following terms and conditions:- (a) They shall not be evicted from the lands thus reallotted to them. (b) Jigirdars and other landlords (talsing), as well as villages headmen (Jimmawal) shall not evict them and reallot their lands to non-resident persons. 173. A royal order containing these provisions had been issued on Falgun Sudi 4, 1906 (February 1850); it was reconfined on Baisakh Sudi 4, 1907 (April 1850). The latter order also stated: "Order allotments shall be granted to the 22 byang laborers of the army (whose allotments were resumed as mentioned above) on sera or jagir lands. Rents shall be collected from them on kut or adhiya basis, as the case may be, in addition to the ghiukhane and chardam-theki levies. In addition, the allottees shall supply loans to their landlords as usual to the extent of the value of the rents due from them." Baisakh Sudi 4, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 38-41. 4. Chhap Grants Order to Second General Jaya Bahadur Kunwar Rana: Income from the mafiani fee on tax-free (Mafi) chhap land grants, as well as thek tax on Thhekka-Chhap land grants made through the Sadar Dafdarkhana has customarily been credited to the Sri Samar Jung Company. On this ground, the Sri Samar Jung Company Headquarters Office, ignoring the jurisidtion of the Sadar Dafdarkhana, has concelled many Chhap grants and arranged to have such coancellations endorsed through our signature. As a result, may Chhap lanholders have come here with complaints. All grants of Mafi Chhap and Thekka-Chhap lands, other than those made through the Sadar Dafdarkhana, are, therefore, hereby cancelled, irrespective of whether they are mady through the Sri Samarjung Company or ther office. The lands shall then be restored to the former owners on codition that they agree to pay the amounts stipulated by the new beneficiaries." Baisakh Sudi 6, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 41-43. 5. Bhumlu (Kabhrepalanchok) Order from Second General Jaya Bahadur Kunwar Rana to the Tax-collection functionaries (dware, thari, mukhiya) of Bhumlu (in Kabhrepalanchok district): The Sadar Dafdarkhana has deputed employees to collect rents for the period 1896 through 19\899 (A.D. 1839-1842) on 277 muris of rice-lands registered as jagera in the course of the 1894 (A.D. 1837) revenue settlement, as well as on other unclaimed and newly-reclaimed lands. Help those employees to collect such rents, and dispatch the collections to Kathmandu along with the tenants cultivating the lands. We shall make necessary arrangements for their allotments. You will be held responsible if you do not take action according to this order. Baisakh Sudi 11, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79. pp. 45-46. 174. 6. Rawa (Majhkirat) Order from Second General Jaya Bahadur Kunwar Rana to Rshiram Ghimire of Rawa (in Majhkirat), who was cultivating 118 muris of rice-lands assigned as Khangi to the bahidar of the Sadar Dafdarkhana: "When employees were sent to collect thek payments on these lands for the year 1905-1906 (A.D. 1848-49), you prevaricated and offered cloths (Sardu, Chaubisa, Khandi) or payment in 20-ganda paisa rupees, instead. The jagirdar has, therefore, come here with a complaint. An announcement has already been made that all payments due in mohar rupees may be made in 22-ganda paisa rupees. This is the practice now followed everywhere. You may pay the amount of thek tax as stipulated in the tirja (certificates) to the jagirdar accordingly and continue occupying the lands. Otherwise, the arrears will be realized from you and you will be evicted from the lands. In case you are not satisted with your order, you may come here to state your case." Baisakh Badi 11, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Reseach Collection, vol. 79. pp. 47-48. 7. Pikhel (Bhadgaun) Order from Sadar Dafdarkhana to tenants cultivating 30 ropanies of Pakho land granted as Chhap to Saraswati from the harvesting season of the year 1906 (A.D. 1849) from a total area of 84 ropanies and 1 anna at Pikhel in Bhadgaun: "The land has been granted (to Saraswati) as Chhap through a royal order so as to enable her to appropriate rents from the year 1906 (A.D. 1849). However, another land has now been granted to her. The Minister (i.e. Prime Minister Jung Bahadur) has ordered that (the 30-ropani plot) be now granted as Chhap to Kuldip Karki so as to enable him to appropriate rents from the year 1906 (A.D. 1849). The order was communicated through Second General (Jaya Bahadur Kunwar Rana) to this office. You are, therefore, directed to pay serma and other dues from this Chhap land to Kuldip Karki." Baisakh (Adhika) Sudi 11, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79. pp. 48-49. 8. Gorkha Order from the Sadar Dafdarkhana to Radhakrishna Padhya Pokhryal, who was holding four jagera villages in Gorkha, Dewali, Asikot, Kameryapani, and Gorkhu-Barhathok, on thek tenure. 175. "During the revenue settlement of year 1894 (A.D. 1837), a total amount of Rs 94 and 9 annas had been assessed as tax on these four villages. Subsequently, a sum of Rs 15 and 9 annas was remitted because of a decline in population. The amount of thek tax due for the year 1906 (A.D. 1847) was thus Rs 79. A sum of Rs 12 has been deducted to provide for expenses during the Dashain festival. The balance of Rs 67 has been received from in installments as follows:- Rs 40 on Baisakh Badi 1, 1907 through Subedar Nain Singh Basnyat and Saheb Singh. Rs 27 on Baisakh Sudi 4, 1907 through Harshabir Adhikari. Baisakh Sudi 12, 1907 (May 1805) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 50-51. 9. Panchok (Lamjung) Order from the Sadar Dafdarkhana to the headmen (thari, mukhiya) and other prominent people (bhala adami) of Panchok in Lamjung. "Karabir Thapa, a resident of Panchok in Lamjung, had been granted an allotment of 21 muris of rice-land under jagera tenure for the year 1907 (A.D. 1850) on payment of Chardam-theki and Sowed Kagun and Kodo (millets) on the lands. Hastadal Bhandari and Savitra Khasini came here with the complaint that customarily rice-lands in Panchok are not allotted on payment of Chardar-theki. Accordingly, the Chardam-theki paid by Karabir Thapa was refunded to him and the land was reallottted to Hastadal Bhandari and Savitra Khasini. "Subsequenlty, Karabir Thapa and his father came here with the complaint that the Kagun and Kodo crops sown by them were almost ready for harvest and they should be allowed to harvest those crops. "If their complaint is true, and if lands are customarily allotted in Panchok on payment of Chardam-thek, the previous tenant must be allowed possession. Let Karabir Thapa harvest the Kagun and Kodo crops he has sown in the land. If, however, the facts are different, summon both parties and dispense justice." Baisakh (Adhika) Sudi 15, 1907 (May 1850) 10. Bhadgaun Order from the Sadar Dafdarkhana to the bahidar and mohinaike of Thulo-Sera lands (i.e. lands assigned for the supply of commodities to the royal household) in Bhadgaun: 176. "The wheat crop of the year 1906 (A.D. 1849) was damaged by hailstorms. Employees were deputed to assess the extent of the damage. However, crops on 4 ropanies of land cutivated by Jabar Ram could not be inspected because he was not present there. Remission shall be granted to him as well at the same rate of allowed to other tenants." Baisakh Badi 2, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, p. 53. 11. Ghyalchok (Gorkha) Order from Prime Minister Jung Bahadur to the headman (dware, thari) and other prominent people (bhala manis) in Ghyalchok (Gorkha): "You have complained that the rates of taxes fixed in the course of the revenue settlement of the year 1894 (A.D. 1837) are very high. It appears that arrears of payment have accumulated every year. We have therefore deputed survey officials (thar-ghar) to that area. Furnish them with particulars of the taxes paid on each homestead and come here along with them. We shall scrutinize those particulars and settle matter to your satisfaction here." Baisakh Badi 7, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79. pp. 55-56. 12. Arghau (Kaski) Order from the Sadar Dafdarkhana to Bahadur Bhandari of Arghau in Kaski district: "180 muris of rice-lands at Barhabise in Arghau, Kaski district, previously cultivated by Dev Singh Bhandari on payment of kut rent amounting to 33 muris of paddy, and an additional 100 muris found in the year 1907 (A.D. 1850) to be in excess of the recorded area, yielding a ent of 7 muris and 4 pathis of paddy, making a total area of 280 muris and rents amounting to 40 muris and 4 pathis of land, are hereby allotted to you. "The kut rent in kind has been commuted into a thek payment of Rs 28 and 11 annas, being the value of 40 muris and 4 pathis of paddy commuted at the rate of 28 pathis per rupee. Pay this sum to the Sadar Dafdarkhana every year and obtain a receipt. In case you let the lands remain uncultivated, you must pay the thek rent from your property. Baisakh Badi 13, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79. pp. 73-74. (To be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-348X Kathmandu: December 1, 1981 Regmi Research Series Year 13, No. 12 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ********** Contexts 1. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 ..... 2. King Mukund Sen's Invasion of Kathmandu Valley ..... 183 3. Documents from Doti ..... 4. Problems of Land Administration in Central Hill Region ************* Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Page 177 185 ..... 187 177. Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal, 1951 Nepal Gazette, Vol. 1, No. 32, Chaitra 5, 2008 (March 18, 1952). A. General Revenue of the Government of Nepal In thousand rupee. Particulars of Revenue 1. (a) Raikar lands Remissions 2007 (1950-51) 12,031 (in 2006 or 1949-50) 633 2008 (1951-52) 9,232 633 (a special rebate of 2 annas in the rupees had been sanctioned by the first Cabinet) Balance 17,389 (b) Bigahatti levy 2,724 (This levy was abolished by the first Cabinet) 8,599 X (c) Guthi 749 (d) Fines collected for default in payment of land tax 249 Total land-tax revenue 15,116 2. Customs 4,066 3. Excise (including revenue-contracts0 714 4. Export duties on paddy, jute, oil seeds etc. X 5. Income tax X 6. Registration fees 120 7. Mint 4,171 9,405 683 123 4,798 902 2,500 X 80 5,855 178. 8. (a) Indian government 1,000 1,000 (b) Tibet 10 10 9. Aircraft landing fees X 7 10. Telephone 136 136 11. Postal services 126 126 12. Telegraphs X X 13. Wireless services 31 60 14. Railways (net income) X 111 15. Trolley services 59 59 16. Electricity 418 418 17. Ropeway 425 425 (Exclusive of freight on goods belonging to the government as well as on paddy, salt, etc). 18. House rents X X 19. Road cess 75 75 20. Water tax X X 21. Forests 788 3,000 22. Fines collected by offices and courts 1,777 1,500 23. Agriculture (a) Tea plantation 8 8 (b) Water cess 41 41 Total 29,081 30,516 B. Particulars of Expenditure from General Revenue In thusand rupees. Hands of Expenditure 2007 2008 (1950-51) (1951-52) 1. Land revenue (a) Remuneration and allowances for Jimidars and Patuwarsi 590 590 179. (b) Employees in charge of land revenue collection 1,532 1,559 (The difference of 27,000 is due to the recent increment in emoluments) Total 2. Customs and 3. Excise 2,122 X 2,149 100 (This amount is earmarked for the payment of salaries to customs and excise employees and the establishment of new customs offices) 4. Income-tax (The amount includes the expenditure to be incurred on the training of employees in India, as well as on the establishment of a new Income-Tax Department) 5. Mint: (a) Salaries and allowances 109 141 (The difference is due to the recent increment in pay-scales) (b) Contingency (c) Supplies (d) Electricity (e) New Projects 1 X 1 223 203 4 10 4 Total 6. Maintenance and clearance of accounts 337 X 359 50 (For training and other new arrangements) 47 211 Less income of local bodies 7. Guthi 8. Local self-government: (a) Grants to local bodies 47 211 (b) Lump sum grant for the development of Panchayats, etc 24 X 24 200 Total 180 387 180. 9. Industry and commerce: (a) Director's Department 38 38 (b) Supply Department X X (c) Control Office 8 8 (d) Control Section 30 30 (e) Grants to non-governmental agencies 4 4 (F) Development of cottage industry: (a) Management section 185 185 (b) Training section 128 128 (c) Production section 52 52 (d) Sales sections 5 450 5 Total 450 Less Income 22 428 62 389 (f) Central Purchase Offce 24 24 (To be reorganized) New projects ------ X 452 200 Total 613 10. Education: (a) Directorate staff: (i) Director's office 8 8 (ii) Controller of examinations 5 5 (iii) Inspection department examinations 5 5 (To be reorganized0 (b) Collages 143 243 181. (c) Schools: (i) Government high schools 64 69 (ii) Grants to public schools 111 156 (The increase is due to grants to 30 new schools) (iii) Girls school 31 40 (d) Pathashala Bandobasta (language Schools Administration) 249 290 (The increased allocation is due to plans for the establishment of Sanskrit Collage. The amount may go down if the work is done by the Directorate Office. The increase is due to automatic pay increase; adjustments must be made for lump sum allocations) (e) Basic education 240 275 (f) Shresta Pathshala 5 6 (The Shresta Pathashala will be abolished, and its functions will be performed by different departments. Policy on this regard will be reviewed). (g) Art school 6 8 (h) Stipends to students 113 113 (i) Libraries 12 16 (j) Zoo 3 5 (k) Museum 16 20 (l) Traveling and other expenses X 10 (m) Examination Office 2 X (This office will be abolished and its functions will be taken over by the Controller's Office) (n) Nepali Bhasha Prakashini Samiti (Nepali Langauge Publications Board) 18 20 (o) Bhashanubad Parishad (Translation Board) 14 20 (p) Pathashala Goswara 7 X (Its functions will be performed by the Directorate Office and the Inspectorate Office) 182. (q) Works section 7 X (This office has been amalgamated with the Public Works Department) (r) Health Department 7 X (Its functions will now be handed by the Ministry of Health) (s) Ghantaghar 2 2 (Clock Tower) (t) Brahmachari Ashram (Vedic school) X 2 (Subject to the approval of the Ministry of Education) (u) Customs expenses X X (Goods belonging to the government are exempt from customs duty) (v) Chairs at the Allahabad and Banaras Universities 9 9 New projects X 300 (Reorganization of new schools and gratns to private schools) Total 1,080 1,636 (To be Continued) ********* King Mukund Sen's Invasion of Kathmandu Valley (Mahesh Raj Panta and Dinesh Raj Panta. "Nepal-Khaldoma Palpali Raja Mukunda Senako Hamala" (Invasion of Kathmandu Valley by King Mukunda Sen of Palpa), Purnima, No. 43, Chaitra 2036 (March- April 1980), pp. 106-152). The Gopalaraja Vamshavali and other Vamshavalis prove that the practive of writing history with a mixture of fact and fiction was prevalent in Nepal from ancient times. The extent of inaccurancy is greater in proportion to the period back in history. We may refer in this connection to the genealogy of the well-known Licchavi King, Manadeva. Licchavi inscriptions show that the genealogy runs as follows: Vrishadeva. 183. Shamkaradeva, Dharmadeva, Manadeva, Mahideva, and Vasantadeva. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Licchavi Kalaka Abhilekha (inscriptions of of the Licchivi period), Kathamndu: Institute of Nepal and Asian studies, 2030 (1973), pp. 10-11, 14-15, 549, and 553). On the other hand, according to the Gopalaraja Vamshavali, Manadeva was the son of Vishwadeva, and was secceeded by Shankaradeva, Dharmadeva, Mahideva, and Vasantadeva, in that order. (Yogi Naraharinath, "Gopalavamshavali", in Himavatsamskriti, year I, No. 1, 2016 (1959), pp. 10 and 27). The Vrishadeva of the Licchavi inscriptions has thus become Vishwadeva in the Gopalaraja Vamshavali, and his great-grandson, Manadeva, have become his son. Similarly, Shankardeva, Manadeva's grand father, has become his successor, and his father, Dharmadeva, his successor's successor in the Gopalaraja Vamshavali. Nor is this all. Manadeva' son, Mahideva, has become Dharmadeva's successor. Yaksha Malla, Sthiti Malla's grandson, has become his son in later Vamshavalis. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, et. al., Itihasa- Samshodhanako Pramana-Prameya), Lalitpur: Jagadamba Prakashana, 2019 (A.D. 1962), pp. 39-42; Devi Prasad Lamsal (ed.), Bhasha Vamshavali, Kathmandu: Nepal Rastriya Pustakalaya, Department of Archaeology, Ministry of Education of His Majestry's Government, 2033 (A.D. 1976), pt. 2, p. 50). It has been proved that Amshuvarma belonged to the seventh century of the Vikrama era. (Naya Raj Pant, et. al., "Amshuvarmaharule Vyavahara Gareko Samvat Vi. Sam. 633 Dekhi Utheko Ho Bhani Sakarda Abhilekhaka Sabai Mity Twakka Milchhan" (all dates mentioned in the inscriptions check accurately if we assume that the era used by Amshuvarma and other commenced in the Vikrama year 633), Purnima, No. 39, 2035 (A.D. 1978), pp. 100-111). However, later Vamshavalis place him variously from the first century before the Vikrama era to the fifth century of that era. (Naya Raj Pant, et. al., "Sancho Kura Patta Lagnasath Ma Afno Bhul Swikara Garne Saindhi Tayar Chhu" (I am already prepared to admit my mistake when the truth is discovered), Purnima, No. 24, 2027, (A.D. 1970), pp. 306-12). Notwithstanding these inaccurancies, it is beyond dispute that the authors of the Vamshavalis know about Mandeva, Sthiti Malla, Amshuvarma, and their successors. This shows that Nepal had its own tradition of writing histry, albeit not very authoritative. Such a tradition is found only in Kashmir and Gujarat, as well as to some extent in Sind, in the Indian sub-continent. (Ramesh Chandra Majundar, "Sources of Indian History," in The Vedic Age, Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhawan, Bhawan, 1971, pp. 49- 51), "Hamro Vaktavya" (our statement), Purnima, No. 27, 2029 (A.D. 1972), p. 186). In the Vikrama year 1937 (A.D. 1880), Bhagavanlal Indraji published a colletion of 23 Nepali inscriptions. (Bhagavanlal Indraji and George Puhler, "Inscriptions from Nepal," The Indian Antiouary, Bombay, 1937 (A.D. 1880), Vol. IX, pp. 163-94). Before this, Nepali history was confined to the Vamshavali. In the Vikrama year 1941 (A.D. 1884), Bhagavanlal Indraji pointed out some inaccuracies in the Vamshavalis. (Ibid, pp. 1). Several such articles were published in subsequent years, so that the credibility of the Vamshavalis gradually 184. declined. Since the Vikrama year 2009 (A.D. 1952), Pandit Naya Raj Pant and his disciples started the traditions of poiting out inaccuracies in historical writings based wholey on the Vamshavalis through the Itihasa-Samshodhana series. This gave rise to the confusion among the some people that the Vamshavalis are completely unreliable. Nevertheless, the Vamshavalis contain much truth as well. We should not forget that their authors had knowledge about many matters which we have been able to discover through a study of contemporary evidence. We may refer to the example of Chautara (Prime Minister) Laxmi Narayan Joshi of the Kingdom of Kathmandu during the eighteenth century of the Vikram era. Conflict started within the royal family after King Pratapa Malla died in the Vikrama year 1731 (A.D. 1674) and the influence of the ministers started growing. One of them, Laxmi Narayan Joshi, had his rival, Chikuti, assassinated and thus strengthened his position. The King was a minor, and the Queen-Mother was under his own influence, hence Laxmi Narayan Joshi became all-powerful. Later, Laxmi Narayan Joshi was assassinated by his enemies. All these events have been described in detail in the Vamshavalis. (Bhasha-Vamshavali, op. cit. pt. 2, pp. 93-100). However, since contemporary evidence in the form of stone and copper-plate inscriptions, and documents were not available to substantiate this account, these events were omitted in the Nepalako Samkshipta Ihihasa (A concese history of Nepal) by Prof. Totra Raj Pande and Pandit Naya Raj Pant (Kashi: Totra Raj Pande, 2004 (A.D. 1947). Even at that time, evidence had been unearthed that at the time when Laxmi Narayan Joshi was all-powerful, Bhupalendra Malla, son of Parthivendra Malla, and grandson of Pratapa Malla, was on the throne. (Itihasa-Samshodhana-Pramana-Prameya, op. cit. pp. 143-44). However, according to the Bhasa. Vamshavali pt. 2, p. 96), Bhupalendra Malla was the son of Nripendra Malla, another son of Pratapa Malla. This discrepancy may have led the authors, Prof. Totra Raj Pande and Pandit Naya Raj Pant, to regard all these events as fictitious, and therefore omit these in their account. A mohar coin of Bhupalendra Malla, bearing the date 809 Nepal Samwat (1746 Vikrama) bears the legends "Nepaleshwara Rajendra Shri 2 Jayabhupalendra Malla" on the obverse and "Laxmi Narayan 809" on the riverse. (Itihasa-Samshodhana-Pramana-Prameya, op. cit. p. 282). There are other examples also to show that the means of the King and a close relative were inscribed on coins. (E.H. Walsh, "The Coinage of Nepal," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1965 Vikrama (A.D. 1908), Vol. V, pp. 660-759, 1132-36). Prof. Totra Raj Pande and Pandit Naya Raj Pant did nto even imagine that this laxmi Narayan was noen else then the Laxmi Narayan Joshi mentioned in the Vamshavalis. Instead, they described Laxmi Narayan as Bhupalendra Malla's brother. (p. 40). The date of Bhupalendra Malla's birth was discovered several years after their book was published. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Itihasa-Samshodhan, No. 50, 2016 (A.D. 1959), pp. 8-9). In the year mentioned above, Bhupalendra Malla was only nine or ten years old. 185. His younger brother would be still younger, and so could not have been all-powerful in the state. But his question could be not arise at that time, and for twelve years, students of history remained in the belief that Laxmi Narayan was Bhupalendra Malla's younger brother. The confustion was dispelled only in 2016 Vikrama year (A.D. 1959) by Dhanavajra Vajracharya through No. 50 in the itihasa-Samshodhana Series. What we mean to say is that the authors of the Vamshavali had utilized historical materials which we ourselves have discovered quite recently. Several Vamshavalis contain accounts of the terrible invasion of Nepal Valley bu King Mukunda Sen of Palpa. Because it was not belived possible that Mukunda Sen had reigned at such an early date, historians did not believe in the authenticity of the invasion. New a contemporary document mentioning the exact date of the invasion has been discovered. The aim of this essay is to show that the invasion had actually taken place. There are inevitably some increpencies in the accounts contained in the Vamshavalis, but their authors had not forgotten that the invasion was a fact. (To be Continued) *********** Documents from Doti Toriswara Village (Doti?) Royal order to Majeshwar Rana, Mukhiya of Toriswara Village:- "The people of that village have complained that the amount of taxes assessed there (Wajbi) has never been collected in full, that every year some families are dying out, or leaving the village, because of the Khapatya disease. They have said that they cannot remain there unless the settlement is revised according to the actual number of households. "With effect from the harvest of the Vikram year 1907 (A.D. 1850), therefore, tax-assessment in Toriswara Village has been revised according to a settlement made by survey officers (thar-ghar) Suradatta Pandit and Bhawani Shankar Khanal. Revenue due from the depopulated households has also been included in the new assessment (Wajbi), which is in addition to walak payments due on prescribed accasions, foru bethi laborers, and the asmani levy. The new assessment is as follows:- 186. 8 Hale households ..... Rs 8 8 Pate households ..... Rs 6 13 Kodale households ..... Rs 6 and 8 annas 17 Dharnis of cottan, at 3 dharnis a rupee ..... Rs 5 and 12 annas Saunefagu tax ..... Rs 1 and 10 annas Bethi ..... Rs 3 and 5 annas Jestha Sudi 15, 1907 (May 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 129-31. Malkot, Upallo-Bogtan (Doti) Sagni Rithi and Drip Singh Rithi, residents of Malkot Village in the Upallo-Bogtan division (garkha) of Doti, submitted the following petition of Kathmandu:- "Our ancestor, Pratap Rithi, had bought (farchhe) lands at Barhakilla and elsewhere from Gaju Rithi, a resident of Bhujaligaun. We have accordingly been in possession of those lands for seven generataions. "In the Vikrama year 1903 (A.D. 1846), Ram Rithi and Chandra Rithi, descendants of Gaju Rithi, submitted a complaint at the Kachahari of Jimmawal Matu Shahi that the lands had only been mortgaged on usufractuary basis (bhog-bandhak), and not sold (farchhe). "There was a trial or ordeal by water, and it was held that the lands had been sold to us, and no mortgaged. "In the Vikrama year 1906 (A.D. 1849), Ram Rithi and Chandra Rithi again submitted a complaint to Jimmawals Garja Singh Bogati and Lal Singh Bogate claiming that the lands had only been mortgaged on usufructuary basis, and not sold." The petition submitted by Sangi Rithi and Drip Singh Rithi added, "Ram Rithi and Chandra Rithi are thus harassing us again and again. Justice is done once, not repeatedly." The government then ordered Kaji Kulaman Singh Basnyat, Administrator of Doti, to investigate the case and settle the dispute to the satisfaction of both parties. The order added, "If you cannot do so, submit a report to us with full particuars and also send the two parties here." Ashadh Badi 5, 1907 (June 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 131-37. 187. Problems of Land Administration in Central Hill Region (Continued from the November 1981 issue) (Abstracts) 13. Bhirkot A plot of rice-land known as Taluwa-Mohanya, in the Grihyakot area of Bhirkot, had been allotted as Khangi to a major of the Srinath Kampu. The land was cultivated by Jaya Thapa. Jaya Thapa had not paid his thek rent for two years, amounting to Rs 28. One Dilaram Khatri, l local resident collected the amount with the claim that he had been authorized to do so. Subsequnelty, another person demanded payment of the amount from Jaya Thapa on the authority of the tirja certificate issue by the Srinath Kampu to the jagirdar. Jaya Thapa told him that he had already made payment to Dilaram Khatri. When questioned, Dilaram Khatri was unable to produce any evidence that he had ben authorized to collect rents on behalf of the Srinath Kampu. He therefore absconded. Dilaram Khatri's elder sister had been married to Hawaldar Baka Khatri. She and one Jungbir Thapa then made the following offer: "A sum of Rs 10 per year is due to us as thek rent for the years 1904- 6 (1847-49) on a plot of 48 muris of rice-land known as Bojhyani. Nareshwar Thapa has furnished surety for this amount. We shall compesate (the sum defalcated by Dilaram Khatri) after this payment is collected." Subsequently, (the jagirdar's agent) demanded that Nareshwar Thapa pay the amount for which he had furnished surety, as claimed by Hawaldar Baka Khatri's wife. Nareshwar Thapa replied that he had collected rents on the rice-lands plot called Bojhyani from the tenant. Hawaldar Baka Khatri's wife then asked him to collect the rent, pay Rs 28 to the Jagirdar (whose rent had been defalcated by Dilaram Khatri), and send her the balance of Rs 2. Nareshwar Thapa agreed to do so, and stipulated a time-limit within which he would complete payment. However, Nareshwar Thapa was not able to collect arrears of rent from the renatn within the time- limit so stipulated. He, therefore, fulfilled his liability from his own pocket. Meanwhile, the Srinath Kampu deputed Bhajubir, a bahidar to collect rens on the jagir lands under its jurisdiction in Bhirkot. Bhajubir, while discharging this function, collected arrears of rents on the Bojhyani field also. Nareshwar Thapa then asked the tenant either to pay the rent to him, or help to realize it from Hawaldar (Baka Khatri). But the Hawaldar's wife refused to make payment to Nareshwar Thapa, or let him collect his dues from the tenant. 188. When Nareshwar Thapa filed a complaint, the Sadar Dafdarkhana ordered Dilaram Khatri to make the payment, if the particulars were correct. Otherwise, it asked both parties to come before it to plead their cases. Baisakh Badi 14, 1907 (April 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 74-78. 14. Eastern Hill Region Royal order to the village headmen (dware, thari, subba, rai, majhiya, gairung, mijhar, budhyauli), prominent people (bhala-adami) and other people (raithi) in the region situated east of Sanga-Sindhu and west of the Mechi river. "The Sadar Dafdarkhana had deputed officials to detect lands of the following categories in that region:- (1) Rice-lands and pakho holdings which had been inadvertently omitted in records compiled during the revenue settlement of the Vikrama year 1894 (A.D. 1837), or which had ben deliberately left undeclared, (2) Lands under the jurisdiction of the Sadar Dafdarkhana from which jagirdars are collecting rents without authority. (3) Lands in jagir holdings which had been removed from the tax-assessment register because of damage by floods and landslides, but which have subsequently been rendered cultivable. (4) Lands brought into cultivation with permission from local tax-collecting functionaries (amali, thari, mukhiya, jimmawal) on which the prescribed initial period of tax-exemption has expired. (5) Undeclared and newly-reclaimed lands of other categories on which no taxes are being collected." The order added, "Jagir rice lands which have been removed from the tax-assessment register because they have been damaged by flodds or landslides come under the jurisdiction of the Sadar Dafdarkhana; such lands cannot be included in jagir holdings. Pay rents on newly-reclaimed lands and have such lands recorded. Furnish information to the employees deputed by the Sadar-Dafdarkhana about land of the categories mentioned above." Baisakh Sudi 10, 1907 (May 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol 79, pp. 94-97. 189. 15. Trishuli-Bheri Region On Aswin Badi 7, 1907 (September 1850), the Sadar Dafdarkhana similarly deputed employees to the region situated west of the Trishuli river and east of the Bheri river in the western hills to inspect jagera lands under its jurisdiction, as well as undeclared and newly-reclaimed lands, and collect rent on such lands for the Vikrama year 1907 (A.D. 1850), as well as arrears since the Vikrama yer 1902 (A.D. 1845). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 179-80. 16. Bishnumati-Pokhara Region On Kartik Badi 2, 1907 (October 1850), thaple hulaki porters of different posts in the region situated west of the Vishnumati river in Kathmandu and east of Pokhara were ordered to transport 16 loads of coins (toda) collected as rents (bali) on rice-lands in the western hill region by the Sadar Dafdarkhana through its district-level bahidar, Narad Acharya. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 190-191. 17. Gajuri (Dhading) Bhaktabir Thapa and Harsing Raut were cultivating 160 muris of rice-lands, which had been assigned as Khangi to a General of the army, at Gajuri (in Dhading), as well as 175 muris assigned as khangi to the Dware. Subsequently, the 175 muri holding was reallottted to other persons, while the 160 muri holding was damaged by landsliders. As a result, the jagirdars were unable to collect the stipulated rents. The tenants then offered to pay rents as follows on condition that they were allowed to cultivate both holdings. Their request was granted. Particulars of the holdings and the kut rens stipulated by Bhaktabir Thapa and Harsing Raut wer as follows:- General's Khangi Dware's Khangi Total Area Kut Rent Ghiu levy (in muris) (in muris) 70 18 Rs 1-12 40 10 R. 1 50 21 R. 1-4 45 21 R. 1-2 50 20 R. 1-4 50 23 R. 1-4 30 14 12 annas. 335 muris 127 muris Rs 8-6 190. The order added, "Pay the chardam theki and other dues at customary rates to the jagirdars every year. Provide loans to them to the extent of the value of the rents if so asked. Repair irrigation channels through your own labor if these are damaged. Put manure in the fields." Margh Sudi 3, 1907 (January 1851) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 291-93. 18. Jyamruk (Tanahu) Order from Second General Jaya Bahadur Kunwar Rana to Anup Singh Adhikari and Ganja Singh Adhikari, owners of a Chhap holding in Ahalyagaun Village of Jyamruk in Tanahu. " Arjun Adhikari and Ranasur Adhikari have come here with the following complaint: "We two brothers had subdivided the homestead which our family had been occupying on payment of the customary dues from ancient times. We set up two separate households, and have been making the payments due thereon. However, Anup Singh Adhikari and Ganja Singh Adhikari now demand that we vacate one of these homesteads. They have cut trees on lands in our homesteads, on which we have been paying the serma tax." Arjun Adhikari and Ranasur Adhikari have claimed that they canot be evicted from the homesteads that their familyt has been occupying from ancient times on payment of the customary dues. "In case the particulars contained in their petition are correct, they cannot be evicted from the homesteads that their family has been occupying from ancient times on payme of the customary dies, thereby rendering them homeless. Do not harass them, and let them continue occupying the homesteads. "In case, on the other hand, the particulars contained in their petition are not correct, present yourselves before us. We shall give a hearing to both side and settle the dispute to the satisfaction of both." Poush Sudi 10, 1907 (December 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 268-69. 19. Simras (Dolakha) Moghu Karki and Mahabir Karki were cultivating 81 muris of rice lands in Simras (Dolakha), which had been assigned as the khangi of a kaji. They prayed that a formal document recoforming their allotments be issued so that no other person might be able to claim any right to the lands. 191. Their request was grantd. At the same time, the existing thek payment on the lands, amounting to Rs 45 and 8 annas, was increased by RS 7 to Rs 52 and 8 annas. The order added, "In addition, pay the chardam-theki levy and other dues at the customary rates. Provided loans to the jagirdars to the extent of the amount of the rents if so asked. Repair dams and irrigation channels through your own labor if these are damaged, Put manure on the lands. Do not cut trees on the borders of the fields." The allotment was thus reconfirmed on kut thek tenure. Magh Sudi 4, 1907 (January 1851) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 298-99. 20. Ichadol (Kathmandu) 4 muris of rice-lands at Ichadol in Kathmandu had been assigned as the khangi of Rajaman Singh, a ghadiwal (i.e. time-keeper) at the Royal Palace. These lands yielded him kut rents amounting to 7 muris of paddy. In 1907 Vikrama (A.D. 1850), the lands were allotted by the government to one Chakradhar Padhya on payment of rents amouting to only 6 muris of paddy. Rajaman Singh prayed that since his income had thus gone down, he be permitted to cultivate the lands himself. Rajaman Singh's request was granted and Chakradhar Padhya was evicted. Magh Sudi 4, 1907 (January 1851) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 294-301. 21. Gnyadi (Satuan) Order to the headmen (dware, thari, mukhiya). Prominent people (bhala-manis), and other (raiti) of Gnyadi in Satuan. "Kirtiman Gharti has come here with the complaint that lands assigned in this area as the Khangi of the Captain of Sri Ser Paltan are being cultivated by non-resident persons, even though four or five local families are willing to set up homesteads on these lands. "On the other hand, Raghu Padhya has complained that he has been cultivating these lands on payments of the customary dues for the past 25 years. "You are hereby ordered to summon both parties and give them a hearing in the presence of all the prominent people of that village. If it is proved that Raghu Padhya has been cultivating the lands for the past 25 years after paying the chardam theki levy to the local amali, he cannot be evicted 192. so long as he continues to pay the customary dues to the Sri Ser Paltan. If, however, his claim is false, settle the dispute in a just manner. If you cannot do so, sent both parties here to plead their case. Poush Badi 13, 1907 (December 1850) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 271-72. 22. Gorkha Three villages in Gorkha, Deurali, Asikot, and Gorkhu-Barhathek, had remained jagera under jurisdiction of the Sadar Dafdarkhana. (Thati is, revenue from these villages had not been assigned as jagir). During the revenue settlement of the Vikrama year 1894 (A.D. 1837), a total amount of Rs 73 and 1 anna had been assessed as revenue from these villages. The amount had subsequently been reduced by Rs 10 and 14 annas because of depopulation, thus leaving a balance of Rs 62 and 3 annas. A sum of Rs 9 was deducted from that amount of provide for expenses during the Dashain festival, so that the net amount assessed remained Rs 53 and 3 annas. The right to collect this amount from the three villages had been granted to Harikrishna Pantha on thek basis. A receipt against payment of this amount for the year 1907 Vikrama (A.D. 1850) was issued to him on Poush Badi 6, 1907 (December 1850). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, p. 243. 23. Jogimara (Chitaun) Order from Second General Jaya Bahadur Kunwar Rana to the headmen of Jogimara in Chitaun. "Bhaskar Rana and Amabr Singh Rana have submitted a petition offering to reclaim lands in the Ubas areas, which have become depopulated, if taxes were reduced to some extent. "In case this area has become depopulated for reasons other than an official ban on settlement, permission may be granted for reclamation and settlement. Each settler-household shall pay four annas in the first year, and 8 annas in the second year, and the serma, saunefagu, and other taxes at rates current in the area from the third year. Do not collect unauthorized payments from them." Magh Badi 2, 1907 (January 1851) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 79, pp. 272-73.