Regmi Research Series, Year 12 M. C. Regmi Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu, Nepal December 1, 1980 This electronic text was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu: December 1, 1980 ISSN: 0034-348X REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Cumulative Index for 1980 1. The Kathmandu Valley Emtrepot Trade 2. The Jajmani System 3. Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings, 1918-78 4. A Land Grant in Saptari District, A.D. 1807 5. Cotton Cultivation in Nuwakot 6. Sale of Forest Products in the Far-Western Tarai Region 7. Food Prices, 1909 8. The Majhi Community of the Koshi Region. 9. The Dharmadhikar 10. Trade and Commercial Taxation in Jumla 11. Prithvi Narayan Shah's Victory 12. Pritam Shah of Garhwal 13. The Basantapur Courtyard 14. Immigration from India During the Mid-Nineteenth Century 15. Miscellaneous Documents of 1907 16. On Revenue-Collection Arrangements 17. Revolt of Bhote Miners in Atharasayakhola 18. The Lakhan Thapa Affair 19. Petition of the Inhabitants of Thini Village 20. Farming Practices in Kahukudahar Village 21. The Golas of Eastern Nepal 22. Agriculture credit in Chitaun 23. Lead-Mining in the Eastern Hills 24. Appointment of Ditthas of Adalats 1 5 8-16, 17-22, 161. 16 23 24 26 ..... 33 42 ..... 49 25 31-32, 54-60. 48 ..... 60 62 65-69,180-181. 70 ..... 72 75 76 78-80, 83-88. 81 ..... 81 82 2 25. Revenue Settlement in Nausayakata, Salyan 26. Tax-Collction on Jagera Lands 27. Mining in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri Region 28. Revenue Regulations for the Chepe/Marsyangdi- Mahakali Region, 1824 A.D. 29. The Gola of Dimali 30. The Northern Border Trade 31. Revenue Assessments in Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, and Chitaun, 1913-17 Vikrama 32. The Hides and Skins Levy 33. Appointment of Mijhars 34. Forests in the Bhimphedi-Hitaura Region 35. supplied for Horses and Bulls 36. Unauthorized Land Reclamation 37. Judicial Regulations for the Pallokirat Region, 1920 Vikrama 38. The Political History of Dolakha 39. Petiya Allowances 40. Appointment of Hiralal Jha as Dittha of Mines 41. Labor Obligations in Panchsayakhola, Kuwakot District 42. Gosain Laxman Giri 43. Regulations for Dullu-Dailekh 44. Miscellaneous Cases in Jumla 45. An Unpublished Letter of Brian N. Hodgson 46. Miscellaneous Notes on Nepal-India Trade 47. Prices in Kathmandu, 1905 48. Appointment of Chaudhari in Phena, Bardiya District 49. Export of Hides from Dang District 50. Ban on Enslavement, 1885, A.D. 51. Monopoly Trade in Cigarettes 89 92 95-104. 104 108 110 ..... 113 115 ..... 116 117 118 ..... 118 ..... 121 ..... 123-128, 13[..] 155-160, 15[..] 189-192. ..... 129 133 134 138 140 142 143 145 151 ..... 152 154 ..... 161 162 3 52. Historical Documents on the Use of the Sacred Thread ..... 53. Population of Kathmandu Town 54. Kulananda Jha 55. Cow Slaughter 56. Garhwal Affairs, A.D. 1813 ..... 57. Administrative Arrangements for the Tarai Region, A.D. 1849 58. Appointment of Jimmawal in Thansing ..... 59. A State-Owned Orchard in Bara ..... **************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 164 ..... 166 ..... 166 ..... 169 177 ..... 181 186 188 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: January 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 1 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents 1. The Kathmandu Valley Emtrapot Trade 2. The Jajmani System 3. Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings, 1918-78 4. A Land Grant in Saptari District, A.D. 1807 Page 1 5 8-16, 17-22, 161. 16 Regmi Research (P) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 1 The Kathmandu Valley Entrepot Trade By Mahesh C. Regmi (Continued from the December 1979 issue) Unfortunately, no reliable estimates of revenue earned from the entrepot trade are available for the early years of the nineteenth century. In 1793, Kirkpatrick had estimated that income from the mint including duties levied on the import from Tibet, ranged between Rs 700,000 and Rs 800,000. He put revenue from these two sources under the same heading because "the returns from that country consist chiefly in gold and silver bullion," so that separate figures for the entrepot trade are not available. 57 Nor are Nepali source materials of much help in determining the exact amount of revenue from the entrepot trade. Until around the middle of the 19th century, customs duties on goods comprising such trade was collected under Ijara system along with revenue from a wide variety of other source including monopolies and [..........] duties. It is only after the 1850s that separate Ijaras were issued for different categories of customs and transit duties, thereby making it possible to make a rough estimate of the amount.58 Revenue collected under Ijara system from customs, transit and other duties and taxes on goods traded between Kathmandu valley and Tibet, including the goods of Nepali origin, was as follows during the three year period from 1851 to 1853.59 Revenues from Bhot- Bhansar Duties Year In Mohar Rs Revenue 1851 Rs 8,001. 1852 Rs 8,501. 1853 Rs 9,351. The year following the end of the 1855-56 Nepal-Tibet war witnessed a phenomenal increase in the amount of Bhot-Bhansar revenue. It is possible that this increase was in part due to an expansion in the volume of trade. At the same time, there is an evidence that reforms in revenue-collection procedures also played a part. In 1855, for instance, the Ijara system for the collection of Bhot-Bhansar revenue was abolished and replaced by the Amanat system, thereby enabling the government to collect the profits that had been previously appropriated by the Ijardar.60 Moreover, according to arrangements made in the treaty signed at the end of the war, customs 2 offices were established at Kodari and Tatopani on the border, whereas previously duties had been collected an the Tibetan towns of Lhasa and kuti. It might be correct that this measure contributed much in checking the leakage of revenue. The cumulative impact of these measures was that by 1861 Bhot-Bhansar revenue increased to Rs 40,343, an increase of 431.4 percent during a nine-year period.61 Notes 1. Bhuwan Lal Joshi and Leo E. Rose, Democratic Innovations in Nepal: A Case Study of Political Acculturation. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966, p. 26. 2. Ibid, p. 4. 3. Ibid, p. 14. 4. "Royal Order to the Merchants of Lhasa," Jestha Sudi 2, 1861 (May 1804). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 2, pp. 104-5. 5. "Appointment of Ranta Singh Newar as Joint Naike in Lhasa," Baisakh Sudi 6, 1867 (April 1810). RRC, vol. 39, p. 181. 6. "Appointment of Harikrishna as Dittha in Lhasa," Jestha Badi 1, 1867 (May 1810), RRC, vol. 39, pp. 187 and 194; "Royal Order to Kapardar Pande Regarding Collection of Customs Duties on Nepal-Tibet Trade," Magh Badi 14, 1863 (January 1807), RRC, vol. 6, p. 802. 7. W. Kirkpatrick, An Account of the kingdom of Nepaul. (Reprint of 1811 ed.). New Delhi: Manjusri Publishing House, 1969. P. 201. 8. "Appointment of Bhim as taksari," Jestha Sudi 5, 1851 (May 1794), RRC, vol. 40, p. 432; "Appointment of Jagdal Pande as Taksari," Poush Sudi 8, 1871 (January 1815), RRC, Vol. 41, p. 460; Chittaranjan Nepali, Janaral Bhimsen Thapa ra Tathalina Nepal (General Bhimsen Thapa and contemporary Nepal), Kathmandu: Nepal Sanskrit Sangh, 2013 (1956), p. 128. 9. Clements R. Markham, Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Tibet. London: Trubner and Col., 1879 (2nd ed.), pp. 124-27; Schuyler Cammann, Trade Through the Himalayas: The Early British Attempt to Open Tibet. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951, pp. 57-62; Leo E. Rose, Nepal: Strategy for Survival Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1971, pp. 23-25. 10. Cited in: D.R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal. Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mokhopadhyay, 1966. Pt. 2, p. 1012. 3 11. Brian H. Hodgson, "On the Commerce of Nepal," in Essays on the Languages, Literature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet. (Reprint of 1874 ed.). Varanasi: Bharat-Bharati, 1971. p. 72. 12. Regmi, op. cit, p. 390. Hodgson, op. cit, p. 103, Baburam Acharya, Shri 5 Badamaharajadhiraja Prithvi Nayaran Shah (The Great King Prithvi Narayan Shah). Kathmandu: His Majesty's Press Secretariat, 2024- 26 (1967-69), pt. 1, p. 204. 13. Cited in: Perceval Landon, Nepal. (Reprint of 1928 ed.). Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1976, vol. p. 232. 14. Cited in: Regmi, op. cit, p. 525. 15. Landon, op. cit. p. 34. 16. Ibid, p. 30. 17. Cf. "Royal Order to Employees of Sindhuli-Gadhi," Baisakh 12, 1865 (April 1808), RRC, vol. 36, p. 78. 18. Kirkpatrick, op. cit, p. 14; "Passport Regulations in the Name of the Subba of Makwanpur," Magh Badi 4, 1856 (January 1800). RRC, vol. 24, p. 50. 19. Francis Hamilton, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal . (Reprint of 1819 ed.). New Delhi: Manjusri Publishing House, 1971, p. 197. 20. Daniel Wright (ed.), History of Nepal, (Reprint of 1877 ed.). Kathmandu: Nepal Antiquated Book Publishers, 1972, p. 2. 21. Kirkpatrict, op. cit, p. 51. 22. Hamilton, op. cit, p. 202. 23. Kirkpatrict, op. cit, p. 38. 24. Ibid, p. 373. 25. Ibid, p. 56; "Ijara Grant to Bhajudhan for collection of Duties in Hitaura and Parsa," Marga Badi 1, 1862 (November 1805), RRC, Vol. 19, p. 386; "Royal Order to Sardars of Thankot, Chisapani, and Hitaura," Magh Sudi 9, 1859 (January 1803), RRC, Vol. 20, p. 5. 26. Landon, op. cit, p. 233. 27. Kirkpatrick, op. cit, p. 25. 28. Wright, op. cit, p. 3. 29. "Ijara Grant to Bhajudhan......," (see n. 25 above). 30. Wright, op. cit, p. 3. 4. 31. Ibid, p. 50; "Order Regarding Construction of Bichhaldhori Road," Aswin Sudi 4, 1921 (September 1864), RRC, vol. 33, p. 500; "Supply of Gunpowder for construction of Hitaura Raod," Falgun Badi 3, 1921 (February 1865), RRC, vol. 21, p. 474. 32. Hodgson, op. cit, p. 103. 33. Wright, op. cit, p. 70. 34. Hodgson, op. cit. 35. Cammann, op. cit, p. 163. 36. Ibid, p. 62. 37. "Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal for 1917-18 (1800-61)," in Regmi Research Collection. 38. "Royal Order Regarding Imposition of Nirkhi Tax," Bhadra Badi 9, 1862 (August 1805). RRC, vol. 19, pp. 227-31. 39. Hodgson, op. cit, p. 100. 40. Regmi, op. cit, p. 526. 41. "Appointment of Laxmi Sunder as Naike of Newar Traders in Lhasa," Baisakh Sudi 8, 1885 (May 1828), RRC, vol. 43, p. 90. 42. "Appointment of Harikrishna as Dittha in Lhasa," (see n. 6 above); "Appointment of Pajinu Ratna Singa as Naike in Lhasa," Jestha Sudi 4, 1861 (May 1804). RRC, vol. 19, p. 194. 43. "Instructions to Bepari-Nayak Dhanju Banda and Other Traders of Patan," Jestha Sudi 13, 1848 (May 1791), RRC, vol. 5, p. 44., "Appointment of Gosain Purushottam Puri for Revenue Collections in Patan," RRC, vol. 26, p. 485; "I jara Grant Engaged in Trade with Tibet," Magh Badi 14, 1875 (January 1891), RRC, vol. 41, p. 637. 44. "Receipt for Taxes paid by Nepali Traders in Tibet," Kartik Badi 9, 1909 (October 1852). RRC, vol. p. 354. 45. Kirkpatrick, op. cit, p. 201. 46. Ibid, p. 212. 47. "Ijara Grant to Shyam Sundar for Collection of Miscellaneous Taxes and Duties," Marga Sudi 5, 1860 (November 1893). RRC, vol. 19, pp. 158-61. 48. "Revenue and Expenditure.....," (see n. 37 above). 5 49. "Ijara Grant to Shyam Sundar......," (see n. 47 above); "Appointment of Bhim as Taksari," (see n. 8 above). 50. Kirkpatrick, op. cit, pp. 211-12. 51. "Order Regarding Silver Imported from Tibet," Poush Sudi 2, 1979 (December 1822). RRC, vol. 43, p. 380. 52. Hodgson, op. cit, p. 103. 53. Kirkpatrick, op. cit, p. 212. 54. Hodgson, op. cit, p. 103. 55. Narendra Krishna Sinha, The Economic History of Bengal. Calcutta: Firma K. L. Kukhopadhyay, 1961, vol. 1, p. 123. 56. "Ijara Grant to Shiva Newar for Collection of Customs Duties," Poush Sudi 9, 1842 (December 1785), RRC, vol. 25, p. 26. 57. Kirkpatrick, op. cit, p. 211. 58. "Thek Grant to Subba Tribhuwan for Collection of Bhot-Bhansar Duties," Baisakh Badi 5, 1908 (April 1851). RRC, vol. 33, p. 174. 59. Figures compiled from accounts of the revenue and expenditure of the government of Nepal for the appropriate years in Regmi Research Collections. 60. "Order to Major-Captain Mahendra Khatri of Chisapani-Gadhi," Shrawan Badi 4, 1912 (July 1855). RRC, vol. 56, pp. 452-53. 61. "Revenue and Expenditure of the Government of Nepal for 1918 (1861)," in Regmi Research Collections. **************** The Jajmani System In several parts of the world, " a certain percentage of the rural population consists of specialist- artisans engaged (sometimes exclusively, sometimes the conjunction with agriculture) in tanning, boot- making, tailoring, black-smithery, dyeing of homespun fabrics, finishing of peasant-made woolens, flour- milling, etc."1 In Nepal, these "specialist-artisans" have traditionally been relegated to such low-status, often untouchable, castes as Kamis (black-smiths) and Sarkis (leather-workers). The customary arrangements whereby such specialist-artisans served the needs of the local agriculture community in their specially have been described as jajmani. According to a recent study relating to west-central Nepal.2 6 Household members manufacture most of the goods for the household through cloth weaving, house- building and the manufacture of rice-stalk mats, bamboo baskets, winnowing fans, etc., which usually takes place in the slack agriculture season, or during the evening. Other more specialist tasks of manufacture and repair such as metal work for agriculture implements and cooking utensils, shoe making and tailoring are carried out be members of occupational castes who are usually the poorest village members and who are paid a fixed amount of grain (and given meals and drink whilst working and at festivals), according to only an approximate relative estimate of likely demands by the household. This rate is fixed "by custom" and is sometimes enforced by the pradhan panch (head of the village Panchayat), but varies according to place and occupation-sometimes per ox owned, or per area of land, or a less exact method of computation. Thus the household pays a fixed amount irrespective of annual variations of demand (related to ability to pay), although it is generally related to the estimated volume of work which they will generate (e.g. sometimes the amount of grain paid to the tailor is calculated on per capita basis). This system is called bista in the hills, juga in the terai and is parallel to the jajmani system of India in certain respects. Under the jajmani system, the specialist-artisan was paid a fixed portion of grain at each harvest, the amount depending upon the size of the household or landholding of the agriculturist and the type of service performed, and occasionally also with food, housing, and other material needs.3 In other words, specialist-artisans obtain direct or indirect access to the means of subsistence through personal relationships under the jajmani system with members of landholding groups through the services which they traditionally perform.4 Jajmani payments are essentially private and infra-local in the sense that they involve exchanges among individual households within the same village. Documentation on the nature of the system is, therefore, not available. Recent studies have shed considerable light on the system. John T. Hitchcock, in his study of a Magar village in north-western Nepal, reports:5 Slightly over half the villagers retain leather-workers on a regular basis...... In return for their annual payment they supply buffalo gut that is used for fastening the plow to the yoke and for tethering buffaloes in their stalls..... . The annual payment for the leather-worker is eight pounds of either millet or maize. In addition, he expected food in a few festivals. 7 Macfarlane similarly found in a Gurung village near Pokhara that "each blacksmith family had between ten and twenty households for which it mends and makes a few agricultural tools", the yearly fee, partly irrespective of work done, ranging between three and ten pathis of rice.6 Under the jajmani system, therefore, the products of the artisan's labor did not reach the market through an act of exchange, but were transferred on an infra-local basis in fulfillment of personal ties of inter-dependence. The jajmani system thus prevented the distribution of commodities through the mechanism of the market.7 In addition to their Infra-local obligations under the jajmani system, members of the occupational castes of Sarkis and Kamis were required to meet certain obligations due to the government without any guid pro guo. Sarkis, as well as members of communities of Mongoloid ethnic stock who took the flesh of dead cattle, such as Limbu and Lepcha, were under obligation to supply hides and skins every year to the munitions factory, or else pay a fine.8 Notes 1. V.I Lenin, "The Development of Capitalism in Russia," in Collected Works. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964, vol. 3, p. 338. 2. Pipers Blaikie, et. al., The Effects of Raods in West-Central Nepal: A Report to ESCOR, Ministry of Overseas Development, by the Overseas Development Group, University of East Anglia, 1976, p. 4. 3. 3. Barry C. Boshop, A Cultural-Ecological Analysis of Karnali Zone in the Western Himalayas With Emphasis on the Movements of People, Animals, and Goods: Seasonality, and Recent Change---- A Preliminary Report (Unpublished), p. 9, cited in Ludwig F. Stiller, S. J., The Silent Cry, Kathmandu: Sahayogi Prakashan, 1976, p. 144; Gerald D. Barreman, Hindus of the Himalayas, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1963, p. 58. 4. Luois Dumont, Homo Hierarchians, London: Granada Publishing Ltd., 1972, p. 149. 5. John T. Hitchcock, The Magars of Banyan Hill. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966, p. 77; see also A. Patricis Captain, Priests and Cobblers, San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1972, p. 31; Gerard Terrin, "The Peoples of the Upper Ankhu Khola Valley," Contributions to Nepalese Studies, vol. 3, no. 1, January 1976, pp. 34-46; Veronique Bouillier, "Economic Relationships Between Occupational Castes and High Castes in Central Nepal," Contributions to Nepalese Studies, vol. 4, no. 2, June 1977, pp. 99-110; Andras Hofer, "A Settlement and Smithy of the Blacksmiths (Kami) in Nepal". Kailash, vol. 4, no. 4, 1976, pp. 349-96. 8 6. Alan Macfarlane, Resources and Population, A Study of the Gurungs of Nepal, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976, p. 149. 7. Dumont, op. cit. p. 147. 8. "The Hides and Skins Levy," Regmi Research Series, Year 11, No. 2, February 1, 1979, pp. 21-22. 9. "Royal Order to Limbus and Other Sino-Eating Communities in the Arun-Tista Region," Aswin Sudi 15, 1861 (September 1804). Regmi Research Collection, vol. 2, pp. 174-75; "Royal Order to Sino-Eating Communities in Salyan," Marga Badi 3, 1872 (November 1815), ibid, vol. 42, p. 125. 10. "Order Regarding Obligations of Kamis in Salyan," Ashadh Sudi 3, 1836 (June 1829), Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 27, p. 12. **************** Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings, 1918-76 A full translation of the "Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings," contained in the 1866 edition of the Muluki Ain, (Ministry of Law and Justice, Shri 5 Surendrabikrama Shahadevaka Shasankalama Baneko Muluki Ain (Legal Code enacted during the reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev), Kathmandu: the Ministry, 2022 (1965), pp. 355-61) had been given in the Regmi Research Series, Year 11, No. 3, March 1, 1979, pp. 33-39). These notes contain translations of amendments and additions in that law during the 58-years period between 1918 and 1976. The 1918 Muluki Ain "Jiu Masne Bachhe Ko" (Enslavement and Traffic In Human Beings), in Government of Nepal, Ain (Legal Code), Kathmandu: Bhagawati Press, 1975 (1918 A.D.), pp. 121-23. 1. In the future, no person shall be sold or purchased as a slave even with his consent. Persons belonging to castes which may be bonded may be offered and accepted as bondsmen in accordance with the prescribed procedure. Anybody who offers or accepts as a bondsman a person who belongs to a caste which may be bonded without fulfilling the prescribed procedure shall be punished. 9 2. A girl may be offered and accepted as a bondsman only if she had attained the age of sixteen year, and a boy only if he has attained the age of eighteen years. 3. Girls who are above the age of sixteen years, and boys who are above the age of eighteen years, may be offered and accepted as bondsmen with their consent if they sign a statement to that effect at a government office (adda) or a local council (amal). The money shall be accepted in repayment whenever it is offered. (the creditor) shall not be entitled to claim that repayment is not yet due. (The bondsmen) may change their residence only in months other than Jestha, Ashadh, and Shrawan (May 14 to August 16). 4. If the prescribed procedure had been fulfilled, the government office or local council shall witness the transaction. 5. Only individuals, not an entire family, may be offered and accepted as bondsmen. 6. A creditor shall forfeit his loan in the event of the death of his bondsman, wherever this may take place. He shall not be entitled to pay claim to any other member of (the deceased bondsman's family). If the bondsman falls ill, (the creditor) shall not be entitled to change the bond and take up another person or property on bond in his stead. Even if he has done so, in case the former bondsman dies, the person who had been bonded in his stead cannot be compelled to work. The bond shall be null and void and the money shall be forfeited. 7. (A creditor) may transfer his bondsman to another person on payment of the amount that he had originally advanced. He shall not do so on payment of a higher amount. 8. If a person who had been bonded in consideration of a loan obtained by his parents is subsequently redeemed by them, or by their heirs, he must share in all assets and liabilities in the case of the subdivision of property. If he had redeemed himself, or has been redeemed through the favor of his creditor, he shall not be liable to repay loans due to other creditors. Such loans shall be repaid by his brothers who had remained at home. However, (the bondsman) shall, in that event, be entitled to his full share in his parents' property. 9. If any person has fraudulently defaulted in handing over or repaying what is due, the value of the claim shall be realized from him, and he shall be punished with a fine amounting to 25 percent thereof. 10 10. In case any person had made a claim to something that he is not entitled to, he shall be punished with a fine amounting to 25 percent of the value of the claim. 11. In case any person had claimed more than what he is entitled to, or accepted liability for less than what is actually due from him, a fine of 10 percent of the value of the excess or shortfall, as the case may be, shall be realized from him. 12. In case any person has not given what is actually due from him, the value thereof, and fees amounting to 10 percent or 5 percent, as the case may be, shall be realized from him. the fee of 5 percent shall not be collected in case a fine had been imposed. 13. In case anybody had forcibly signed up any person as his bondsman, he shall be punished with a fine equal to the amount mentioned in the bond, which shall be forfeited. 14. In case any person had offered or accepted anything in an unauthorized manner, or witnessed such a transaction, or written the bond, or made arrangements for its writing, he shall be punished with a fine ranging between five rupees and twenty-five rupees according to the nature of the case on the discretion of the officer. 15. In case any person is unable to substantiate his complaint against another person, he shall be given half of the punishment that would have been inflicted on the latter. 16. In case a bribe has been taken, the amount thereof shall be forfeited. 17. Persons who have offered or accepted anybody as a slave shall be punished with a fine equal to be amount mentioned in the bond, and the person who had been enslaved shall be set at liberty. The amount paid for him shall be realized from the seller. Persons who were witnessed the transaction and written the bond shall be punished with a fine amounting to 10 percent thereof. 18. The term of imprisonment under this law shall not exceed twelve years. 19. In case the time-limit has been mentioned in the law, action shall be taken accordingly. In cases of enslavement, or in case payment has been accepted for the enslavement of one person and arrangements have been paid to offer or accept payment for other persons also as slaves, action shall be taken as mentioned in the law without any time-limit. Complaints which are not submitted within one year after a minor has reached the age of nineteen years, as well as within one year after the cause of action in other cases, shall not be entertained. 11 Addition of [.....]on 20 The Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings in the 1923 edition of the Muluki Ain (Government of Nepal, Ain (Legal Code), Kathmandu: Pashupat Press, 1980 (1923 A.D.), pt. 3, pp. 137-40) contains the following Section 20 also:- 20, Unless a bondsman or slave dies without leaving any heirs behind, his owner shall have no rights to the property (such bondsman or slave) has acquired. If the owner forcibly appropriates such property, the value thereof shall be adjusted for redeeming as many bondsmen or slaves as is possible at the statutory rates. The surplus, if any, shall be realized from the owner (on behalf of the heirs of the deceased bondsman or slave). Addition of Section 21 The following Section 21 was added on Baisakh 10, 1981 (April 23, 1924):- 21. Nobady, whether a relative or any other person, shall take away or send any person belonging to our territories for sale in a foreign country. In case he does so, punishment shall be inflicted as follows:- 1. A fine of Rs 500, and imprisonment for a term of three years, in case any person has made or arranged for such a sale. 2. Imprisonment for a term of three years in case any person has taken away or sent anybody for the purpose of such a sale, but has not been actually able to conclude to transaction. 3. Imprisonment for a term of six months, in case any person has witnessed the sale or written the document. 4. In case any person has sold his wife to another person, action shall be taken according to Section 46 of the Law on Penalties (Danda Sajayako). Amendments and Additions on Marga 22, 1982 (December 8, 1925). 1. Section 1 was amended as follows:- 1. Persons belonging to castes which may be bonded maybe offered and accepted as bondsmen in accordance with the prescribed procedure. Anybody who offers or accepts as a bondsman a person who belongs to a caste which maybe bonded without fulfilling the prescribed procedure shall be punished. 12 2. Section 14 was amended as follows:- 14. In matters other than those mentioned in Section 17, Section 21 and Section 23 of this law, in case any person has offered or accepted anything in an unauthorized manner, or witnessed such a transaction, or written the bond, or made arrangements for its writing, he shall be punished with a fine ranging between five rupees and twenty-five rupees according to the nature of the case on the discretion of the officer. 3. Section 15 was amended as follows:- 15. In matters others than those mentioned in Section 17, and Section 23 of this Law, in case any person is unable to substantiate his complaint against another person, he shall be given half of the punishment that would have been inflicted on the latter. 4. Section 17 was amended as follows:- 17. Whereas the government, with the sacred objective of abolishing the system of slavery, which had created several kinds of hardships and miseries, from the country, compiled particulars of slaves of both sexes throughout the kingdom, including Kathmandu Valley, the Tarai region, and the hills, whereas the government paid off the value according to the law of all persons, including children, youths and old people of both sexes, who had so far remained in a state of slavery, and thereby set them at liberty. and whereas the government had introduced reforms in the system of classifying as certain castes as liable to enslavement, as well as in the provisions of the law concerning people belonging to such castes, and thereby abolished the system of slavery itself from the country. now therefore, with effect from Monday, Baisakh 1, 1982 (April 13, 1925), nobody shall act as follows in respect to the slaves who have emancipated throughout the country, or their descendants, or any other person: sell or purchase such person as slaves, lay any kind of claim over them and treat them accordingly, and purchase people in any foreign country and use them as slaves here, and sell or purchase them, and treat them as slaves. 13 In case anybody does so, the amount paid and accepted in the transaction shall be forfeited, and he shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of seven years. In case such person commits the same offense again, the punishment to be inflicted on him shall be 50 percent more than for the first offense for the second offense, the same percentage more than the second offense for the third offense, and so on, until the maximum term of imprisonment for twenty year is reached. Persons who have witnessed the transaction, or provided advice or help, if any, shall each be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of two years. Any person who accuses another person of having committed such offenses but unable to substantiate his accusation shall receive half of the punishment that would have been due to the latter, but not for a term exceeding four years. In other matters concerning the castes which may no longer be enslaved, action shall be taken according to the law, if any, or else according to the law concerning the liquor-drinking Gharti caste if the guilty person belongs to a caste whose touch does not defile water, and according to the law concerning the appropriate caste if the guilty person belongs to a caste whose touch defiles water. 5. Section 18 was amended as follows:- 18. The term of imprisonment under this law shall not exceed twelve years, except in matters provided for in Section 17 and Section 23. 6. Section 19 was amended as follows:- 19. All cases under Section 17, Section 21, and Section 23 of this law shall be prosecuted by the government and, therefore, may be filed at any time. In other cases, complaints shall not be heard unless filed within one year after a minor reaches the age of nineteen years, or after the cause of action occurs. 7. Section 20 was amended as follows:- 20. A owner shall have not rights to the property acquired by his bondsman, if he forcibly appropriates such property, the value thereof shall be deducted from the loan, and the surplus, if any, shall be realized from the owner (on behalf of the bondsman). 14 8. Section 21 was amended as follows:- 21. Nobody, whether a relative or any other person, shall take away or send any person belonging to our territories for sale in a foreign country. In case he does so, punishment shall be inflicted as follows:- 1. A fine of Rs 500, and imprisonment for a term of seven years, in case any person had made or arranged for such a sale. 2. Imprisonment for a term of seven years in case any person has taken away or sent anybody for the purpose of such a sale, but has not actually been able to conclude the transaction. 3. Imprisonment for a term of two years, in case any person had witnessed the sale or given advice or help. 4. In case any person has sold his wife to another person, action shall be taken as mentioned in Section 23 of this law. In case he had only taken her or sent her for the purpose of such a sale, but has not actually been able to conclude the transaction, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of seven years. 9. The following Section 22 was added:- 22. No person belonging to our territories shall be enticed or otherwise taken away or sent to coal-mines in foreign countries or to oversea countries. In case anybody does so, he shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of seven years (if the former) has been sent to work as a coolie in coal-mines, or of seven years if he has been sent overseas. 10. Section 46 and Section 47 of the Law on Penalties were replaced and the following Section 23 was added to the Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings:- 23. In case any person sells his wife, the price he has received shall be forfeited, and his share of the ancestral property shall be confiscated if the wife belongs to a caste in which the husband is entitled to have the adulterer punished; if not, the husband shall be punished according to Section 17 of this law. In case the purchaser buys (the woman), knowing full well that she is a married woman, and makes her, lose her caste, either by engaging in sexual intercourse with her, or by offering her cooked rice from his hands, his property shall be confiscated. 15 In case the purchaser has not made the woman lose her caste, or has purchased her without knowing that she is a married woman, he shall be punished according to Section 17 of this law. In case a married woman has been sold in this manner, and in case she has lost her caste (as mentioned above), the seller shall be deprived of his sacred thread, if he belongs to a sacred-thread-wearing caste. If he belongs to any other caste, he shall be ostracized in respect to cooked rice. The woman shall be entitled to her share in her husband's property according to the law. A husband who sells his wife in this manner shall be entitled to have any reason punished for adultery with his other wives. Even if such wives leave him and start living with other man, they need not return that share of the husband's property, but shall be entitled to appropriate such property themselves. Persons who witness transaction in married woman, or give advice or half in such transactions, shall each be punished with imprisonment for a term of two years. Any person who accuses another person of having committed such crimes, but cannot substantiate his accusation, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of four years, if the latter would have been punished with confiscation of property had the accusation been substantiated; and with half the punishment due to the latter in other cases, but not for a term exceeding four years. 11. The Law on Enslaved Persons (Jiu Masiyeka Jat) in the Muluki Ain was replaced. Section 13 of that law was then incorporated into the Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings as Section 24:- 24. In case the owner of a bonded girl, or a bonded married woman or widow who has remained chaste, engages in sexual intercourse with her, the loan shall be cancelled, a fee of 10 percent thereof shall be realized from the bondsman, and the bond shall be nullified. Additions of Jestha 30, 1985 (June 13, 1928). The following Section 25 and Section 26 were added to the Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings on June 13, 1928:- 25. In the future, no transaction in bondsmen or bondswomen shall be considered valid if a price exceeding sixty rupees for each person has been paid and accepted. 16 In case petitions are filed for redeeming bondsmen or bondwomen who had been bonded before the commencement of this law, or thereafter, not more than sixty rupees shall be realized for each person, even if the amount actually paid in the original transaction was higher, and the bond or other document in the possession of the of the creditor shall be nullified. 26. A creditor who takes up an bondsman or bondswoman shall have his lean deducted by six rupees every year for each such bonded person, or by a higher amount if he is so willing. In case the bondsman or bondswoman changes residence, or repays the loan, only the balance left after making such deductions shall be accepted. (To be continued). ************** A Land Grant in Saptari District. A.D. 1807 In the Mouja of Koilari, located in the Pakari Parganna of Saptari district, Hanu Singh, Ram Bux Singh, Dharma Singh, Ananda Singh, Parasmani Singh, and Buddha Singh had received a land allotment from the local Subba on concessional rates of taxation. The grant was reconfirmed through a royal order with effect from Baisakh Badi 1, 1864 (April 1807). The rates of tax were as follows for land under different crops. Crop Rate of Tax (per bigha) Ansu 10 annas Mahuwa 9 annas Khila paddy 12 annas Paha paddy Rs 3 Bang Rs 1 Mustard Rs 2 Vegetables Rs 3 Ashadh Sudi 13, 1864 (July 1807). Regmi Research Collection. Vol. 20, p. 426. Definitions Waste lands brought under the plow for the first time were known as Khila. Piha denoted lands which had remained under cultivation for at least three years consecutively. Bang or Banga meant cotton. Mahuwa is Bassia Latifolia. The flowers of this tree were used fort distilling liquor, and the nuts for extracting oil. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: February 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 2 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ********** Contents Page 1. Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings ..... 17 2. Cotton Cultivation in Nuwakot ..... 23 3. Sale of Forest Products in the Far-Western Tarai Region ..... 24 4. Food Prices, 1909 ..... 25 5. The Majhi Community of the Koshi Region. ..... 26 6. The Dharmadhikar ..... 31 **************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 17 Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings (Continued from the January 1980 issue) The 1933 Law On Ashadh 3, 1990 (June 16, 1933), the Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings as given above was replaced and a new law was promulgated. The new law remained unchanged in the A.D., 1935 edition of the Muluki Ain (Government of Nepal, "Jiu Masne Bachne Ko" (On Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings), Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 1992 (1935), pp. 179-82). The new law was as follows:- 1. Whereas the government, with the sacred objective of abolishing the system of slavery, which had created several kinds of hardships and miseries, from the country, compiled particulars of slaves of both sexes throughout the Kingdom, including Kathmandu Valley, the Tarai region, and the hills, whereas the government paid off the value according to the law of all person, including children, youths and old people of both sexes, who had so far remained in a state of slavery, and thereby set them at liberty, and whereas the government has introduced reforms in the system of classifying as certain castes as liable to enslavement, as well as in the provisions of the law concerning people belonging to such castes, and thereby abolished the system of slavery itself from the country, now therefore, with effect from Monday, Baisakh 1, 1982 (April 13, 1925), nobody shall act as follows in respect to the slaves who have been emancipated throughout the country, or their descendants, or any other person:- sell or purchase such persons as slaves, lay any kind of claim over them and treat them accordingly, and purchase people in any foreign country and use them as slaves here, and sell or purchase them, and treat them as slaves. In case anybody does so, the amount paid and accepted in the transaction shall be forfeited, and he shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of seven years. 18 In case such person commits the same offense again, the punishment to be inflicted on him shall be 50 percent more than for the first offense for the second offense, the same percentage more than the second offense for the third offense, and so on, until the maximum term of imprisonment for twenty year is reached. Persons who have witnessed the transaction, or provided advice or help, if any, shall each be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of two years. Any person who accuses another person of having committed such offenses but unable to substantiate his accusation shall receive half of the punishment that would have been due to the latter, but not for a term exceeding four years. In other matters concerning the castes which may no longer be enslaved, action shall be taken according to the law, if any, or else according to the law concerning the liquor-drinking Gharti caste if the guilty person belongs to a caste whose touch does not defile water, and according to the law concerning the appropriate caste if the guilty person belongs to a caste whose touch defiles water. 2. Nobody, whether a relative or any other person, shall take away or send any person belonging to our territories for sale in a foreign country. In case he does so, punishment shall be inflicted as follows:- 1. A fine of Rs 500, and imprisonment for a term of seven years, in case any person has made or arranged for such a sale. 2. Imprisonment for a term of seven years in case any person has taken away or sent anybody for the purpose of such a sale, but has not actually been able to conclude the transaction. 3. In case any person has sold his wife to another person, action will be taken as mentioned in Section 4 of this law. In case he has only taken her or sent her for the purpose of such a sale, but has not actually been able to imprisonment for a term of seven years. 3. No person belonging to our territories shall be enticed or otherwise taken away or sent to coal-mines in foreign countries or to oversea countries. In case anybody does so, he shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of seven years (if the former) has been sent to work as a collie in coal-mines, or of seven years if he has been sent overseas. 19 4. In case any person sells his wife, the price he has received shall be forfeited, and his share of the ancestral property shall be confiscated if the wife belongs to a case in which the husband is entitled to have the adulterer punished; if not, the husband shall be punished according to Section 17 of this law. In case the purchaser buys (the woman), knowing full well that she is a married woman, and her lose her caste, either by engaging in sexual intercourse with her, or by offering her cooked rice from his hands, his property shall be confiscated. In case the purchaser has not made the woman lose her caste, or has purchased her without knowing that she is a married woman, he shall be punished according to Section 17 or this law. In case a married woman has been sold in this manner, and in case she has lost her caste (as mentioned above), the seller shall be deprived of his sacred thread, if he belongs to a sacred-thread-wearing caste. If he belongs to any other caste, he shall be ostracized in respect to cooked rice. The woman shall be entitled to her share in her husband's property according to the law. A husband who sells his wife in this manner shall not be entitled to have any person punished for adultery with his other wives. Even if such wives leave him and start living with other men, they need not return their share of the husband's property, but shall be entitled to appropriate such property themselves. Persons who witness transactions in married woman, or give advice or help in such transactions, shall each be punished with imprisonment for a term of two years. Any persons who accuses another persons of having committed such crimes, but cannot substantiate his accusation, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of four years, if the latter would have been punished with confiscation of property had the accusation been substantiated; and with half the punishment due to the latter in other cases, but not for a term exceeding four years. 5. Anybody who witnesses a transaction relating to enslavement or sale of human being, or to sending such person to work in coal-mine, or to an oversea country, or aids or abets any such act, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of two years. 20 6. In mattes other than those mentioned herein, a fine ranging between five rupees and one hundred rupees shall be imposed according to the nature of the offense and on the discretion of the chief officer. 7. Any person who accuses another person of having committed (an offense which punishable under this law), but cannot substantiate his accusation, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of four years if the latter would have been punished with confiscation of property had the accusation been substantiated, and with half the punishment due to the latter in other cases, but not a for a term exceeding four years. In case this accusation hints only at suspicion, only half the prescribed punishment shall be inflicted. 8. A Jitauri fee of one rupee shall be realized from the winning party. 9. Cases relating to matters mentioned in Sections 1, 2, 3, and 4 above will be prosecuted by the State, hence complaints in such matters may be filed at any time. In other matters, complaints shall not be heard unless filed within one year after a minor attains the age of nineteen years, or after the occurrence of the cause of action. 10. In case other than those mentioned in Section 1 and Section 4, the term of imprisonment under this law shall not exceed twelve years. Addition of Section 7A The following Section 7A was added on Falgun 27, 1990 (March 10, 1934):- 7A. In case any government office, police station, or sentry does not make any arrest even when any man or woman belonging to our territories has been sold within our territories, or arrangements have been made for such sale, or has been taken away or sent to a foreign country for working in coal-mines, or to any oversea country, through enticement or allurement. or in case (such government office, police station, or sentry) doe not take any arrest on receiving information that this is being done, and in case anybody personally arrests (the guilty person), or furnishes information in this regard to any government office, police station, or checkpost, thereby leading to the arrest and confession (of the guilty person before the latter has been able to take away or send (any man or woman for sale, etc.) to a foreign country, 21 then such informant shall be granted a reward amounting to half of the amount actually collected as fines and in lieu of imprisonment from:- the person who sell (any man or woman), or arranges for such sale, or takes away or sends (such man or woman for such sale, etc. to a foreign country, through enticement or allurement, the persons who aided and abetted them, and, (the employees) of police stations and checkposts who, even after receiving information of such illegal traffic in human beings, did not arrest (the guilty persons) in consideration of a bride, or through favoritism. The reward shall be paid after the time-limit for filing complaints or appeals (against the sentences of punishment) has expired). Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings in the 1952 Lagal Code The Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings as changed on June 16, 1933, along with the addition of Section 7A on March 10, 1934, remained unchanged in the 1952 edition of the Muluki Ain (Government of Nepal: Muluki Ain (Legal Code). Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Press, 2009 (1952), pt. 3, pp. 167-69. The 1963 Legal Code A new Law on Enslavement and Traffic in human Beings was promulgated in the 1963 edition of the Muluki Ain (His Majesty's Government: Muluki Ain (Legal Code). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, 2019 (1963), p. 208. A full transaction is given below:- 1. No person shall entice anybody and take him outside of the territory of Nepal with the object of selling him, or take him outside (of the territory of Nepal) and sell him. in case (any person) has taken (anybody) for sale in foreign countries, and is arrested before he can do so, he shall be imprisoned for a term ranging from three to seven years. In case the sale has been completed, he shall be imprisoned for seven years. In case the purchaser is traced within the territory of Nepal, he shall be sentenced to the same punishment as the seller. 2. No person shall separate a minor who has not attained the age of sixteen years, or an insane person of any age, from his legal guardian without the latter's consent, or entice (the minor or the lunatic) with this object. In case he does so, he shall be punished with a fine not exceeding five hundred rupees, or with imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years, or with both. 22 3. No person shall enslave anybody, or sell or purchase human beings as slaves with this purpose. in case he does so, the purchaser and the seller shall each be imprisoned for a term ranging between five years and seven years. 4. Any person who deliberately abets the commission of any crime sentenced in Section 1, 2 and 3 of this law shall be liable to half of the punishment to be inflicted on the guilt persons. 5. In case any person has been sold or purchased as mentioned in Sections 1 and 3 of this law, the transaction shall be nullified so that the purchaser loses his money and the seller shall, in addition to the punishment prescribed in these Section, be fined with an amount equivalent to the value of the transaction. Amendment on October 2, 1964 Section 3 of the 1963 Law on Enslavement and Traffic in Human Beings was amended as follows on October 2, 1964 (Nepal Rajapatra, Vol. 14, No. 15 (Extraordinary), Aswin 17, 2021 (October 2, 1964):- 3. No person shall enslave anybody, or otherwise conduct transaction in human beings. In case he does so, the purchaser and the seller shall each be punished for a term ranging between five years and seven years. Amendment on December 19, 1975 On December 19, 1975, the penal provisions of Section 1 were amended as follows:"...... He shall be punished with imprisonment for a term of ten years. If the sale has been completed, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of twenty years." (Nepal Rajapatra, Vol. 25, No. 34 (Extraordinary), Poush 4, 2032 (December 19, 1975). The amendment was promulgated in the form of an ordinance, which was replaced by an act on August 12, 1976. (Nepal Rajapatra, Vol. 26, No. 12E (Extraordinary), Shrawan 28, 2033 (August 12, 1976). 23. Cotton Cultivation in Nuwakot In 1897, cotton plantation was started in Nuwakot under the auspices of the government. Lt. Colonel Devi Bahadur Sijapati was deputed to administer the Project. The plantation started with 34 laborers and employees on the pay-roll. On Baisakh 1, 1954 (April 13, 1897), the number was increased to 90. The annual salary bill was Rs 6,568. In addition, Rs 500 was sanctioned on an annual basis to procure flour and salt to feed bullocks, as well as manure. Expenses Sactioned on Falgun Sudi 15, 1953 Samvat Description Annual Salary 1 Subedar Rs 200 1 Writer Rs 200 1 Hawaldar Rs 72 20 Peons, at Rs 50 each Rs 1,000 1 Head plow-man Rs 80 10 Plowmen, at Rs 60 each Rs 600 Flour and salt for bullocks Rs 50 Miscellaneous Rs 50 Total Rs 2,252 Additional Expenses Sanctioned on Chaitra Badi 7, 1953 Samvat 1 Lie tenant 2 Subedars, at Rs 259 each Rs 700 Rs 500 1 Mukhiya 2 Jamadars, at Rs 108 each 20 Peons, at Rs 60 each 30 Peons, at Rs 50 each Manure, miscellaneous, etc Rs 300 Rs 216 Rs 1,200 Rs 1,500 Rs 400 Total Rs 4,816 Falgun Sudi 15, 1954 (March 1898) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 77, pp. 246-149. 24. Sale of Forest Products in the Far-Western Tarai Region Chandika Chaube, a merchant, offered to buy 1 maund and 8 seers of Pipali (piper longum) held in stock by the Babai Khari Adda in the Naya Muluk region. He quoted a price of Rs 25 a maund, thus offering a sum of Rs 30 for the entire quantity. The actual cost was calculated at Rs 9 and 9 annas. Bids were invited to find out if any other merchant would offer a higher price. None did. Meanwhile, it was found that the weight of the stock had gone down to 1 maund only because of loss of moisture. The value of the shortfall amounted to Rs 1 and 9 annas at cost price. Because the regulations of the Kumarichok or the Khair Adda contained no provision for the remission of such losses, Lt. Tek Bahadur Khatri Chhetri of the Babai Khair Adda submitted a petition to Kathmandu on Poush Sudi 5, 1953 Samvat. The petition was forwarded to the Naya Muluk Rakam Goswara. It expressed the opinion that there were precedents for such remissions, and remission should, therefore, be granted in the present case as well. Moreover, it pointed out that the government would make a profit from the sale, because the cost was only Rs 9 and 9 annas, whereas it would not get Rs 25 for the remaining 1 maund of the commodity. The case was then discussed by the Naya Muluk Bandobast Adda. It concurred with the opinion of the Naya Muluk Raka Goswara on the basis of the following points:- (a) Section 1 of the Law on Remission (Minaha Mojara Ko) in the Muluki Ain contains the following provisions:- In cases concerning Ijara and amanat arrangements, remissions shall be granted only if so provided for in law, regulations, administrative orders, or contract documents. If no specific provision has been made, inquiries shall be conducted to find out if expenditure has been incurred for essential purposes which will benefit both the King and the subjects, the matter shall be referred to the Mukhiyar, and action shall be taken as directed. The regulations of the Babai Khari Adda contain no provision for remission in the weight of Pipali. (2) During the years 1950 and 1951 Samvat, a total quantity of 305 maunds and approximately 25 seers of this commodity had been collected by the Babai Khair Adda. When a new chief was appointed there, he was granted remission for 15 maunds. Hence there is a precedent on the basis of which remission may be granted in the present case. 25. The opinion of the Naya Muluk Bandobast Adda was endorsed by the Muluki Adda and finally by the Prime Minister, Bir Shumshere, on Baisakh Sudi 15, 1854. Jestha Badi 10, 1954, Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 61, 56-70. *********** Food Prices, 1909 Prices of goodgrains had gone up in Jaleshwar because of drought. From the month of Bhadra 1966 Vikrama, however, these prices have come down as follows:- Paddy (previous year's crop) Bhadaiya, Ansu, gamadi, paddy Maize Maruwa (millet) Coarse rice Fine rice ..... 31 Seers a Kampani Rupee, each seer Consisting of 14 Gardas 56 Seers do ..... 27 Seers do 56 Seers do ..... 16 Seers do 15 Seers do In Kathmandu, prices are as follows:- Tauli Paddy Tauli rice Marsi rice Maize 4 pathis a mohar rupee. 2 pathis do 2 pathis do 4 pathis do In Sindhuli:- Paddy Maize Rice Mustard seeds 7 pathis a mohar rupee 6 pathis do 2 pathis do 2 pathis do Source:- Gorkhapatra, Aswin 7, 1966 (September 23, 1909). 26. The Majhi Community of the Koshi Region By Shankar Koirala ("Koshi Pradesh Ka Majhi Jati" (Ancient Nepal. (Journal of the Department of Archaeology, No. 3, April 1968. **************** Introduction When we reach any Majhi settlement along the banks of the Sunkoshi and the Tamakoshi in East No. 2, we come across the people, sun-tanned but not short, coming out of their huts and presenting themselves before us. if any visitor starts inquiring about the owner of any house there, he will have to be disappointed because the people there are not ready to develop intimacy with him quickly. The reason is that they are afraid of facing government officials. First only the children emerge from the hut and then the boys from the neighboring houses gather and surround the visitor. Thereafter, the women of the house start murmuring among themselves. Only then would the head of the family care to peep through the door and inquire the visitor why he had arrived in the house. In case the visitor showers him with questions, the head of the family only nods his head in an attempt to evade answers. He continuously nods his head so slowly that the questioner ultimately gets bored and ceases questioning him. if fact, the inhabitants of this area are slow in every work. Their chief occupation is to row boats on the Koshi river the ferry cattle and goods. Even though they dwell in the submotane region, they do not like to move up and down the mountains. They fish or lay baits along the banks of the Koshi regularly. The believe that carrying fishing nets on their shoulders helps in warding off evil spirits. That is why they are not afraid of walking at midnight, nor do they hesitate to row boats when the river is flooded. Majhis, wearing belts round their waist, and carrying fishing nets on their shoulders, are seen here and there on the banks of the Koshi river. The Majhis grow maize, millet, paddy, lentil, cotton, etc. The Kipat system of land tenure is generally prevalent. Kipat means rent free lands acquired under royal orders issued by former Kings. In consideration of this privilege, the Majhis are obliged to ferry government officials and stores, documents, arms and ammunitions even during rains without charging any amount. As for other, only those who have to supply paddy every year according to a custom 28 belonging to other castes. They marry exclusively with persons of their own community. A Majhi girl, however, corrupt she may be, retains her commensal position in the Majhi community. The Majhis are said to have their surnames. But they refuse to reveal neither the name given them at the time of Nwaran (naming ceremony of recently born child), nor their surnames. Nor does any bond or document contain, their real name or surname. The Kajhis believe that they will be exposed to the influence of evil spirits if they publicize their real names. When it becomes absolutely necessary for Majhis to mention their name and surnames in documents, they first give their name and then their caste, i.e. Majhi, and address. They follow this practice for purpose not only of private documents but also of political ones. It is, therefore, difficult to believe that they do not have their surnames for marriage purposes too. It may be presumed that they conceal their names only for the same of maintaining the honor of their daughters. The Majhis regard the Koshi as their family deity, which they worship for three days every year on the banks of the Koshi river with great pomp. This festival is observed during the month of Fagun (February-March). On this occasion, no boats ply on the river for two days, and all business is stopped. A feast is organized, at which liquor is freely served. Sacrifice of pigs is an essential part of the worship of the Koshi. In case any person belonging o a different community witnesses the sacrifice, he is insulted and driven back. The head of the pig is left on the bank of the river for two days, and on the third day the boats resume operation. The Majhis do not engage any priest for performing the rites on the occasion of this festival. He who agrees to perform the rites to the satisfaction of all Majhis is a pointed as the priest for this occasion. The Majhis also follow the custom of offering lights at the temples of other deities. When they are on fast, they take only jand, which is prepared from a substance known as Marcha. Among the other festivals, the Majhis also observe Dashain and Tihar. The dates of these festivals, however, do not tally with the ones mentioned in the calendar. These are observed a few days after others have observed them. Special arrangements for these festivals are made by the village headmen. The Majhis rely on witchcraft for treatment of the sick. It is claimed that the witch-doctors can shift the disease of the sick person to a black fowl. The practice of beheading a goat in the name of restoring the health of the sick is still followed. Grains of rice are used by witch-doctors for casting spells on evil spirits. The Majhis of Marin and Makwanpur also follow a similar practice. 29 Funeral Rites The Funeral rites for deceased Majhi are finished with Sarat which beings on the second Wednesday falling during the Sorhashraddha, and ends in three days. Sarat ceremony is also performed for the soul of the dead children. Plenty of jand is prepared at the house where some one had died. Goats and buffaloes are also slaughtered. All relatives are invited to the feast. Old men and women and children of the village gather at the court-yard of the house where mourning is going on and sing and dance beating Madal. Majhis believe that when the spirit of the deceased forefathers is invoked they come riding on a staff wrapped with flower and something like the mane of the horse, beating drum, and the soul of the newly- dead person enters into the body of the medium. A dance is arranged at the house after the staff has been brought. Ants and some articles mixed with beer are then scattered around the persons surrounding the staff, and they then start laughing. The Majhis believe that this arrangement will keep the ancestors pleased. The spirit of the ancestors is invoked after meat of chicken and goat, eggs and liquor are kept in a pot. At this time, Madal is continually beaten outside the house, and the sons and daughters of the deceased stay inside a chamber looking like a cave. The person into whose body the soul of the "father", is supposed to enter in seen staying on the courtyard keeping his body pure and clean. When, after the invocation of the "father", this person begins trembling and moving backward, people begin to think that the departed soul has entered into his body. And the dance and beating of Madal goes on throughout the day and night. The dance to be witnessed on the occasion is full of humor. During the period of trembling, the person into whose body the departed soul is supposed to enter is asked, "If the father does not come, why will he not come?" Such a question is asked because of the belief that the person can tell everything about the past, present and the future after the departed soul enters his body. During the period of trembling, the person informs why the father has not been able to return or whether he had felt hurt ever the non-fulfillment of any his wishes or whether he had not been able to return to the house because of his pre-occupation with any other work. In case it is revealed that the spirit of the father had not been able to come back Sarat has to be offered to him next year. The Majhis perform all last rites during the one Sarat. Water continues to be offered to the departed soul after death till the day of the Sarat ceremony. 30. Origin of Majhis A comprehensive study is necessary to trace the origin of the Majhi community. The Majhis probably form part of the largr Majhi community inhabiting the Makwanpur, Marin and the Saptakoshi area. Either they might have been broughout by the government from abroad for operating boats on the Koshi river and given Kipat lands in consideration of such service, or they themselves might have migrated to this area for settlement and started operating boats on rivers. The architectural style of their houses indicates that they have some connection with the Majhis of Makwanpur and Marin. Like the houses of Majhis in Makwanpur and Marin, the Majhis of the Koshi area dwell in huts with rounded walls which give the appearance of a tank covered with a sheet, in contrast to the quadrangular-shaped houses generally seen on hills of higher altitudes. Like the houses of Chepangs and Danuwars, the walls of their huts are pained with red clay, and both the walls and doors are covered with frescoes of men dancing and beating Madal as well as drawings of fishes. Of cource, the house of Tamangs also bear such frescoes. However, they differ in style from the house of Majhis. Moreover, the customs of performing the Sraddha ceremony among the Majhis of the Koshi region bears of similarity to that observed by the Majhis living elsewhere. If the Majhis have migrated to the Koshi area with the sole motive of cultivating lands, they must have moved to the hills of higher altitudes, instead of settling down on the banks of the Koshi river. It is therefore probable that the Majhis might have migrated and settled down on the banks of the Koshi river under the temptation of obtaining Kipat lands. The dialect spoken by the Majhis of this area contains numerous Nepali words, and is thus distinct from the dialect spoken by the Majhis living elsewhere in the country. The dialect is also distinct from that spoken by the Majhis of Marin, even though their marriage and all other social customs are similar. Having settled down in the hill region, the Majhis are bound to feel the impact of the Nepali language. Folk songs and dances also reflect the impact of the national language. This is no practice to install Dhiki (i.e. grain pounders) in the houses of Majhis. Only Okhalis are used for husking grains. Dhikis are not used because the Majhis consider them to be an object representing evil. The food offered by the Brahmans, especially the soup of black gram, it taken by them after taking off their cap. The boat is made from a single log, which is dragged on to the banks of the river with much fanfar. A festive atmosphere prevails on that occasion. 31. The Dharmadhikar ("Dharmadhikarado" in Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shah Devaka Shasanakalama Baneko Muluki Ain (Legal Code enacted during the reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev). Kathmandu: Ministry of Law and Justice, 2022 (1965) pp. 378-408. **************** (Continued from the December 1979 issue). 62. if any woman belonging to any of the four castes and thirty-six sub-castes, including sacred-thread- wearing castes confesses that she had engaged in Sexual intercourse with a man belonging to a higher or lower caste, or to a caste of equal status, or to a caste from whose hands higher caste people cannot take water, or to a caste contamination from whose touch must be purified through the sprinkling of water, but inquiries prove that there had been no actual sexual intercourse, and if the accused person dies without confessing his guilt, but the woman still confesses before the Kachahari and records a statement to the effect that she has engaged in sexual intercourse with a man, the woman shall be considered to be a self- confessed offender as defined in the Law on Self-Confession (mukha-patitako). A relative of such a woman who takes (cooked rice and water) from her hands before the case is filed at the kachahari need not obtain a wrist of Patiya. He shall retain his caste. But if he has willingful taken cooked rice and water from the hands of such a woman after the case has been referred to a court or local body (adalat, amal, kachahari), and the woman has signed a confessional statement, he shall not be granted a writ of Patiya, and shall (be degraded) to the same caste (as the woman). If (any relative has taken cooked rice and water from the hands of the guilty woman) without any knowledge of her guilt, he shall be granted a writ of Patiya for his unintentional offense. 63. If anybody takes cooked rice and water from the hands of any person who had confessed to having committed any offense which is punishable through ostracisation in respect to cooked rice and water and if the guilty person is entitled to a writ of Patiya, thereby permitting the use to cooked rice and water from his hands, the person who willfully takes cooked rice or water from the hands of the guilty person shall be punished with a fine of thirty rupees if he has taken cooked rice, and of ten rupees if he has taken water, and granted a writ of Patiya in respect to cooked rice and water. If the guilty person is not entitled to receive a writ of Patiya, the person who willfully takes 32. cooked rice and water from his hands cannot get such a writ, but shall be degraded to the caste of the guilty person and let off. If he has done so out of ignorance, he shall be granted a writ of Patiya for his unintentional offense. No fine shall be imposed. 64. If any man or woman has willfully engaged in sexual intercourse with a person belonging to caste from whose hands (higher-caste people) cannot take water, and willfully taken cooked rice and water from the hands of such a person, and if the matter comes to light, and the guilty person is degraded to the lower caste, and persons who have (taken cooked rice and water from his or her hands) out of ignorance have undergone expiation according to the laws, and if, subsequently, anybody because of consideration of personal favor, helps the person who has been ostracized in respect to cooked rice and water to have the ostracization lifted, and actually succeeds in doing so, and himself takes cooked rice and water from the hands of the guilty person, the person who has taken the initiative shall be punished with a fine of Rs 500, deprived of his sacred thread if he belongs to a sacred-thread-wearing caste, degraded to the lower caste, and let off. If such person has not himself taken cooked rice and water (from the hands of the guilty person), but has only persuaded others to do so, he shall only be punished with a fine of Rs 500, but shall not be degraded to the lower caste. (To Be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: March 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 3 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents Page 1. Trade and Commercial Taxation in Jumla ..... 33 2. Prithvi Narayan Shah's Victory ..... 42 3. Pritam Shah of Garhwal ..... 48 **************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Trade and Commercial Taxation in Jumla Trade Regulations for Mugu Extracts from Thek-Thiti Settlement Order for Mugu Village, Shrawan Badi 4, 1903 (July 1846). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, pp 253-254. "The ryots of the fifteen daras of Jumla customarily do not visit Patan (for trade). They shall observe this custom in the future also, and continue to trade in Mugu. "In anybody clandestinely visits (Patan) from Mugu and Chhapakhola, payments (dastur) shall be collected from him at the same rates as in the case of Chhapa. "People who visit the market (hat) at Mugu from Chhapa shall not be prevented from doing so by the inhabitants of Mugu, Darma, and Humla. "The inhabitants of Mugu shall allow those from Jumla to conduct trade in the traditional manner and collect duties (phuru) at the customary rates. They shall not make any collections in excess. "The inhabitants of Mugu shall visit Tuduk for purposes to trade only once (a year?) with the permission of the jimmawal. "The inhabitants of Chhapa and Thumi who visit Mugu shall not conduct trade across the lekh region. "The inhabitants of that area have complained that moneylenders demand a payment (hatak) when they visit the market (hat), insist on salt procured from Tibet in repayment of loans in foodgrains, and appropriate interest on (sales of) cloth, as well as interest at compound rates,......No such collections shall be made in the future. "We hereby abolish the jagat duty collected at Lums from inhabitants of Mugu, Maran and Dolphu who visit the Khasan region for purposes of trade. The abolition will be retroactive from the Vikrama year 1891 (A.D. 1834)." Trade Regulations for Tibrikot Extracts from Thek-Thiti Settlement Order for Tibrikot, Shrawan Badi 4, 1903 (July 1846). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, pp. 329-388. The amali shall not purchase thituwa cloth and blankets at concessional prices. While measuring them, do not add the breadth of the thumb. 34. The amali shall not purchase horses between the ages of six months and eighteen months. He shall purchase only horses of above athaiya (?) with the consent of the seller (rithi?) at reasonable prices. The amali, bhardars and other officials (pagari) shall pay four rupees for every six months for buffaloes procured by them for the supply of milk. In the case of milk cows, they shall pay two rupees for every six months. People who visit Tibet shall pay wages to porters at the rate of two annas every day. The 16-ganda rupee shall be used as the unit of account while selling and purchasing foodgrains, ghee, oil, and salt. The Salt Trade in Humla Bhadra Sudi 14, 1903 (September 1846) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 80, pp. 293-294 Traders from Kunda, Raskot, Palata and Galpha in Jumla visited the village of Chalapuye in Humla to trade in salt. They belonged to the Jaisi and Shahi (Thakuri) communities, whereas the inhabitants of Chalapuye village were of "Bhote" (Tibetan) stock. Rishiram Jaisi, Pradip Shahi, Bardi Shahi and Hiramani Jaisi complained to Kathmandu that the Bhotes of Chalapuye villages were exchanging their foodgrains for salt at unfavorable rates contrary to the customary practice. An order was then issued directing the concerned parties to observe the customary practice. Complaint of aThakuri Trader Bhadra Sudi 14, 1903 (September 1846) Regmi Research collection, Vol. 80, p. 299. Complaint submitted by Narsing Shahi, a trader of Chulakot village: "We have, traditionally, enjoyed the privilege (rekh) of conducting trade at Limi. Recently, the Asyas of Humla and the Bhotes of Dhigachhyapke ancroached upon this privilege and confiscated our goods worth twenty one rupees." 35. Rekh Rights Extracts from regulations promulgated for Jumla district on Baisakh Badi 13, 1907. Section 13. The inhabitants of areas outside Jumla shall conduct trade only at those places where they have been doing so from former times. They shall not encroach upon the rekh rights of the inhabitants of Jumla while conducting trade. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, p. 583. Dispute Over Trading Rights The traders of Tara-thapaula submitted the following petition to Kathmandu: "From former times, we have been taking our surplus produce (badkar) to Nisi-Bhuji for trade. No obstruction was caused to us. these days the inhabitants of Maikot do not allow us to travel through their village, slaughter our gelding goats, and loot our money. We ryots, who depend on trade for our livelihood, are thus suffering greatly." The government thereupon ordered the local administrator, Sardar Hastabir Shahi, to summon both sides and settle the dispute. The order added, "If it is proved that he money (of the traders of Tara- thapaula) has been looted, punish the guilty persons and restore it the owners. It appears that payments collected as Jagat by the inhabitants of Maikot from traders of Parbat and Rukum who visit Tibet to procure salt have not been included in the revenue settlement. Find out how much is actually collected in this manner, obtain offers from prospective collectors, and submit the draft of a thek contract. We shall then affix our seal on it." Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, pp. 506-507. Trading Rights in Lagu and Tarap The inhabitants of Moplang village in Jumla used to visit Lagu and Tarap for trade. However, the inhabitants of Asi, Pansaya, Chaudhabis, and Tripurakot later contested their right (rekh) to do so. The case came up for hearing in Kathmandu. In the course of the hearing, representatives of the four divisions (dara) mentioned above were unable to substantiate their claim that the inhabitants of Moplaing village had no right to trade in Lagu and Tarap. It was also held that the trading rights of the inhabitants of Jumla and originally been conferred by its former Raja. 36. A royal order was, therefore, issued on Bhadra Sudi 9, 1903 reconfirming the right of the inhabitants of Moplang village to trade in Lagu and Tarap. Regmi Research Collection, Vol 80, 00. 535-536. Sources of Commercial Revenue Under the thek-thiti system in Jumla, Mukhiyas were granted authority to appropriate revenue from the following sources as well: 1. Jagat duties. 2. Nikasi and dalali duties on hawks and horses. 3. One-fifth of (income from musk). 4. Monopoly trade in wax. 5. Fees for stamping cloth. Division Date Reference Tibrikot Shrawan Badi 4, 1903 RRC, Vol 80, pp. 329-388 Soru Jestha Badi 14, 1907 RRC, Vol 80, pp. 547-551 Sija Baisakh Badi 13, 1907 RRC, Vol. 80, pp. 551-557 Palata do RRC, Vol 80, pp. 557-573 Rakal do RRC, Vol 80, pp. 573-576 Sanni do RRC, Vol. 80, pp. 604-12 Barhabis do RRC, Vol 80 pp. 625 Gam Chaitra Sudi 7, 1900 Itihasa-Prakasha Vol 2, No. 2, pp. 273-284. 37. The royal order issued on Chaitra Sudi 7, 1900 for the Gam division of Jumla district has mentioned the rates of duties on horse and hawks at the point of sale as follows:- Horses: One rupee nikasi duty One rupee as dalali duty Hawks: Sahi (female) hawk of less than 2 years (challe) ..... Rs 4 do between 5 and 8 years (Khadhurche) ..... Rs 2 Jurra (male) hawk of less than 2 years (challe) ..... Rs 2 do. between 5 and 8 years (Khadkurche) ..... 8 annas. (For a description on hawks of different age-groups, see Sthira Jung Bahadur Singh, Karnali Loka-Sanskrit. Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2028 (1971), Part 5, pp. 159-160. Jagat Duties in Pansaya On Bhadra Sudi 9, 1903, Jaldhar Shahi, Ram Singh Shahi and Jadhu Shahi were granted a thek for the collection of Jagat duties at Sarmipipal in the Pansaya division (dara) of Jumla district. The amount stipulated from them was Rs 21 a year. The order, in addition, stated: "Revenue from the villages of Phasamalapani, Bara, Surki and Sarmi shall be collected through the local mukhiyas as stipulated during the settlement of 1903 (Vikrama) and included in the amount payable from the entire division (dara) to the amali. If you require men to perform functions relating to the collection of Jagat duties, employ people belonging to these villages in the necessary number." (Regmi Research Collection, Vol 80, pp. 504-505) 38 Jagat Duties in Kunda On Bhadra Sudi 9, 1903, Jadhu Padhya, Rishiram Jaisi, Surjamal Chhatyal and Rudrabir Karki of Kunda in Jumla district were granted a thek at Dan-Saghu, Dignya, Neti and Pilunchaur for the collection of Jagat duties at customary rates on salt, hawks, horses, metal utensils, cloth and other commodities brought for purposes of trade by traders of Jumla, Humla, and other areas, as well as by Bhote and Khamba traders. The previous amount payable under the thek was Rs 151 and 10 annas; it was now increased by Rs 40 to Rs 191 and 10 annas. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol 80, p. 508). In Yari Village The same day, Siriguruboke of Yari village in Humla was granted a thek for the collection of Jagat duties at customary rates. The amount payable under the thek was raised from Rs 15 to Rs 17 yearly. He was instructed not to collect duties in excess of the customary rates. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, p. 520). Jagat Dutie in Tibrikot On Bhadra Sudi 9, 1903, a thek contract was granted to Thani Bishnupada Padhya, Devi Chandra Padhy, Sharmananda Padhya and Damodar Kathayat for the collection of Jagat duties at Kotchyan, Dulkhas, Harikot, Rigma, Pugma, Hatyadhunga, Bhalubalasa and Taratali in the Tripurakot (Tibrikot) division (dara) of Jumla district. They were instructed to collect these duties at customary rates on salt, wool, blankets, chyangra goats and other (Kirana) commodities brought by traders from Tibet, Jumla, and the Auliya (i.e. the malarial areas of the southern plains) as well as by Samal traders. The amount of the thek was previously Rs 251; it was now increased to Rs 401. The order added, "Include this amount as installments fall due in the total payment stipulated from the dara and transmit it to the amali. Use the mana customarily used at the local kot for measuring (in-kind payments) collected as Jagat from Auliya, Samal, and other traders. If any trader tries to evade Jagat duties and smuggle commodities, collect twice the amount of Jagat due from him." (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, p. 527-528). 39. Collection of Jagat duties Bhadra Sudi 9, 1903 (September 1846) (Regmi Research Collection, Vol 80, ppm 502-503). Parchhram Rant and Birchham Rant were given a contract(thek) for the collection of Jagat duties at Narupani in Rakal, and at Kamuket in Barhabasi, in Jumla district. The payment stipulated from them under the contract amount to Rs 31 every year. The rates were as follows:- Description Rate of Jagat Duty Horses ..... 1 rupee each Sahi (female) Hawks ..... 1 rupee each Jurra (male) hawks ..... 8 annas each wax ..... 1 anna per dharni Blankets (Pakhi) ..... 1 paisa each Cloth ..... 1 paisa per piece (than) Musk ..... 1 anna per pod Other commodities ..... 1 anna per doko-load. The order added: "Collect these duties from all traders, including those of Jumla, Humla, doti and Dullu, as well as from bhote and khamba traders, but not from those traders of Jumla who have already paid Jagat duty at another place. The amount of Rs 31 due under the comtracr will be included in the payment stipulated for the entire division (dara) (under the thek-thiti system). In case any trader attempts to evade these duties, collect an amount double the duty due from him. Capturer criminals who travel through that route and hand them over to the amali. Capture runaway slaves and hand them over to their owners and collect a recovery fee (Pannauni) for each such slave." "On Baisakh Badi 13, 1907, the thek granted to Parchhram Raut and Birchham Raut for the collection of Jagat duties, as mentioned above, was terminated. The duties, as mentioned above, was terminated. The thek was then granted to Dadhimal Shahi, Tulu Kanwar and Ghud Kunwar. Places where the duties were to be collected were listed as Kamukhet, Bhalayapani, sarpari and Satipilim Other terms and conditions were the same, except that traders from Achham were also mentioned as those liable 40 to pay Jagat duties at those places. The tariff schedule was also the same, although with one exception: The Jagat duty on Khandi cloth was prescribed at one piece. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol 80, pp. 587-589). Jagat duties in Mugu On Bhadra Sudi 9, !903, a thek contract was granted to Thani Shivaram Padhya, Kalu Padhya, Parsuram Padhya, Jadhu Joshi, Banamali Josi and Kandhu Josi for the collection of Jagat duties at Chhirnyabebar in Hugu. The amount payable under the contract was Rs 85 a year. The rates were fixed as follows:- Description Rate of Jagat Duty Foodgrain ..... 1 mana per manload 1 pasar per lukal Musk ..... 1 anna per pod Wool 1 anna per lukche Ghee, oil 1 anna per manload Blankets 1 paisa each Cloth 1 paisa per piece (than) Katuwa 1 anna per manload (Regmi Research Collection, Vol 80, pp. 528-530; Itihasa Prakasha, Vol 2, Part 2, pp, 263-264). The inhabitants of Jumla subsequently submitted the following petition to Kathmandu: "Formerly, the inhabitants of Jumla and Humla used to pay Jagat duties at one place only. Those who paid such duties at one place at one place were not required to pay them again at another place. During the revenue settlement of the Vikrama year 1903, however, Thani Shivaram Padhya, Kalu Padhya and Banamali Jaisi obtained a Thek contract for the imposition and collection of Jagat duties at Chhirnyabebar in the Mugu- Karan area, for which they stipulated a payment of Rs 85. The local people have suffered greatly because they have now to pay Jagat duties at Chhirnyabebar. The amount stipulated under the thek cannot, therefore, be raised. We pray that the traditional arrangements of the inhabitants of Jumla and Humla be reconfirmed and the Jagat duties imposed at Chhirnybebar be abolished." 41. The following royal order was then issued on Baisakh Badi 13, 1907; "With effect from the revenue year 1907, the inhabitants of Jumla and Humla need not pay Jagat duties at any place where they have not been doing so from former times. They shall pay such duties only at those places where they have been doing so from former times. We hereby repeal the royal order granting a thek contract for the collection of Jagat duties at Chhirnyabebar to Thani Shivaram Padhya, Kelu Padhya and Banamali Jaisi. With full assurance, understand that the traditional arrangements regarding Jagat duties have been reconfirmed. Baisakh Badi 13, 1907. (Regmi Research of Collection, Vol. 80, pp. 602-604). Others Sources of Commercial Revenue On Bhadra Badi 9, 1903, Jimmawal Bhakti Thapa was granted a contract for the collection for the collection of revenue from the following sources which had not been included in the thek-thiti revenue for Jumla district. Duties on the stamping of cloth brought for sale by traders, as well as by local or other Jogis and sanyasis. A Duties of one rupee on each kiln used for the manufacture of bangles by people belonging to the Churyada community. Payment stipulated under the contract amounted Rs 15 a year. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 80, p. 540). 42. Prithvi Narayan Shah's Victory (Mohan Prasad Khanal, "Angrejko Akramanama Prithvi Narayan Shahko Vijaya" (Prithvi Narayan Shah's victory in the British invasion). Ancient Nepal (Journal of the Department of Archaeology), No. 14, January 1971, pp. 57-61). Even at the time when Christian missionaries had entered themselves in India, and some of them had even reached China, Tibet and Bhutan, built churches there and started converting Buddhist Tibetans to Christianity, Nepal was free from their influence. However, in 1701 Vikrama, when Bhima Malla, the well-known Minister of King Pratap Malla of Kantipur, traveled to Kuti via Tatopani, and met the authorities of the Tibetan government with the aim of further strengthening commercial links between Nepal and Tibet and to that end, prepared the draft of a treaty on consular and legal affairs, and later visited Shikarjong in the company of a party of Lamas, and held talked with sovereign of that country, a small party of Christian missionaries, who had visited Tibet to propagate their religion, arrived in Kathmandu Valley with the permission of King Pratapa Malla, met him, and returned to India through the Sindhulu route. Cabral, leader of these missionaries, had earlier been trying to locate shorter and more convenient route for returning to India, and accordingly, decided to use the same route which had been used by Kaji Bhima Malla for returning to Kantipur from Tibet. The missionaries were thus able to visit Kuti, Digarcha and Lhasa throught the Sindhuli Valley in the eastern hill region of Nepal, and then Dolakha, traveling along the banks of the Tamakoshi, instead of traversing the Himalayan range via Bhutan. Although the watershed of the Mahabharat range, the southern Valleys, and the inner Tarai were then under the control of the Sen Kings, travelers on both sides did not face any difficulty inasmuch as King Harishara Sen, who had established his capital at Vijayapur, and King Pratap Malla of Kantipur, had promoted cordial relations between themselves. Having found out a shorter and more convenient route for traveling between India and Tibet, the Christian missionaries began looking for a favorable opportunity to establish their bases in Kantipur. In 1731 Vikrama, Pratapa Malla died. He was succeeded by Nripendra Malla, who was then a minor. Chautara Chikuti controlled the reings of administration. At the age of 18, Nripendra Malla died (1737 Vikrama). He was succeeded by his younger brother, Parthivendra Malla. In 1744 Vikrama, that is, barely seven years after his accession to the trone, Parthivendra Malla was poisoned to death. The people of Kantipur started 43. searching for the guilty person. However, King Jitamitra Malla of Bhaktapur came over to Kantipur and managed to put on end to then sense situation. He placed Bhupatendra Malla, who was then a minor, on the throne of Kantipur and then returned to Bhaktapur. The Christian missionaries were then feeling frustrated because the rulers of both Bhaktapur and Lalitpur hated them, and the situation in Bhaktapur too was not favorable from their point of view. Finally, around 1772 Vikrama, this is, during the reign of King Bhaskara Malla also named Mahindra Simha) son of Bhupatendra Malla and grandson of Pratapa Malla, the Christian missionaries were able to establish a base in Kantipur. By that time, peace had been restored to some extent in Kantipur. Later, they extended their influence in Bhaktapur and Lalitpur where they found several converts. After his accession to the throne in his ancestral Kingdom of Gorkha, in 1799 Vikrama, Prithvi Narayan Shah went to Varanasi with the aim of making preparations for the invasion of Nepal Valley. While in Varanasi, he learnt what the white missionaries were seeking to do in India. After assessing the situation in India, Prithvi Narayan Shah procured enough arms and returned home, and, as part of his plans, attacked and occupied the fort of Nuwakot in 1801 Vikrama. After occupying more villages and forts in Kathmandu Valley, he launched in economic blockade. King Jaya Prakasha Malla of Kantipur apprehended a thread to his Kingdom from the Gorkha army, which was then tightening its more around him through the blockade. However, the two subsequent defeats of the Gorkhalis in the battle of Kirtipur boosted his morale. In 1819 Vikrama, the forces of Prithvi Narayan Shah occupied Makwanpur. This alarmed King Jaya Prakash Malla. However, he felt much relieved when King Digbandhan Sen of Makwanpur sent Kanak Sinha Baniya, one of his Kazis, as a emissary to Nawab Kasim Ali Khan of Bengal with an appeal for military assistance. Kasim Ali Khan sent a large force under the command of Gurgi Khan to fight against the Gorkhalis. The Muslim troops commanded by Gurli Khan, however, proved nor match for the Gorkhalis, who were trained in guerrilla warfare, even though they had better weapons. The Muslims forces finally took to their heels. Prithvi Narayan Shah felt delighted when he heard of their flight. Jaya Prakash Malla, on the other hand, felt more alarmed. The Gorkhalis, who were winning a series of victories, invaded Kirtipur for the third time, and finally scored victory there. This disheartened Jaya Prakash Malla greatly. The Capuchin and other Christian missionaries who were then staying in Kantipur were likewise feeling apprehensive. Having realized that the Gorkhalis were certain to wipe out all the three Malla Kingdoms of the Valley in the near future, they felt they might have to quit Nepal in the same way as they had to leave Tibet. 44. Father Giuseppa, who was staying in a Kathmandu church, thought that the British would never be able to come back to Nepal, musch less occupy it, unless they changed their strategy quickly. Accordingly, he started exhorting King Jaya Prakash Malla, who was then remaining inactive, to drive out the Gorkhalis with the military assistance of the British. It was the policy of the British at the time to move about in the guise of missionaries, and one they had entrenched themselves in any territory, to begin trading in goods, and finally interfare in its political affairs, and even invade it to ensure European dominance when the situation appeared favorable to them. Their advice reassured Jaya Prakasha Malla to some extent. After consultations in his palace, and with the consent of King Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur, Jaya Prakasha Malla sent a detailed message to the Governor of the Calcutta Council and secretly forwarded it along with a letter containing the recommendation of Father Giuseppe. The message was sent through the Chief of Patna, who forwarded it to the Governor at Calcutta along with his own personal latter stressing the need for dispatching an expedition to Nepal. A Special Committee of the Calcutta Council, after deliberations should attack Prithvi Narayan Shah's forces. Accordingly, the Council directed Rumboldt of Patna to send a message to King Prithvi Narayan Shah asking him to lift the blockade of Kathmandu Valley and refrain attacking Jaya Prakasha Malla's Kingdom. The message warned that otherwise the East India Company would declare him an enemy and send troops to fight against him. in addition, the Council ordered Captain Kinloch, who had just come back after winning a victory in the battle of Tipperah, to proceed to Patna. King Prithvi Narayan Shah received a message from his informants in Patna to the effect that Jaya Prakasha Malla had sent a message to the British pleading for military assistance and that the British were planning to attack him soon. He, therefore, started preparing to repulse the imminent British attack. When he received a letter containing an ultimatum from Rumholdt, he threw it into the water-paper basket and dispatched some Gorkhali troops under the command of Birabhadra Upadhyaya, his treasurer, Kaji Vamsha Raj Pande, and Banshu Gurung, a hunter, to the Sindhuli area. In 1786 Vikrama, Nanda Muni Prasai, a resisdent of Jhangajholi in Chainpur, had purchased some lands at Mugitar for Rs 1,200 from King Jagatjaya Malla, who had succeeded Bhaskara Malla (Mahendra Sinha) after the latter's death. His son, Krishna Prasai had also acquired large areas of lands at Pakarbas and Manthali, thereby gaining fame as a rich and influential landlord. His son, Ramachandra Prasai, had also extended his influence far and wide. He was on the side of King Jaya Prakasha Malla of Kantipur. The Gorkhalis, therefore, wanted to win him over to their side. 45. In the meantime, pilgrims returning to the hill areas through Janakpur, spread rumors that a British invasion through the Sindhuli route was imminent. Gorkhali troops commanded by Kaji Vamsha Raj Pande, Birabhadra Upadhyaya and Banshu Gurung had then reached a place called Nigale, which was located at a distance of just one Kosha away from the Sindhuli Pass, and started maintaining a strict/watch on the movement of pilgrims traveling through the Sindhuli route, and making other preparations. The people of the Malla Kingdoms were then noting that greater tranquility prevailed in areas conquered by the Gorkhalis than in those controlled by the Malla rulers. They also noted that the former were better administered than the Malla Kingdoms. They were fearing a British invasion in response to the invitation from Jaya Prakasha Malla, because they knew of rumors that the British had committed massacre and plunder in certain provinces of India some time ago. The people, therefore, felt that it would not be in their interest to remain on the side of King Jaya Prakasha Malla, and that the King of Gorkha would protect their honor and property if they offered out the British. Therefore, Ramachandra Prasai, the landlord of Mugitar, which is located about 3 koshas from the Ramechhap hill, met the Gorkhali commanders who were camping near Nigale. He asked them if there was any truth in the rumors that the white troops were seeking to attack through Sindhuli, and if so, what they intended to do. he expressed his opinion that the Gorkhali troops stationed at Sindhuli would not be in a position to drive out the British. If the Gorkhalis did not advance beyond Negale, and if, for that matter, the British managed to climb the hill and forced their way through the Sindhuli Pass, they could reach Nepal Valley easily. As such, it would be good if the Gorkhalis moved beyond Nigale and strengthened their fort at Sindhuli Madi. He said, "If His Majesty to commands, we shall supply necessary food and water to the best of our ability. We do not have to make efforts to arrange for sufficient funds. We will also impress necessary Jhara labor." A petition to this effect was submitted in Bhadra (September) 1824. the petition was accompanied by a note recommending that Ramachandra Prasai be won over for the sake of procuring necessary money and rations. The petition was rushed to Kirtipur through a courier. On receiving this petition, King Prithvi Narayan Shah immediately summoned Rama Krishna Kunwar, one of his commanders, who had then moved to Chabahil, and ordered him to take necessary steps and proceed to Sindhuli with necessary troops. He sent weapons, outfits and other equipment generally used by courtiers to Ramachandra Prasai, along with a message bearing the royal seal, which stated, "We have received your petition and 46. noted its contents. You have rightly enquired about rumors that the British are going to attack. It is true that the British are going to attack through the Sindhuli route as an ally of Jaya Prakash. No one can say that they will spare Nepal after having conquered India. Gorkha and Nepal are one and the same country, with Gorakhanath as their common deity. The British are like wolves. If they conquere us, none of us will survive. You have suggested that we must built a fort in Sindhuli-Madi. For the time being, however, it would be good to position ourselves at Nigale itself. We will later have to move to the Sindhuli Pass. But there is no need to shift to the plains, that is, to Sindhuli-Madi. If the British attack, it will be very hard to win a victory over them in that area. Jaya Narayana has not mobilized adequate Jhara labor at Khurkot. We, therefore, are depending on your contribution in this respect. The palisades have to be built strongly. Rs 2000 would suffice for the present. See that the rations you have agreed to procure are sufficient to meet our requirements for contingencies also. If you ask for lands in consideration once our Kazis have submitted a recommendation to this effect after making inquiries. We have dispatched necessary reinforcements from here. For other things, we shall take care of you." Khurkot lies on the right bank of the Sunkoshi river on the foot of the Ramechhap hill. Nigale is situated at a distance of approximately 2 Kosha from Khurkot. At a distance of one Kosha from Khurkot lies the Sindhuli Pass on the Mahabharat range. The Sindhuli Pass has been well known since ancient times. In 1824 Vikrama, the troops of King Prithvi Narayan Shah had built a for (Gadhi) at this pass. So it has been called Sindhuli-Gadhi. By the time Sardar Ram Krishna Kunwar left for Sindhuli with troops and weapons, Ramachandra Parsai had joined the courtiers with money, rations, and Jhara laborers. The troops under the command of Rama Krishna Kunwar, Vamsha Raj Pandey, Birabhadra Upadhyaya and Bamshu Gurung as well as the men accompanying Ramachandra Prasain, built two big forts on the Chuchunre hills on the right and left flanks of the Sindhuli Pass, and a strong palisade in the foothill lying beyond them. In addition, they built a strong fort at the Tilkethan hill lying on the Beni- Ramechhango mountain range. The man following Jaya Narayan Thapa Magar, an inhabitant if Nigale, as also the troops, were divided into four columns. One column was deployed at Dhungrebos under the command of Bamshu Gurung. Another column was dispatched to Tilkethan. Half of the remaining troops was divided into two groups, one commanded by Kamsha Raj Pandey, and the other by Birabhadra Upadhyaya. The Dhakres under the control of Jaya Narayan Thapa Magar were assigned. 47. the duty of procuring bees, wasps and scorpions, while the remaining men, including those under the control of Ramachandra Prasai, were kept ready for an attack from the British. Meanwhile, Captain Kinloch, commander of the British troops, had collected enough men and arms. He now needed a guide. He soon found one in Ramdas Baigari. When Father Guiseppe sent a message to Ramboldt warning that the Gorkhalis troops might occupy Kantipur if the British troops did not attack before the month of ashwin, Captain Kinloch left for Sindhuli with his expeditionary force. However, the Gorkhalis informants in Janakpur came to know of the arrival of the invading troops. On receiving this information, the merchanta of Janakpur and other areas closed their shops, When captain Kinloch reached Janakpur, he found it difficult to procure supplies for his forces. The British troops, nonetheless, continued their thrust in the hope of obtaining supplies in hill areas. Proceeding from Dhalkebagar, they reached Sindhuli-Madi via Lalgadh and the banks of the Kamala river. At dawn, they left for the Sindhuli Pass with mules and porters carrying cannon and supplies. All their movements were being watched by the Gorkhali troops. Meanwhile, the Gorkhali forces were under the command of Jaya Narayrn Thapa Magar. Were dispatching bees, wasps and scorpions from the Sindhuli Pass to Dhungrebas. Hardly had the invading forces reached the point down the pass than the men under Jaya Narayan Thapa Magar started throwing the bees, wasps and scorpions with stones and arrows at the British forces, who were dressed in red and black uniforms. Being stung by the insects, the British forces felt nervous. They suspected that the insect attack had been arranged by the Gorkhalis. They found that Gorkhali troops were actually camping nearbym Thereupon, they trained their guns on the Sindhuli Pass and started firing. However their cannon missed the target because the big rock of Dhungrebas stood in their way. They, therefore, had to move a little further cautiously. No sooner had they reached near the newly-built palisades of the Gorkhali troops than they were confronted with a two-pronged attack by forces under the command ofKazi Vamsha Raj Pande and Birabhadra Upadhyaya. There was panic among the British troops. Hardly had the British troops recovered from their shock than another string column under the command of Ramakrishna Kunwar, assaulted them from the rear. Thereupon, the British troops started running helter-skelter. However, Captain Kinloch came forward asking his forces not to feel demoralized. The British then regrouped and started hitting back at the Gorkhalis. But they were confronted by yet another column commanded by Vamshu Gurung, so that they felt demoralized and started fleeing. But there was only one escape route, and it was through that route that Vamshu Grung had attacked the British troops. As a result, several British soldiers were killed, and a few of the wounded managed to escape along with Captain Kinloch. That is why a very small number of 48. British soldiers were taken prisoner by the Gorkhali troops. After the serrender of these troops, the Gorkhalis forced them to carry the weapons, captured from the British forces through the pass, and later freed them. After treating the Gorkhali soldiers who had been wounded in this battle. Sardar Ram Krishna Kunwar left for the Hariharpur fort. Afterwards, Prithvi Narayan shah sent turbans to his victorious commanders, and also conferred a rank of honor on Ramachandra prasai of Mugitar through a letter bearing the royal seal. Pritam Shah of Garhwal In October 1803, Gprkhali troops led by Amara Sinha Thapa, Chautariya Hastidal Shahi, Chautariya Bam Shah, and other leaders invaded Garhwal. Pradyuman Shah, the Raja of that territory, was killed in the battle of Khurbura in January 1804, His bother, Pritam Shah, was taken prisoner and sent in custody to Kathmandu. (Edwin T. Atkinson. The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India. Allahabad; North- Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, 1884. Vol II, pp. 615-616). Pritam Shah was accompanied by fifteen of his men to Kathmandu. On Kartik Badi 7, 1862 (October 1805), the ijardar of Bhadgaun was ordered to keep them in dentention, not let anybody visit them, and not let them escape. He was also ordered to give them six annas daily for salt, ghee and oil, as well as four loads of firewood and four bundles of leaves. On the same day, the Kaparder of the royal household, Bhotu Pande, was ordered to supply them with 1 pathi of marsi rice, 3 pathis of hakuwa rice, and 4 manas od urd, peas and other lentils everyday. Regmi Reseasch Collection, Vol. 19, p. 320. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd. Kathmandu; April 1, 1980. Regmi Research Series Year 12, No. 4 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents 1. The Basantapur Courtyard 2. The Dharmadhikari 3. Immigration from India During The Mid-Nineteenth Century 4 Miscellaneous Documents of 1907 Page 49 54 60 62 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone : 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). The Basantapur courtyard Gautam Vajra Vajracharya, Hanumandhoka. Rajdarbar (The royal Palace of Hanumandhoka). Kathmand: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies Tribhuwan University, Kathmandu, 2033 *1976). Pp. 129-134 *************** The Basantapur Chok (Courtyard) lies straight toward the south from the Mul Chok. Bricks have been laid on all sides of this Courtyard and at one time the Tejarath Office was located here. It is, therefore, also known as Lohn-Chok and Tejarath-Chok. But in the old document dating back to the Shah period, this Courtyard has been mentioned as the Basantapur-Chok. Therefore, it would seem appropriate to call it Basantapur-Chok. The names of turrets on the four corners of Basantapur Chok have been mentioned in a document in the collection of Bakhat Man Singh Basnet bearing the date Vikrama 1887. In that document, the turrets on the south-east, south-western, north-western and north-east corners are called Vilasa-Mandira, Basantapur-Kailash, Bangala and Laxmivilasa-Mandir respectively. It also mentions that these four turrets were constructed by King Prithvi Narayan Shah. On the walls of the ground floor of the southern part of Basantapur-Kailas facing the road, and above the maingate of the northern side, which can be seen from Nasal Chok, two inscriptions of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, dated Chaitra, 1826 (Vikrama) have been found. The inscription facing the Nasal Chok contains particulars regarding the construction of the Basantapur Palace (Basanta Suharmya). The inscription facing the road contains particulars relating to the construction of the Vilasa-Mandira. However, particulars relating to the construction of Bangala and Laxmi-Vilasa-Mandira have not been mentioned there. The Bhasha Vamshavali contains some information in this regard. It says that the remaining portions of the Basantapur Palace constructed by king Prithvi Narayan Shah had been completed during the reign of Pratapa Simha. It thus seems that the Basantapur Kailasa and Vilasa-Mandira were constructed during the during the reign of King Prithvi Narayan Shah and the remaining portions including Laxmi Vilasa and Bangala, were constructed during the reign of Pratapa Simha In the beginning, the Basantapur building and Vilasa-Mandira appear to have been constructed separately. The architectural style of Basantapur building leads us to this conclusion. The beams supporting the eaves, the windows and other parts of the Basantapur building, which should have been left conspicuous, have been covered up by building linking other turrets. As a result, some beams and windows of the Basantapur building have been placed inside rooms. 50. It is thus clear that the present shape of the Basantapur-Chok had been constructed during the reigns of King Prithvi Narayan Shah and King Pratapa Simha. But available historical evidence shows that the basic structure had already been constructed during the reign of the Malla Kings. Therefore, it would be appropriate to write something on this subject. We have already mentioned above that many similarities are found in the three Malla Palaces built in Nepal Valley. This is more so in the case of the royal palaces of Bhaktapur and Kathmandu. The names of various choks and buildings constructed in these two palaces resemble each other. In both these palaces, various wings such as Hitichok, Mohan-Chok, Jiswara-Chok, and Itachapali as well as Mul-Chok and Chaukwath, bear identical names. Many of these Choks are not found in the existing Malla palaces, but they are mentioned in contemporary documents. It should be noted that the buildings named Basantapur and Laxmi-vilasa constructed in the Bhaktpur palace, have been mentioned in a contemporary document. According to that document, Laxmivilas contained a grand hall where the King hold his court. After King Prithvi Narayan Shah took over the Bhaktapur palace, names of these two buildings were included in an inventory of the property. Thus, therefore, King Prithvi Narayan Shah and Pratapa Simha constructed the Basantapur Laxmivilasa, such buildings had already been constructed in Bhaktapur with the same name. The Basantapur building in Bhaktapur was in existence even until 1887 Vikrama. The height of that building is noted down in a contemporary document as 51 cubits. What is more important in this connection is that many years before the conquest of Kathmandu by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, a building called Basantapur, like that of Bhaktapur had already been constructed in the palace of Kathmandu. A thyasafu compiled during the reign of King Parthivendra Malla of Kathmandu (1731-1737 Vikrama), refers to a building called Basantapur. The thyasafu indicates that the Mallas used to operate a guthi from that building. But nor other particulars are available there. The Triratna Soundarya Gatha of Sundarananda Banda, written during the second half of the 19 century Vikrama, states that King Prithvi Narayan Shah constructed a new building on the site called Basantapur. This shows that the site had already become famous by the name of Basantapur even before King Prithvi Narayan Shah constructed the new palace. This shows that although the Shah Kings and constructed this palace of Kathmandu from the very foundations, that building known as Basantapur had been constructed during the Malla period. 51 Is seems that the tradition of constructing houses with turrets at various places has continued in Nepal for many centuries past. Reference is also found in the Gopala Vamshavali. A four-storey royal palace with five turrets was constructed by King Shiva Deva (1177-1180 Vikrama). Similarly, the Gopala Vamshavali mentions that King Rudra Deva (1224-1231 Vikrama) had constructed a Chok having five turrets on the southern side of his palace at Bhaktapur and that King Amrita Deva (1232-1234 Vikrama) had constructed another Chok with five puras (turrets) on the northern side of the same palace. During the Malla period, a Chok with four turrets was known as Choukwath. Such buildings were important from the viewpoint of defense and so were called Choukwath, i.e., a four-Malla palaces. The Choukwath of the Patan palace, which is in front of the Krishna temple, was known as Choukot even until the 19th century Vikrama. Even now, ruins of the turrets constructed on the corners of the Choks are seen there. Choks constructed on the Choukwath pattern can also be seen in paintings and sculptures of the Malla period. As in the Basantapur Chok, they were constructed with turrets of various sizes on each corner. It is thus clear that the Basantapur Chok was constructed on the Choukwath pattern. This is the reason why it has been called Kot in the Triratna Soundarya Gatha. King Prithvi Narayan Shah was a talented and farsighted King. He believed that the national force could not be strong as long as local arts and crafts were not promoted. In his Upadesh, he has declared, "Do not import foreign cloths. Train local weavers to weave such cloths according to samples. Do not invite musicians and dancers from abroad, but encourage the Newars of Nepal Valley and watch them dance." He saw two benefits from encouraging Nepali arts and crafts. Firstly, this would check the outflow of the national wealth, and secondly, avoid foreign influence on the nation. This line seems to have been followed while constructing the Basantapur palace according to the traditionally Kepali architectural style. According to the Tritatna Soundarya Gatha, King Prithvi Narayan Shah had special interest in architecture, and that he himself had given directions in the construction of the Basantapur Palace through a Brahman known as Haribansha. This seems to be true in view of that fact that it was King Prithvi Narayan Shah's policy to encourage local arts and crafts. Just as Neapli weavers were encouraged to weave cloth according to samples provided to them, the plan of the building may have been prepared in accordance with his ideas. 52. Some Shah Kings immediately succeeding King Prithvi Narayan Shah and the then Bhardars, had also followed his nationalist line. That is why the impact of Nepali art cah be seen in all the state buildings and the houses of Bhardars constructed during the early years of the Shah period. The temple of Shiva- Parbati constructed during Swarup Simha Karki at Chikamugal may be cited as examples. However, later the nationalist policy of encouraging Neplai architecture was slowly forgotten. The construction of state buildings based upon Nepali architecture styles was stopped specially when Rana Prime Ministers started visiting England. Instead, buildings like the Gadhi Baithak based upon semi-European styles started being constructed. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's palace of Nuwakot constructed in 1819 Vikrama, i.e., before the conquest of Kathmandu, also follows that Nepali pattern. In the history of Nepali architecture, the palace of Nuwakot and Basantapur occupy a significant place. Both these palaces look like temples built on the Nepali pattern during the Malla period. But, in fact, these buildings are not temples, but were built as royal residences. Those buildings are thus the first to have been built for residential purposes on the pattern of Nepali temples. This was a new experiment of King Prithvi Narayan Shah in Nepali architecture. This high-lights his talents and nationalism. Compared with storeys of the buildings of the Malla period, those constructed at Basantapur Chok are bigger. Various parts of the buildings, such as doors and windows also big in the same proportion. Buildings at this Chok have lofty halls. But only the halls in the south and the north face the Chok. The halls on the eastern wing faces Bhandarkhal, while that if the western wing faces Nasal Chok. Basantapur Chok can be entered through gate in the western wing while coming Bhandarkhal, through gate in the southern wing from new Road, and through the gate in the western wing from Nasal Chok. There can also be seen a smaller gate to enter into the ground floor of the western wing. In the case of the northern wing, not gate has been constructed Two wooden figures of serpents are seen on each of the out-facing walls from the ground floor to the third floor of all the buildings constructed at this Chok. At a glance, these serpents seem to be crawling on the heads of tigers, placed in a row at the place where the ground floor and the third floor are connected, are worth seeing. 53. on the top of all the buildings connecting the four turrets, there is a terrace. All these buildings have four storeys. The northern side has only one row of rooms whereas all the others have two. The artistic Gajhyal constructed on the third floor of all the four wings are the main attraction of this Chok. Sanjhyals have been constructed below the Gajhyals of the northern and southern wings. However, they are not found in other wings. In the southern wing, however, a Sanjhgal has been constructed on the fourth floor. In the building of the eastern wing of this Chok, there are beautiful Gajhyals and Sanjhyals in the part facing the Bhandarkhal. All these Gajhyals have been covered by a tile roop with images of various Gods and Goddesses. On the beams supporting the roof and the corners, Kushals have been used. Other windows are also very artistic. Lettice-windows of the rectangular shape installed specially in the corners of the second floor of the western wing, seem to have been made with special effort. Varios figures, such as those Garuda, Raga-Kanya, peacocks, bonquets etc have been caryed on the doors and windows of this Chok. The Vilasmandir turret, located in the south-east corner, is two storeys higher from the terrace. This turret is square on shape. Below the roof, there are rows of windows on all sides. The roof is supported by big wooden beams. Above the roof, there is a golden dome. The Basantapur turret; on the south-western corner, is five storeys highter from the terrace. This building looks a four-roofed temple. There are Biddhi-jhvals on the sides of below all the roofs except the third roof. Below the third roof, there are one Sajhyal each on both the northern and southern sides. The Siddhi-jhyal on the top-floor commands a full view of Nepal Valley. Three golden domes on the top-most roof can be seem from the a distance. The Bangala turret on the north-west corner is two floors higher from the terrace. On the top-most floor is this turret, there are five-faced open windows on the sourthern and northern sides. Apart from this, a terrace has been constructed on the southern side. The roof is made of metal. The semi-circular roof looks like the back of a tortoise from a distance. On the north-east corner stands the Laxmivilasa-Mandir turret. It is two storeys above the terrace. The upper portion of this terret, which has sixteen corners, contains rows of windows on all four sides in such a way that every corner has one window. The roof of the building has similarly been constructed with many angles. Above the tile roof, there is a golden dome. Kunpas on all the corners of the roof have further enhanced the beauty of the building. 54. If one is to make a deep study of all the artistic objects at the Basantapur Chok, there will be sufficient materials for writing a separate volume. It seems essential to write such a volume to understand and explain the significance of Nepali art. **************** The Dharmadhikar ("Dharmadhikarako", in Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shah Devaka Shasanakalama Baneko Mulumi Ain (Legal Code enacted during the reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev). Kathamnd: Ministry of Law and Justice, 2022 (1965) pp. 378-406. ************ (Continued from the February 1980 issue). 64. (Continued). No punishment shall be inflicted if any person has taken (cooked rice and water from the hands of the guilty person) on the ground that he is entitled to do so because a government officer or amali has lifted the obstracization (in respect to cooked rice and water), without any knowledge of the actual facts; a writ of Patiya shall be granted to him because he had committed the offense out of ignorance. If a confessional statement has been prepared and actually signed, but other persons have not yet taken cooked rice and water (from the hands of the guilty person), the government officer or amali who intended to lift the obstracization in respect to cooked rice and water out of personal favor shall each be punished with a fine of Rs 100; the local functionaries (thari, mukhiya, jimmawal) present at the court, with a fine of Rs 25 each; and other respectable persons (present there) with a fine of Rs 20 each. In case the amali has only prepared the confessional statement and other documents, but others persons have not yet taken cooked rice and water (from the hands of the guilty person), other persons who take cooked rice and water from the hands (of the guilty person) in the belief 55. that they are allowed to do so, without any knowledge of the actual facts, shall be punished with a fine of ten rupees each, and writs of Patiya shall be issued to them according to the law. In case the fines are not paid, (the concerned persons) shall be imprisoned according to law. 65. In case anyone receives the tika, or any ritual gifts of foodstuff, money, etc, by putting water therein, from the hands of a person who has been sentenced to imprisonment for life, irrespective of whether or not letters to that effect have been branded on him, such a gift be confiscated and a fine of Rs 30 shall be imposed. A writ of Patiya shall then be granted. The recipient shall not be deemed to have committed any offense if he has received without performing a ritual ceremony or without using water, any unpolluted foodgrains or any gift of money, slaves, lands, etc. 66. In case a woman belonging to any of the four castes and thirty-six sub-castes is accused of having committed with a person who is not related to her but belongs to a higher, equal, or lower caste, and in case in the course of interrogations at any government office, court, police station or local body she mentions any person as being the first commit illicit sexual intercourse with her, and in case such person is arrested and interrogated, and confesses his guilt, action shall be taken according to the law. In case the woman has implicated any person who has gone to a distance place, whether inside or outside the country, such person shall be summoned by letter or through a messenger if he is inside the country, and judgment shall then be pronounced. In case such person is not living inside the country, and in case any of his relatives or other representative approaches the court (kachahari) and makes a statement as follows:- "I had met such and such person at such and such a place. It told him: "You have been implicated by such and such woman as being the first person to engage in illicit sexual intercourse with her. If you have actually engaged in illicit sexual intercourse with that woman, make a statement to that effect, and we shall arrange to have a writ of Patiya issued in your name according to the law." The man replied, "It is true that I have committed illicit sexual intercourse with that woman. If she has made a statement to the effect that I am that first person to engage in illicit sexual intercourse with her, I cannot state anything in may defense. My house and other property 56. are there, and I am willingto undertake any liability or penalty according to the law. Any of you who has taken (cooked rice and water) from our hands without any knowledge of our guilt may have a writ of Patiya issued in my name. But I will not go back." We had interrogated him, or recorded his statement, in the presence of witnesses. In case it is proved that he had not made such a statement, and that our evidence is false and baseless, we are ready to bear any penalty according to law." The government should be filled, the guilty person's share in his ancestral property confiscated through them, if so necessary, according to the law, and a writ of The government should be filled, the guilty person's share in his ancestral property confiscated through them, if so necessary, according to the law, and a writ of Patiya issued in the name of the persons who have taken cooked rice and water from the hands of the guilty person without any knowledge of his guilt. In case the person who has been implicated comes back and files a complaint to the effect that he has not engaged in sexual intercourse with the concerned eoman, that he had not made the statements mentioned above to those persons, and that they have had his property confiscated, and a writ of Patiya issued in his name, without any valid ground, the persons who had acted as his representatives and recorded a statement shall be summoned, an both sides given a hearing. In case it is proved that those persons had recorded a false and baseless statement at the court, thereby having the property of the concerned person confiscated and a writ of Patiya issued in his name, the share in the ancestral property of such persons shall be confiscated according to the law, and they shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of two years. Such imprisonment may be commuted to a money payment, if they so desire. They shall not be degraded to a lower caste. The property thus confiscated from them shall be used to refund the property confiscated from the person who had earlier been punished in that manner on a baseless charge, and the excess, if any, shall be accredited to the government. However, the shortfall, of any, need not be met. No fee (dasaud., bisaud, baksauni) shall be collected in the property thus refunded. However, in case the statement recorded by the concerned persons at the court is proved to be true, and (the person implicated if illicit sexual intercourse) signs a confessional statement to that effect, the latter shall be imprisoned for three years, given such additional punishment as is according to the law, and then released, for having made a false complaint. 57 In case the concerned person submits his complaint after death of the person who had recorded a statement at the court claiming that the former had confessed his guilt, such statement shall not be reviewed. In the case involves any offense which is punishable with fines, or which requires the payment of marriage expenses, and if the person implicated in the offense is arrested, the fine or marriage expenses, as the case may be, shall be collected from him, and he shall then be released. No penalty shall be inflicted unless the guilty person is arrested; nor shall any marriage expenses be paid. Persons who have taken (cooked rice and water) from the hands of the guilty person without any knowledge of his guilt shall be granted a writ of Patiya. 67. In case any person is charged with having committed any offense punishable with ostracization in the use of cooked rice and water, the chief officer or headman (hakim, dittha, bichari, ameli, dware or mukhiya) of the appropriate government office, court, police station or local body (adda, adalat, thana, amal) shall issue orders for provisional obstracization in respect to the use of cooked rice or water, as the case may be, until the matter is disposed of. If after investigations it is found that a writ of Patiya should be issued, or that the offense had been committed out of ignorance, such a writ shall be issued accordingly. If it is found a writ of Patiya need not be issued, the person who had ordered the provisional obstracization in respect to the use of cooked rice and water during the investigations, on the ground that doubts have been raised; shall not be deemed to have committed any offense, if he has not taken cooked rice and water (from the hands if the concerned person), nor need any writ of Patiya be issued to him, and he shall remain in his caste. However, if another investigations it is found that a wrat of Patuya cannot be issued (to the guilty person), the provisional ostracization in respect to the use of cooked rice or water shall be confirmed. The officers of the Kachahri who is mainly responsible for the failures to prescribe provisional ostracization in respect to the use of cooked rice and water (from the hands of the guilty person), once doubts have been raised in this regard, with the result that other pr\ersons hane taken cooked rice and water (From the hands of the gui;ty person) without any knowledge of his guilt, shall be punished with a fine of Rs 100 if the matter concerns failure to prescribe provisional octracization in respect to the use of cooked rice, and Rs 500 in the case of water. In as much as (the guilty person) had not been provisionally ostracized in respect to the use of cooked rice and water by the Kachahri, persons who have taken cooked rice and water from his hands shall be granted writs of Patiya. No fine shall be imposed. 58 68. In case anyone ignores the provisional ostracization and fails to have a wrir of Patiya issued in the name of a person who had been provisionally ostracized in respect to the ue\se of cooked rice and water by any government office, court, police station or local body, or the Dharmadhikari, village headman(thari, mukhiya), commensal relatives, or respectable people, even after it is held according to the law that am writ of Patiya shall be issued in respect to the use of cooked rice and water, and (the person alleged to have committed the offense) thus virtually purified, and in case (the former) freely involves the latter in the use of cooked rice and lets him perform ceremonies for the gods or for ancestors, he shall be punished with a fine of Rs 50 if he has done so in respect to cooked rice, and of Rs 25 in respect to water. The person who had been provisionally ostracized shall then be granted a writ of Patiya according to the law. He shall not be degraded to a lower caste. In case any person whom has been provisionally octracized in respect to the use of cooked rice and water does not obtain a writ of Patiya, and let other persons take cooked rice and water from his hands without any knowledge of his offense, or performs any ceremonies for gods or ancestors , he shall be punished with a fine of Rs 50 for letting others take cooked rice from his hands or performing ceremonies for gods and ancestors, and Rs 25 for letting others take water from his hands. A writ of Patiya shall be issued to him. 69. A Jaisi Brahmin of any category shall initiate only a Jaisi of equivalent status into the gayatri or diksha in the customary manner. Neither the preceptor nor the disciple shall be deemed to have committed any offense. But shall not do so to any person belonging to any other sacred-thread-writing caste, or to Jaisis of higher status. In case he does so, he shall be fined as follows:- If he initiated any Upadhyaya Brahmin Rs 50 Do Rajput - Rs 40 Do sacred-thread-wearing Chhetri - Rs 30 Do Jaisi of higher status - Rs 20 In case the Upadhyaya,Rajput, Chhetri or Jaisi of higher status who thus received (the gayatri or the diksha ) from a Jaisi is above sixteen years of age, he shall be punished with fines at rates half those mentioned above. 59 However if the person is below sixteen years of age, the main person responsible for the initiation shall be so fined at half-rates. Thereafter, the concerned Upadhyaya, into the gayatri or the diksha from a Upadhyaya Bhahmin, and a Jaisi Brahman from an Upadhyaya Brahman, or form a Jaisi of higher status. Such persons shall then be taken into their caste. 70 with effect from Baisakh Badi 1, 1922 Vikrama, no person belonging to any of the four castes and thirty-six sub-castes from whose hands high-caste people can take water, including Brahman, Rajputs, Chhetris, Vaishyas and shudras, who has been recruited in the English Company shall be allowed to let others take cooked rice and water from their hands without the permission of the government (hokum), because it is heard that they sleep in the same tent and take liquor along with Damais and Kamais, from those whose hands high-caste people are nor allowed to take water. Law Relating To the Grant of Patiya in Respect to Water to Persons Employed In Foreign Countries 71. In as much as persons who go to Tibet, India and other foreign countries for the employment as porters, coolies, etc. against payment of wages or salaries, are likely to have slept in the same tent and taken tobacco, etc. along with people belonging to castes from whose hands high-caste people are not allowed to take water, no one shall take water from the hands of such persons unless they have obtained a writ of Patiya in respect to water. A certificate for Patiya shall be issued by the court (adalat) or local body (omal) on payment of o fee of four annas. The dharmadhikari shall then issue a writ of Patiya on payment of four annas. Any person who willfully takes water from the hands of a person who does not obtain a writ of Patiya in this manner must undergo exniation according to customary (riti) or scriptural (smriti) rites. Law Relating To The Grant Of Patiya.In respect to Cooked Rice And water to Persons Who Have Taken Cooked Rice and Water Out Of Ignorance of Any Offense Relating to Cooked rice and Water Committed By Any Person Because of delay In Disposing Of The Case 72. In case the son, daughter, sister, daughter-in-law, mother, grandmother, paternal aunt, wife of maternal uncle, or other relatives of any person belonging to any of the four castes and thirty-six sub-castes is charged of any offense relating to the taking of cooked rice and water from the hands of a (low-caste person from whose hands they are not allowed to do so), or to illicit sexual intercourse, 60 neither the plaintiff and the respondent shall be allowed to touch cooked rice or water (to be taken by high- caste people), as the case may be, until the matter is disposed of. The ostracization may or may not be lifted according to the law after the matter is disposed of in the case of those who have suppressed information relating to illicit sexual intercourse or any offense relating to the taking of cooked rice and water (from the hands of the guilty person). In the case of other persons who have done so out of ignorance, the court (adalat), police station (thana) or local body (amal) shall issue a certificate of Patiya in the name of the guilty person if he or she loses the case, and of purity of the body (dehashuddha) if he or she wins. The Dharmadhikar shall then issue to writ of Patiya in duplicate. If the case has been disposed of on the basis of a confession, a writ of Patiya shall be issued in the name of the respondent according to the previous law. ************ THE END Immigration From India During the Mid-Nineteenth Century The land reform measures introduced during the early Rana period had provided encouragement to India peasants to immigrate into the Tarai region of the Kingdom of Nepal and obtain land allotments on which they were guaranteed security of tenure. According to one study: "In view of the disabilities to which cultivators in the adjoining areas of India were thus subject, the tenurial and other facilities and concessions offered by the government of Nepal must undoubtedly have proved attractive...... Thanks to these policies, Indian immigrants were assured of land-allotments on liberal terms, will full prospects of legally- recognized ownership rights. Consequently, there are strong incentive for them to cross over to Nepal and obtain an allotment of waste land in which they had immediate assurances of loyal title. Available evidence indicates that settlers did come from India in large numbers." (Mahesh C. Regmi, Thatched Huts and Stucco Palaces: Peasants and Landlords in 19th Century Nepal: New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House (Pvt) Ltd, 1978, p. 146. 61 Evidence is now available to show that this pull factor was reinforced by push factors operating on the Indian side. For example, in 1855, the Joint Magistrate and Deputy Collector of Champaran district in Bihar, which adjoins Bara, Parsa, and Rautahat districts in the Central Tarai region of Nepal, wrote to the government of Bengal: "The curse of this district is the insecure nature of the ryot's land tenure. The cultivators, though norminally protected by regulations of all sorts, has practically no right in the soil, his rent is continually raised, he is oppressed and worried by every successive siccadar, intil he is actually forced out of his holding and driven to take shelter in the Nepal tarai." (Cited in: Girish Mishra, Agrarian Problems of Permanent Settlement: A case study of Champaramn: New Delhi : People's Publishing House, 1978, p.131). About a decade and a half later, according to another official British source: "There was a limit beyond which the total realizations from raiyats could not be increased because, compared to the area and availability of land for cultivation, the population was small and the demand for cultivable land was not very strong. When the rents were pushed beyond a particular limit, peasants deserted the village and fled to the Nepal territories." (Proceedings of the government of India, Home Department (Public), August 1868, Nos. 84-85 A, and Ibid, January 1869, Nos. 106-14A. Cited in Mishra, op. cit. p. 60. Girish Mishra, citing the same source, adds that "During the 1860s and 1870s, a number of raiyats fled to Nepal territory because of the oppression by (indigo) planters and their servants." C.T. Metealfe, officiating Magistrate of Champaran, informed the Government of Bengal in 1868 that the raiyat "either accepted the terms or crossed the frontier into Nepal." (Girish Misra, op. at. 238). 62 Miscellaneous Documents of 1907 1. Procurement of Buffaloes (a) On Aswin Badi 11, 1907, village headmen and other functionaries in Gorkha, as well as itinerant traders bringing male buffaloes from the west, were ordered to supply buffaloes and goats at current prices ascertained through a local inquiry for sacrifice at a local temple. Subedar Nain Simha Basnyat and Dware Hastadal were deputed there fore this purpose. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81. p. 1. (b) The following royal order was sent to village headmen, rakam workers and birta-owners and other inhabitants in the region situated west of the Bishnumati river and east of Upardeng on Aswin Sudi 1, 1907:- "We have sent men through the Bhansari to purpose male buffaloes required for the Bada-Dashain functions at the royal palace. The local amali or dware shall procure male buffaloes from persons who possess them on payment at current prices. In case you do not supply the animals, thereby obstructing the Bada-Dashain function, you shall be held responsible." Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 3-4. 2. Exemption From Payment of Jogat Duties Employees deputed to collect Jogat and Bhansar duties in the region situated west of the Bishnumati river upto Tarjku in Lamjung district were ordered not to collect such duties on ghee, goats, and other commodities supplied from the bekh lands of Kaji Mana Sunha Basnyat if these had not been collected in the past. Aswin Sudi 12, 1907. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81. p. 2. 63 3. Mineral Exploration In Atharasaya Khola On Aswin Sudi 13, 1907, the village headmen and other inhabitants of the Atharasaya Khola region of Dhading were informed that Banbir had been granted an Ijara for prospecting and exploiting new mineral deposits in that area. They are directed to make available vacant sites for the construction of quarters for mine workers (agri, mahar) and also let them big shafts (topa). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81. pp. 2-3. 4. Jagirdars Rights Subedar Narabit Karki submitted the following petition to the government: "In a village situated in my khuwa holding at Tarku in Gorkha district, a Newar woman was convicted of having committed illicit sexual intercourse with her son-in-law. The local Chaudhari, Muktidas, claimed the right to appropriate the guilty woman as a slave, thereby encroaching upon my rights as a Jagirdars." An order was then sent to Chaudhari Muktidas pointing out that the conditions of his appointment did not entitle him to claim the guilty woman as his slave. The order added, "You have the right only to appropriate one-sixth of the income collected from the Newar community in the form of judicial fines and penalties as well as escheat property." The Chaudhari was, therefore, ordered to hand over the guilty woman to the employees of Subedar Narabir Karki. Aswin Sudi 2, 1907. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81. pp. 5-6. 5. Kut-Thek Allotment of Jagir Lands in Lamjung On Kartik Sudi 8, 1907, rice-lands assigned as Jagir to the Shardul Jung Company at Sajapur in Lamjung district were allotted on Kut-thek tenure to Chaterakhar Padhya Ghimire and Arjun Khadga. The total area of the rice-lands so allotted amounted to 142 muris. The total 64. kut rent payable in cash on a contractual (thek) basis amounted to Rs 51 and 11 annas. The breakdown was as follows:- Rice-Lands Allotted to Chaterakhar Padhya Area ....... 10 muris Thek ...... Rs 36 and 12 annas Iherement ....... Rs 3 and 4 annas Total Rs 40. Rice-Lands Allotted to Arjun Khadka Area ....... 32 muris Thek ....... 10 muris of paddy commuted into cast at 19 pathis a rupee, making a total thek payment of Rs 10 and 13 annas. Chiu Tax ....... 14 annas Total Rs 11 and 11 annas The order added, "Have the allotment confired by your landlord (talsing) on payment of Chardham-theki at current rates. In case he asks for loans, provide them to him upto the value of the rent. In case the irrigation channels on the rice-fields are damaged, repair them through your own labor. Use manure in the fields." Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 6-7. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: May 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 5 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents 1. On Revenue-Collection Arrangements 2. Revolt of Bhote Miners in Atharasayakhola 3. The Lakhan Thapa Affair 4. Petition of the Inhabitants of Thini Village 5. Farming Practices in Kahukudahar Village 6. The Golas of Eastern Nepal Page 65 70 75 76 78 72 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 65. On Revenue-Collection Arrangements (Government of Nepal, "Rakam Bandobastako" (On revenue-collection arrangements) in Ain (Legal Code), printed at the Biradeva Prakasha Yantralaya, Kathmandu, 1945 Vikrama (A.D. 1888). Part 2, pp. 13-19). 1. Revenue-collection contracts (Rakam) shall be granted to persons who possess wealth, so long as such persons are available; if not, these shall be granted with a responsible persons as surety, so that the government may not incur any loss. If revenue-collection contracts are granted to an indigent person, with the result that the governemnt' wealth is lost, the less shall be recovered from the person who granted the contract. If no responsible person is available to provide surety, the matter shall be referred to the government according to the law, and the source of revenue operated (through salaries employees) under the amanat system. No offense shall be deemed to have been committed if the amanat operation results in losses. (2) The following provisions shall be followed while making ijara or amanat arrangements. Such functions shall not be granted or assigned to persons: (1) Who have debts outstanding against them even though knowing that this is case. (2) Who are not held to be citizens of Nepal, and even if they are citizens, who have acquired lands in India and are residing there along with their family Who are not held to be citizens of Nepal, and even if they are citizens, who have acquired lands in India and are residing there along with their family. (3) Who have been convinted of theft, even though knowing that this is the case, (4) Who are unable to produce clearance certificates from the Audit Office relating to work performed the them. (5) Who have defaulted in the payment of sums outstanding for work done by them in the past. (6) Officers ranking from general to ensign in the army, and to Mukhiya in the civil service, are bharadars; the government shall grant them (ijara or amanat functions) according to their status only if they do not possess the five disqualifications mentioned above. (7) Any minister (Vizier) or employee who grants ijara or amanat functions to any person suffering from any of these five disqualifications is a faithless person. 3. The hides and skins contract (charsa rakam) shall not be granted to Muslims and members of beef-eating castes. 66. 4. No ijara shall be granted for a term of more than three years. While granting an ijara for the collection of revenue, the privous contract and other documents shall be consulted. If this is done, and losses result, such losses must be borne by the person who granted the ijara. However, he shall not be deemed to have committed any offense if any discrepancy had been made by his predecessor; punishment shall then be inflicted on the latter. 5. Notices inviting ijara offrs shall not be published without increasing the usual amount by at least 8 annas percent in revenue contracts warth Rs 5,000 each according to the law. The ijara shall be granted to the outgoing ijardar if he accepts such increment; no other person shall be granted preference so long as he is wiling to do so. Higher offers shall be allowed only if they amount to 5 percent more than the usial amount plus the above-mentioned increment of 8 annas percent. No offer shall be accented unless it reaches that amount. In that case of revenue contracrs warth more than Rs 5,000, each offer must be 8 annas percent higher at a time. 6. In the case of buildings, valuation shall be made through the Chhebhadel Office and notices published accordingly. In case no person makes an offer at that price, a fresh notice shall be issued according to the k\law after reducing the price by half. In case any person makes a higher offer, each offer shall amount more than Rs 1,000 and to Rs 25 if it is worth less than Rs 1,000. 7. In case any person has stipulated payment in advance (gani-mahsul), he must furnish the necessary security deposit within three days, for which a receipt shall be issued to him. Notices shall then be issued according to the law. Notices regarding advance payment (gani-mahsul) shall not be published unless such security deposit is furnished. 8. After inviting bids, notices prescribing a time-limit of seven days shall be issued in the name of the successful bidder who has offered the highest or the lowest bid, as the case may be. Such notices shall be stamped with the seal of the concerned office and affixwd at the gates of the office and at two conspicuous places. On the sixth day, a report shall be submitted for the necessary sanction. After such sanction is received, and after the prescribed time-limit is over, necessary action shall be taken. No contract shall be granted even after the expiry of the seven-day time-limit if the procedure prescribed in the law has not been fulfilled. The officer who has not fulfilled the prescribed procedure shall be punished. 9. No person shall institute amonopoly, or function on a monopoly basis, without any order or sanction from the government. 67. 10. In case any person has been appointed to work on amanat basis, he shall be required to sign a bond stipulating that he will perform honestly the functions assigned to him according to the law or regulations, deeds, etc. In case he willfully contravenes the terms and conditions stipulated in such bond, the matter shall be investigated. Such person shall not be granted any Jagir or functions relating to the collection of revenue throughout his lifetime. 11. Installments shall be divided into four equal amounts. In case an installment is not paid even within one month after it falls due, (the concerned person) shall be dismissed and his accounts scrutinized. The amount that he has appropriated shall be recovered, and the function shall then be assigned to another person according to the law. In case action is not taken as prescribed herein, and looses result, such losses shall be recovered from the concerned officer. 12. In case the inhabitants of any village stipulate arrangements under the lokabhar system within a period of six months after an ijara has been issued for a collection of revenue from that village, undertaking liability to pay the amount stipulated by (the ijara), and designate a representative through which they stipulate such payment, and also furnish a responsible person as surely for that purpose, then lokhabar arrangements shall be made with them, subject to payment (of the stipulated amount) in installments, even though of the advance of the amount stipulated by him. After lokhabar arrangements are once sanctioned, (the function of collecting revenue in that village) shall not be granted to another person in the same year even if he offers a higher amount. If such a higher offer is received in the following year, (the applicant) shall be granted (the ijara) only if the inhabitants of the village undertake to bear liability for the increased amount. Such increased amount shall not be collected from the villager on a compulsory basis; only the amount stipulated by them previously may be collected. 13. Aftert documents relating to (the revenue-collection function) are signed and exchanged, it shall not be cancelled before the expiry of the stipulated period, unless (the person undertaking the function) so agrees. The latter, on his part, shall not be entitled to relinquish (the revenue-collection function) unless (the authority) which granted it so agrees. 14.In case any person undertakes (any revenue-collection function), and in case another person living with him in the same andivided family and in the same household does not agree to bear the liability, and, therefore, submits a complaint along with evidence a period of two months after getting information thereof to the appropriate 68. authority, then the profit or loss, as the case may be, shall belong only to the person who gas undertaken the (revenue-collection) function. In case any person (living in the same undivided family and in the same household) does not submit a complaint in the manner mentioned above, he must share the profit or loss, as the case may be. 15. In the case of partnerships, action shall be taken accoding to the deed of partnership, if any. If there is no such dead, if any person has worked as an employee, he shall be entitled to what is given to him willingly by his employee. If the latter does not give anything, there is no obligation on him to do so. if, however, any person has worked on his own expenses, he shall be paid a monthly salary of between Rs 5 and Rs 20 according to his status and the nature of th work, in case (the revenue-collection function) has been taken up on amanat basis. Otherwise, he shall be paid 5 percent of the profit, or else paid a monthly salary of Rs 5 if he has worked in Nepal, Rs 10 if he has worked in the Tarai region, and Rs 20 if he has worked in India. 16. A person who has acted as a partner in any revenue-collection function shall not leave, or removed, before the expiry of its term. He must share in the profit or loss, as the case may be. 17. In case the outgoing ijaradar does not renew the ijara even within one month after the expiry of its term, and in case no other person makes a higher offer during that period, the matter shall be referred to the government within 7 days after the expiry of the prescribed time-limit for ijara or amanat arrangements as appropriate. The appropriate office shall take a decision within 3 days after such a report is received. If no such report is submitted, or decision taken, within the time-limit mentioned above, and if a loss is incurred while making revenue-collection arrangements subsequently, the person who failed to take a decision shall be held liable. If it is proved that he delay was made by the chief officer, his subordinate employees shall not be deemed guilty. 18. If the case does not involve the realization of any claim, punishment shall be inflicted according to the nature of the case in the form of a fine ranging from Rs 5 to Rs 50, or of imprisonment for a term ranging from one month to three years, at the discretion of the Prime Minister. 19. If the case involves the realization of a claim, it shall be so realized, and a fine of an equal amount, or of an amount ranging between Rs 20 and Rs 200, or imprisonment for a term ranging between three months to six years, shall be prescribed according to the nature of the case. The (guilty employee) may be dismissed from service at the discretion of the Prime Minister. 69. 20. In case any person has fraudulently defaulted in the payment of any claim, the amount thereof shall be realized from him, and a fine of an equal shall be imposed. 21. In case any person has fraudulently made a false claim, a fine equal to the amount of such claim shall be imposed. 22. In case any person has defaulted in the settlement of any claim due from him, the amount thereof shall be realized from him, and the fees of 10 percent of the amount (from the claimant) and 5 percent (from the defaulter) shall be collected. The fee of 5 percent shall not be collected if a fine is imposed. 23. In case any person has claimed more than what is due to him, or admitted to less than what is due from him, a fine of 10 percent of the excess or the shortfall respectively shall be imposed. 24. In case an informant is unable to substantiate his charge, he shall be liable to half of the punishment due to the concerned person had the charge been proved. The imformant shall not be punished if he partially substantiates his charge. 25. The term of imprisonment under this law shall not exceed twelve years. The following Section 26 or 27 were subsequently added to this law:- 26. No person shall request that (any revenue-collection function) be granted to him on the usual terms and conditions. In case he does so, he shall be punished with a fine amounting to 5 percent of the usual amount. If the request is justified, the matter shall be referred to the Prime Minister, and action shall be taken as ordered. 27. No complaint shall be entertained under his law unless it is filed within six months after the term of the revenue-collection function has expired under Section 3, after the work has been relinquished under Section 9, Section 15, and Section 16, and after new revenue-collection arrangements have been made without making lokabhar arrangements under Section 12, and within two years after a revenue-collection arrangement has been cancelled under Section 13). 70. Revolt of Bhote Miners of Atharasayakhola On Aswin Badi 13, 1907, Banbir was granted an ijara to prospect for miniral deposits in the Atharasayakhola area of Nuwakot district. The local village headmen wre ordered to allot homesites to mineworkers (agri, mahar) on vacant lands and let them dig shafts. The order warned them, "If you do not so, you will be held liable for the loss." Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 2-3. Equipped with this authority, Banbir proceeded to Atharasayakhola. He first visited a village called Lugaun, where the occurrence of mineral deposits had been reported to him. However, the local headmen told him: "We are now engaged in celebrating a wedding. Come after two days. We will then either dig ore or otherwise settle with you." After two days, Banbir sent his men to that village. The local headmen and other villagers threatened to place these men in detention. The latter then escaped. Subsequently, Banbir visited the village personally. Only one person, known as the Jetha Budha, came out to meet him, and said, "Our life and property belong to His Majesty. We must obey him. but I can neither tell my men to work in the mines, nor ask them to do so." When Banbir refused to accept such an evasive reply, he was taken to the Mukhiya of the village. He showed his letter of authority to the Mukhiya. The latter said, "Our life and property belong to His Majesty. But we shall visit (Kathmandu) to represent our case to him." Banbir then said, "Do so, and bring an order exempting you from the obligation to work in the mines. I shall then return to you the ore you may have dug." Under this arrangement, the mines were actually worked for twently-one days from Kartik Sudi 12, 1907. On Marge Sudi 2, 1907, a mob of 500 Bhotes came to the site of the mines. 150 of them remained near the ijaradar Banbir, while the others went to the places where the agris and mahars were working demolished the furnaces, and looted their tools and provisions. Ten or twelve Bhotes attached themselves to each agri, assaulted him, and threw the ore his hands behind his back, and took him three times to the Gandaki river, threatening to throw him into the river. Once they took him to shafts, threatening to burry him alive there. The Bhotes then told Banbir, "Represent your case to our King, if you love your life. Banbir asked, "Is threre a King here? I do not know him. why do not you take me before him?" They then pointed out the Jetha Budha and said, "He is our King. Take off your cap, offer money, and state your case before him." The Bhotes then forced Banbir 71. to offer seven mohar coins to the Jetha Buddha and make salaams to him. they told him. "We have accepted the King of Gorkha, but you do not enjoy the protection of his shield." The incident was eventually reported to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur. A military force was dispatched to Lugaun to arrest the lawless Bhotes, put them in irons, if necessary and bring them to Kathmandu. However, it was instructed to check that the incident actually took place, and that the mines were actually state-owned. In addition, the military force was employed to open fire in case the Bhotes offered armed residence. Poush Sudi 3, 1907. (Regmi Reseach Collection. Vol. 81, pp. 41-45). The military force dispatched to Lugaun in Atharasayakhola to arrest the lawless Bhotes was placed under the command Jamadar Kishen Bogati. On Falgun Badi 9, 1907, the Jamadar, as well as village headmen and other functionaries in that area, received the following additional instructions:- 1. Assemble all the villages and ascertain the facts. 2. Identify the real culprits, as well as those who did not act in collusion with them. 3. Obtain confessional statements from them and refer them to the government for final decision. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 65-67). The gap of about six weeks between the date when it was decided to send the military force and the date of the instruction suggests that the situation at Lugaun in Atharasayakhola had remained turbulent. Apparently, the Bhotes of that area resented the manner in which they were forced to work in mines and placed under the authority if ijaradars from outsides. 72. The Lakhan Thapa Affair (Pudma Jung Thapa, a son of Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, has give the following account of a rebellion that occurred in Nepal in early 1876 in his biography of his father (Pudma Jung Bahadur Rana, Life of Maharaja Sir Jung Bahadur, G.C.S.I., Etc. of Nepal. Edited by Abhay Charan Mukerji. Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1909 (Reprinted by Ratna Pustak Bhandar, Kathmandu, 1974, pp. 302-304):- Shortly after (Prime Minister Jung Bahadur Rana's) return to Thapathali from Godavari (in early 1876), a rebellion of a somewhat curious nature disturbed the peace of the country. A certain Gorkha, formerly a soldier in the army, set himself up as king, calling himself an incarnation of the renowned Lakhan Thapa of ancient times. He imposed upon a large number of the ignorant classes, whom he induced to put faith in his imposture, and join under his banner, in order to subvert the government of Jung Bahadur. He pretended that he was specially commissioned by the goddess Manokamana to overthrow Jung Bahahdur, and put himself in his place. His graceful manners and persuasive tone soon procured him an armed following of 1,500 men, at the head of whom he threatened to march to the capital, and after assassinating Jung Bahadur, to seize the reins of government, and inaugurate the golden age of Nepalese history. On receiving news of this insurrection, the Maharaja at once dispatched a few companies of the Devi Dutta Regiment to put down the fanatic instructing them not to use force unless they were met with force. Happily the rebels surrenderd their arms after a brief resistance, and were soon caught and sent over to Kathmandu in chains. The ring leader "Lakhan" and twelve of his firmest supporters, whom he probably called his "apostless," were brought in bamboo cages, and the rest on foot. Subsequently investigation brought to light the details of the whole plot. The purpose was to fall upon the Maharaja while he was passing the mountain path at Deorali, on his way back from the Prince's hunting trip. They wer then to march to the capital, where Lakhan was to be proclaimed King admist the shoute of ruthlessly put down. Lakhan and six of his followers, who had taken an active part in the conspiracy, were sentenced to death; the others whose offence and merely that of passive participation were pardoned, and allowed to go back their homes. Lakhan was hanged on a tree in front of the shrine of the goddess Manokamana who, as he had alleged, had inspired him to the deed of blood. 73. It appeared that this man had escaped conviction on a previous occasion. He had for some time been in the habit of masquerading as a saint about the streets of Gorkha, and of extorting money from the simple-minded rustics who gave credence to his pretensions. He had been sent over for trail to the Maharaja, before whom he confessed that he was assuming that disguise merely for bread, and then he was let off as a silly fellow from whom no danger could be expected. He then used this pardon for the purpose of further cheating the people to whom he represented that he had won forgiveness from the Maharaja by virtue of his saintly qualities. The pardon had encouraged him in his malpractices, till he was arrainged of the charge of fomenting a rebellion and hanged, as we have seen before. Leo, E. Rose and Bhuwan L. Joshi, in Democratic Innovations in Nepal (University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angelos, 1966, pp. 43-44), refer to "the agitation which broke out in 1876 in Gorkha district, the home of the Shah dynasty, which may be considered the first popular movement against Rana rule." They add: Since the movement was both anti-Brahmanical and anti-Rana, its true aims and methods were undoubtedly distored in official accounts as well as in chronicles of the period. The government represented the movement as the work of a religious fanatic and charlatan, but overthrow of the regime. It is apparent, however, that the leader was an intelligent, resourceful person, who made use of the symbols and legends of his district that would be effective in mobilizing that people of Gorkha. To justify his program, he claimed divine inspiration from a local goddess, Manakamana, who had commanded him to destroy the government of Jung Bahadur; to justify his leadership; he presented himself as the reincarnation of Lakhan Thapa, as widely known saint of an earlier period in Gorkha. One of the chronicles speaks of the leader of the movement in derogatory terms, but acknowledges his success in winning the sympathies of the people: "During the time of this Raja (Jung Bahadur), in the district of Gorkha, an impostor of the Magar caste proclaimed himself to be the reincarnation of Lakhan Thapa and persuaded people to worship Manakamana at his place without going to her shrine. He had built a five-shoried house. He used to perform the Yajna (sacrifice) at his place. People became convinced. The villagers went to him with all kinds of offerings, including the five animal sacrifices. In this way, they dropped the habit of going to Manakamana for worship." The chronicle also at attributes a communal character to his movement by describing its followers as "mostly Magars." 74. On receiving news of the popular agitation in Gorkha, Jung Bahadur was quick to act. A military force was sent to suppress the movement and arrest its leaters. Lakhan Thapa and twelves of his staunchest supporters were brought to Kathmandu in bamboo cages, the rest being herded in on foot. A trial was held at Thapathali, Jung's private residence, and Lakhan and six of his followers were sentented to death. According to a semi-official account, the leaders of the agitation had planned to kill Jung Bahadur at Deorali of his return from a hunting expedition with the Prince of Wales in the Tarai and "to march to the capital, where Lakhan was to be proclaimed King amidst the shouts of the whole population." The following document throws additional light on the incident:- Major-Captain Shumsher Jung Thapa Chhetri, Subba Biraman Jung Thapa Chhetri, and Subedar Budal Singh Basnyat of Palpa received a report from Prasad Singh Thapa, Khadga Thapa, and other persons containing the following information: The house in which Lakhan Thapa lives is surrounded on all sides by a wall 8 cubits wide and 16 cubits high, like that of a fort. On Falgun 26, 1932 (approx. March 9, 1876), Lakhan Thapa, accompanied by a large number of Bhotes armed with muskets and swords, proceeded toward the west pretending to join (Prime Minister Jung Bahadur's) entourage, but actually with the intention of making an attempt on his life. Major-Captain Shumshere Jung Thapa Chhetri and the other persons mentioned above, on receiving this information, raided the house of Lakhan Thapa, arrested his men, including Ajap Singh Thapa Magar, and interrogated them. They made the following statement: Lakhan Thapa has promised to appoint some of us as generals, and others as colonels as colonels and captains. He designated Jahare Chumi as a general, and Biraj Thapa Maga, Juthya Thapa Magar and Jitman Gurung as colonels. He was announced that Prime Minister Jung will be assassinated, that the Second Prince (Upendra Bikram) will become King, and that he himself will succeed (Prince Upendra Bikram). He said he would assassinate (Prime Minister Jung Bahadur) at an opportune moment either at Tarku or Manang-Besi (in Lamjung district). If this was not possible, he would go to Tibet, secure the hepf ot Tibetan, accomplish his mission, and then become King. 75. The report submitted by Major-Captain Shumshere Jung Thapa Chhetri and others was then represented to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur. The prime Minister ordered Colonel Tek Bahadur Rana to reinforce the troops under his command with those in Palpa, if necessary, and capture Lakhan Thapa and his accomplices. Major-Captain Shumshere Jung Thapa Chhetri was orderedto rendered necessary helf to Colonel Tek Bahadur Rana, capture Lakhan Thapa and his accomplices if they passed through Palpa, and send them to Kathmandu, and report the matter to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur through the Indrachock Police Station. In addition, he was ordered to take necessary security measures to protect Prime Minister Jung Bahadur from assassination in case he visited Palpa in the cource of his tour. Chaitra Sudi 1, 1932 (March 1876) (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 82, oo. 654-657). ************* Petition of the Inhabitants of Thini Village (Petition of the headmen (budha, thalu) and other ryots of Thini-Panchgaun against the revenue-contractor of the customs office at Dana):- "We were charged duties at double the customary rates on rice, maize and millet (kodo) that we procured for purposes of trade. When we submitted a petition to the royal palace, an order was issued in the year 1905 (Vikrama) reconfirming the customary rates and directing that the excess amount collected be refunded. Refundments were made accordingly. "These days, we are not being allowed to visit Butaul, Nawalput, Balampur and the Magarat region for trade even on payment of duties at the customary rates. They hold up supplies of salt. When we smuggled some quantities of salt, previously they used to charge the price at current prices if we were detected within the village. But these days they auction the entire load in some cases, and half in other cases. Previously, at the time of the payment of the amount of revenue stipulated by us on a contractual basis (thek), all the villagers collectively used to bring salt, and we were also supplied with provisions (pani, mejmani), but this system has now been discontinued." 76. The government then issued the following order:- 1. The revenue-contractor and other functionaries at the customs office at Dana shall not hold up people traveling for purposes of trade. 2. In case any person is found to be suggling any commodity, only the customary payments shall be collectd; the commodities shall not be auctioned. 3. The provisions customarily suppied from the Dana customs office to villagers who bring salt at the time of payment of (thek) shall continue to be suppied as before. Jestha Sudi 12, 1915 (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, 00, 313-315). ***************** Farming Practices in Kahukudahar Village (The peasants of Kahukudahar Village in Kaski district submitted the follwing petition to the Pokhara Adalat):- "The days many undesirable practices have become rampant in our village. Irrigation channesl are not repaired during the appropriate season. After the rice-fields are sown, fences are not erected. Cattle are not tethered, and are not attended during the day. As a result, cattle stray in the rice-fields of the Valley all through the time between the planting and the harvesting of the rice crop. Because of the problem of stray cattle, the rice crop is harvested after Kartik 15 or 20, even before it has ripened. People who live in areas adjoining the rice-fields take their cattle near the fields and then let them stray there. Others too follow suit, with the result that cattle and laborers to into the rice-fields on the same day. Because of such difficulties, weak people are unable to harvest their crops. If stpeps are taken to put an end to these difficulties, all persons, high or low, will be able to harvest their crops easily, pay their rents, and maintain their wives and children. 77. The petition was referred to Kathmandu by the Chief of the Pokhara Adalat, Dittha Narayan Datta Dhungyal. The government then issued the following order:- 1. On the 10th day of the month of Jestha, assemble all the villages and repair irrigation channels in the customary manner. 2. On the first day of the month of Ashadh, erect a stockade in each area where cattle may graze. Tether cattle in the night. 3. When the rice-fields are sown, the Katuwal shall see that cattle are not loose. After sowing is completed, fences shall be erected. Cattle shall not be allowed entry in areas bordering the Valley. Do not let cattle loose in the night. 4. The rice-crop shall be harvested only after if is ripe. After harvesting is completed, the Katuwal shall dismantle the fences and let cattle graze in the fields. 5. Any person who grazes his cattle on the borders of rice-fields shall be punished with a fine of one rupee for each animal. 6. Any peasant who does not assemble on the day fixed by the office for repairing irrigation channels shall be punished with a fince of one rupee and forced to join the work. 7. If stray cattle enter into the fields, the Katuwal shall seize them and hand them over to the Adalat. The Adalat, on its part, shall confiscate such cattle and send them to the royal catte-farm. If the Katuwal does not do so, he shall be punished with a fine of fice rupees. 8. Any person who contravenes these regulations shall be severaly punished. Ashadh Sudi 15, 1915 (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, 00. 353-357). 78. The Goles of Eastern Nepal Goles Brought Under Amanat Management On Poush Sudi 10, 1914, Khajanchi Shiva Prasad Arjyal was directed to prepare three separate orders bearing the royal seal (Lalmohar) with the follwing contents:- (1) To thekdars, goladars, and employees working in Ambarpur and nine other golas in Morang and Saptari districts: So far, revenue at these golas has been collected under the ijara system. because of the monopoly (ekehatte), producers and traders were not able to take their commodities for sale in India after paying customs and other duties at the golas. The goladars were unable to procure sufficient funds, and, therefore, only held up those commodities. This arrangement, therefore, not only subjected producers and traders to hardships but also reduced the amount of revenue collected at the golas. In the Vikrama year 1913, some producers and traders made at attempt to smuggle cardamom and other commodities to India. The thekdars of golas tried to prevent them from doing so. The golas functionaries were outnumbered by the kirati producers and traders, who attacked them with weapons. The gola functionaries sustained injuries. During the clash that followed, one person was killed with a musket shot. The amount of revenue collected at the golas thus declined. The matter was represented to us (King Surendra) through Shri 3 Maharaj Jung Bahadur Rana and Commander-in-Chief Krishna Bahadur Kunwar. We have, therefore, directed that the hooligans be punished according to the law. In addition, we hereby decree the following regulations:- Cardamom and other commodities brought by producers and traders to gola in their respective arrears shall be immediately weighed with weights stamped with the royal seal. Payment for such commodities shall be made at rates current from time to time within five days to the satisfaction of the producers and traders. In case suffecint quantities of mohar coins are not available for the purposes of such payment, paisa rupees shall be used at the rate of 22 gandas to the rupee. The producers and traders shall not be compelled to accept payment in 20-ganda rupees. 79. In case it is not possible to complete payment within five days, the commodities shall be released on payment of customs and other duties (mahasul, sair) at customary rates. Producers and traders shall be allowed to take away such commodities for sale whenever they like. In case weights bearing the royal seal are not used to weigh the commodities, producers and traders may complain to the Bhangaruwa Adalat, or the Hanumannagar Kachahari, or the Rangeli Kachahari, whenever they like. They will then be paid the amount due accoding to the weight determined on the basis of weights bearing the royal seal. In case (the gola functionaries) hold up commodities, neither purchasing them at prices current from time to time, not allowing them to be sold elsewhere on payment of the customary customs and other duties, not that the commodities are likely to perish, and in case Mukhiyas and other functionaries and other people from the hills submit a complaint to this effect, punishment may be inflictd on your person and property. In case producers and traders attempt to smuggle to India commodities covered by monopolies, instead of offering them for sale at the golas, their stocks shall be confiscated. Producers who sell their commodities to Bhotes and Sherpas shall be made to sign a confessional statement, and a fine equal to the value of the commodities shall be imposed on them. In case producers and traders attempt to smuggle to India commodities covered by monopolies, even when such commodities are being weighed with weights bearing the royal seal and payment is being made within five days at rates current from time to time, and in case they use bows and arrows, or other weapons, to resist gola functionaries who try to prevent them from doing so, such producers and traders shall be shot dead." (2) Two other royal orders with the same contents in the name of village heamen and other functionaries, and producers and traders, in (a) the Pollokirat region (b) the Majhkirat region, in eastern Nepal. (Regmi Research Collection, vol. 81, pp. 181-193). 80. Public Notification in Pallokirat The royal order for Pallokirat was actually issued on Aswin Badi 30, 1915. The contents were slightly different: Until the Vikrama year 1914, revenue at the 10 golas of Morang and Saptari districts, including Vijayapur and Ambarpur was collected under the ijara system. however, the goladars were unable to procure sufficient funds to purchase commodities covered by monopolies which you take for sale at the golas, but only held up the commodities. Because this resulted in hardships, you tried to smuggle your commodities to India. The ijaradars tried to prevent you from doing so, but were outnumbered. Clashes ensued, and muskets and other weapons were used, as a result of which one person was killed. When the matter was represented to us, we ordered that those person who had indulged in lawlassness be punished according to the law. From the Vikrama year 1915, we have ordered that golas be operated under the amanat system, so as to remove your hardships and also to increase the amount of revenue collected there. Employees have been deputed to different golas under the authority of the Commanding General for the Southern Zone, Jagat Shumshere Jung Kunwar Rana. Your are now directed to take cardamom and other commodities produced in the hill region nor sale at Ambarpur and Vijayapur as appropriate. Have these commodities weighed with weights bearing the royal seal and accept payment at rates current from time to time in mohar rupees, or, in case mohar rupee are not available, in paisa rupees at rate of 22 gandas each. In case you try to smuggle such commodities to India, these shall be confiscated if detected inside the frontiers of the Kingdom. If any are apprehended only after you have sold the commodities across the frontiers, the sale proceeds shall be so confiscated. Accordingly, you are ordered to sell the cardamom and other commodities. If you use force shall be inflicted commodities elsewhere, punishment shall be inflicted in the manner mentioned in the royal order. Aswin Badi 30, 1915. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 33, pp. 298-300). (To Be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: June 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 6 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents 1. Agriculture Credit in Chitaun 2. Lead-Mining in the Eastern Hills 3. Appointment of Ditthas of Adalats 4. The Golas of Eastern Nepal 5. Revenue Settlement in Nausayakata, Salyan 6. Tax-Collction on Jagera Lands 7. Mining in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri Region Page 81 81 83 89 92 95 82 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 81. Agriculture Credit in Chitaun On Chaitra Sudi 7, 1939 (March 1883), Prime M\inister Ranoddip Singh issued the following order in the name of the Commander-in-Chief, Jit Jung:- A report submitted by Lt. Kalu Khatri Chhetri manager of our birta lands in Chitaun, in enclosed....... A sum of Mohar Rs 1,000 and 1,000 muris of paddy, have been sanctioned from the supply of agriculture credit (bhota, pota) for the reclamation of these birta lands. Such credit shall be realized after four years. In the case of settlers who have obtained such credit less then four-year ago, collection shall be postponed util the four-year period is over. Issue an official order (sanad) to this effect. The Commander-in-Chief then forwarded the Prime Minister's order to the Madhesh Bandobast Adda (Tarai Administration Office), through which the formal order in the name of Lt, Kalu Khatri Chhetri was ultimately issued on Jestha Badi 3, 1940. (Mayy 1883). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 82, pp. 389-391. ****************** Land-Mining in the Eastern Hills On Shrawan Badi 30, 1939 (July 1882), Captain Narabir Silwal Chhetri of the Khani-Taksar Office in the eastern hill region submitted the following petition:- Formerly, there were no lead mines anywhere. No Kami or mahar, therefore, knew how to smelt lead ore. A few of them were subsequently trained to do so. much smoke was emitted during the process of smelting the ore, and the smelters inhaled the lead fumes. As a result, mahars fell ill for three days after smelting the ore for two days. Large quantities of ore, therefore, accumulated in the mines. My predecessor, Lt. Bhuwan Singh Thapa Chhetri, procured mechanical equipment to smelt the ore, as well as iron dust from the munitions factory. These equipment and supplies have been kept at Bhotagaun. It will be possible to smelt the ore if Lt. Bhuwan Singh Thapa Chhetri is ordered to hand them over to me. 82. The petition was referred to the Kausi Tosakhana, which recommended that an order be issued in the name of Lt. Bhuwan Singh Thapa Chhetri as requested by Captain Narabir Silwal Chhetri. The order was accordingly issued on Kartik Badi 1, 1939 (October 1882). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 82, pp. 513-515. ************* Appointment of Ditthas of Adalat On Chaitra Badi 12, 1880 (March 1824), Nahabir Karki of Pakarbas in Dolakha district, son of Nahar singh Karki and grandson of Ranajit Karki, and Ganga Singh of kathmnadu, son of Gajendra and grandson of Garjamani, were appointed Ditthas of the foure Adalats. Brain H. Hodgson writes: There are four Nyaya Sabbas, the first and chief of which is called Kot Linga; the second Inta Chapli; the third, Taksar; and the fourth Dhansar. ...... The Kot Linga, Inta Chapli, Taksar and Dhansar are the proper Adalats, excercising both civil and criminal jurisdiction. (Brain H. Hodgson, "Some Account of the Systems of Law ans Police, as recognized in the State of Nepal." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soceity of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 1, 1834, pp. 258-279. The two Ditthas were each granted emoluments as follows from the date when their appointment became effective: Kartik Badi 10, 1880 (October 1823): Khangi remuneration ..... Rs 1,500 Allowances (mahuli): Clothes for the Dashain festival: ..... Rs 80 do Fagu festival: ..... Rs 80 do for winter: ..... Rs 80 In addition, Mahabir Karki was allowed to appropriate one-tanth of the fines and penalties collected in the course of the administration of justice at the four Adalats, and a one-fourth share in income from the Beri, Karpan and Dhunga fees. 83. Brain H. Hodgson (ibid, p. 266) has defined these terms as follows:- Beri A fee of one rupee each paid by the plaintiff and the defendant in a civil sult. Karpan A fee of five rupees each paid by either party. Hodgson adds: "Proceeds of Beri and Karpan go to offices of court, not to government." Dhunga Hodgson (ibid, p. 273) uses the term dhunga-chauyi. He writes: "A stone (dhunga), the image of Vishnu, is placed before the loser when he is lost, and he is commanded to touch it. He places one rupee and one pice on the stone, and then salutes it with a bow, and retires, leaving the offering. The proceeds to go the bichari." The two Ditthas were instructed to discharge their duties without fear or favor, and make representations to His Majesty, when necessary, through General Bhimasena Thapa. Chaitra Badi 12, 1880 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp. 454-455. ************* The Golas of Eastern Nepal (Continued from the May 1980 issue) Number and Location of Golas The ten golas mentioned in these orderes were as follows:- Morang district 1. Vijayapur 2. Letang 3. Ratuwa-Singmadi 4. Raksa. Saptari district 5. Ambarpur 6. Siswa 7. Harinagar 8. Tarkanha 9. Sitapur 10. Laxmipur Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, p. 420. 84. After the ijara system was replaced by the amanat system, the golas were reorganized. The golas of Tarkanha, Sitapur, Laxmipur, and Harinagar were abolished, while Siswa and Ambarpur were amalgamated and shifted to Chauriya, which was located at a distance of 2 kos from Siswa and 4 kos from Ambarpur. The Chatra gola which was previously under the jurisdiction of the Chatra monastery, was also taken over for amanat management by the government. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 455-456. Nationalization of Chatra Gola On Marga Badi 9, 1915, the following order was issued in the name of Mahanta Rajarajeshwara Bharathi of the Chatra Asthan (monastery):- Arrangements have been made to depute employees of His Majestry' Government in the golas of Morang and Saptari district which had been operated under the ijara system until the Vikrama year 1914, as well as in the Chatra gola, which lies under the jurisdiction of the Chatra Asthan, to buy and sell commodities and make revenue collections. Until they reach the Chatra gola, take charge of all revenue collected, and commodities purchases, by the outgoing goladars. Previously, the goladars used to make a payment of Kampani Rs 2,202 to the Chatra Asthan; the amount will be paid in the future through the central treasury (Kausi Tosakhana). Marga Badi 9, 1915 Regmi Resesarch Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 475-476. The amanat arrangements introudeced in 1858 thus covered the following six golas:- 1. Chatra 2. Chauriya 3. Vijayapur 4. Letang 5. Tatuwa-Singmadi 6. Raksa. Commanding-General Jagat Shumshere Appointed Chief Administrator On Aswin Sudi 15, 1915, the following order was issued in the name of the Commanding General for the Southern Zone, Jagat Shumshere Jung Kunwar Rana. The 10 golas of Vijayapur, Letang, Ratuwa-Singmadi and Raksa in Morang district, and Ambarpur, Siswa, Harinagar, Tarkanha, Sitapur and Laxmipur in Saptari district, had been managed under the ijara system until the Vikrama year 1914. However, the goladars were unable 85. to provide sufficient funds to buy cardamom and other commodities brought for sale at these golas, and only held up the commodities. Because of the difficulty of staying at the golas for a long time, people attempted to smuggle their commodities to India. When the goladars tried to prevent them from doing so, clashes ensued, and muskets and other weapons were used. This resulted in loss of life. The matter was represented to us and we have issued orders that people who indulge in lawlessness in contravention of current regulations be punished according to the law. In order to ensure that people are not subjected to any hardships, and that revenue accrues to His Majesty's Government, we have placed these golas under amanat management from the Vikrama year 1915. We have accordingly issued orders in your name authorizing you to purchase cardamom and other commodities brought for sale at the golas, as well as to collect customs and other duties at the customary rates. The four golas of Tarkanha, Sitapur, Laxmipur and Harinagar have been abolished. The gola of Siswa has been amalgamated with the Ambarpur gola, and both shifted to Chauriya. Chauriya is located at a distance of 2 kos from Siswa, and 4 kos from Ambarpur, hence commodities shall be purchasedx at Chauriya at a price 1 annas in the rupee more then that paid at Siswa and Ambarpur according to the season. As regards the gola under the jurisdiction of the the monastery until the 1914 Vikrama shall continue to be paid, and commodities brought for sale at that gola also shall be purchased on amanat basis. At these six golas, Chatra, Chauriya, Vijayapur, Letang, Ratuwa-Singmadi and Raksa, employees shall be deputed from Kathmandu. These employees will obtain statements of dadani credit supplied to each cardamom grower in Pallokirat and Majhkirat through the local administration in Dhankuta, and purchase cardamom from such growers according to the amount of dadani credit supplied to them. In addition, cardamom and other commodities, for which dadani credit has not been supplied, and which have been customarily purchased at the golas, shall be purchased against payments in cash at prices current according to the season. Such commodities shall be weighed with weights stamped with the official seal. Payments shall be made in mohar rupees, or, if such rupees are not available, in 22-ganda paisa rupees. On commodities on which sustoms and other duties only are payable, such duties shall be collected at the customary rates. 86. Cardamom and other commodities purchased on the basis of dadani credit or otherwise shall then be dispatched to employees stationed at Bhangaruwa, along with statements containing full particulars of dadani, each payments, sna quantities. At the end of the year, accounts of all income and expenditure shall be submitted to the Kumarichok for clearance Aswin Sudi 15, 1915 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 420-426. Identical orders were sent on the same date to General Khadga Bahadur, chief administrator of Dhankuta, Captain Rabhubir Thapa (chief of the Bhangaruwa factory), and the official (name not mentioned) posted as Nepali agent at Mirzapur in India. Captain Raghubir Thapa's Appointment On Kartik Sudi 7, 1915, Captain Raghubir Thapa was appointed administrator of the six golas under the amanat system. his functions were as follows:- 1. To supply dadani credit of cardamom growers in Majhkirat and Pallokirat, if necessary, and receive supplies against such payment after weighing them with weights bearing the seal of the government. 2. To purchase cardamom for which dadani credit has not been supplied in the manner mentioned above, as well as other commodities customarily traded at the golas, at process current from time to time, afte weighing them with weights bearing the seal of the government. 3. To make payment for supplies purchased in the manner mentioned above in mohar rupees, or, if such rupees are not available, in 22-ganda paisa rupees. 4. To collect duties on commodities on which such duties have customarily been collected (without any restrictions on the trade in such commodities). 5. To forward cardamom and other commodities purchased against dadanni credit or otherwise in the manner mentioned above, with separate statement containing particulars of quantities and purchasing prices, to official stationed at Bhangaruwa. 6. To submit accounts of income and expenditure, as well as of purchases, to the Kumarichok at the end of the year and obtain clearance. Kartik Sudi 7, 1915 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 81, pp. 453-459. 87. On Marga Badi 9, 1915, the following order was sent to Captain Raghubir Thapa: Appoint employees in the golas that have been placed under your charge. While buying commodities, do not keep the ryots at the golas for more than five days. Make payment for such commodities at the rate prescribed for the outgoing goladars and the inhabitants of Majhkirat and Pallokirat. Dispatch cardamom and other dry commodities, after weighing them, to Bhangaruwa. From Bhangaruwa they wull be supplied to Patna and Mirzapur on the charge of employees appointed there by His Majesty's Government. Appropriate remissions will be granted for losses dueto during up leakages, etc. during transit, but not for loses casued by your negligence. Marga Badi 9, 1915 Regmi Research Collection, Vol 81, pp. 477-478. Funds for Supply of Dadani Credit The following order was sent to Commanding-General Jagat Shumshere on Falgun Sudi 15, 1915:- A hundi had been sent empowering General Khadga Bahadur Kunwar Rana to send a remittance of Mohar Rs 60,000 for the supply of dadani credit at golas. Because the amount was not available in full, only Mohar Rs 27,000 was supplied from Dhankuta. Captain Raghubir Thapa has reported that paisa rupees are available in Dhankuta, but that their transportaion is riskly, because there is no main hulak line between Dhankuta and Chauriya. In anyt case, this will take time. No provision has been made to bebit expenses incurred in payment of wages, if porters are employed for this purpose. it may, therefore, be appropriate to sanction funds from Hanumannagar. The season is coming to a close, and it will not be possible to finance the purchase of commodities by depending on funds made available from Dhankuta alone. Commanding-General Jagat Shumshere was, therefore, ordered to arrange for funds not exceeding Mohar Rs 30,000 to be made available to Captain Raghubir Thapa for the puchase of commodities at the golas from the land and other revenues collected in Saptari district during the Vikrama year 1915. Falgun Sudi 15, 1915 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 623-626. 88. Anti-Smuggling Operations On hearing reports that some producers and traders of Pallokirat had smuggled cardamom to India through a prohibited track in the area under the jurisdiction of the Ratuwa Gola, Captain Raghubir Thapa dispatched two peons to check them. An encounter took place as the smugglers were coming back through the same route after selling their cardamom in India. Some of the smugglers ran the peons and threantened to hang or behead him, or to tie him up. The peon, in order to save his life, handed over all his possessions to the smugglers and reported the incident to Captain Raghubir Thapa, who, in his turn reported it to Commanding-General Jagat Shumshere. The case was eventually referred to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur. On Chaitra Sudi 2, 1915, the following order was issued Pallokirat and Majhkirat according to which smugglers who attack government peons with weapons may be shot dead. The two peons deputed by Captain Raghubir Thapa to check the smugglers, Banu Padhya and Prabhakhar Padhya, shall be summoned to Dhankuta, escorted by two patties of troops under your command, and asked to identify the smugglers. The guilty persons shall be then be arrested, put in fetters, and dispatched to Kathmandu. Chaitra Sudi 2, 1915 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 81, pp. 642-645. 89. Revenue Settlement in Nausayakata, Salyan The mukhiyas and other functionaries of 26 villages in the Nausayakata area of Salyan district submitted the following petition to the government: During the settlement of the Vikrama year 1894, revenue from villages situated in the Nayusayakata area of Salyan district was fixed at Mahar Rs 913-0-3-1 (Nine hundred and thirteen rupees, three paisa and one dam) on a contractual (thek) basis, exlusive of Walak levies. In addition, the inhabitants of these villages were placed under the obligation of providing portarage services for the munitions factories of Pyuthan and Palpa. In consideration of that obligation, they were exempted from unpaid-labor services (jhara) for other purposes. The days, however, we are being compelled to provide such porterage services not only for the munitions factories but for other purposes as well. Because of this heavy burden of unpaid-labor obligations, a few families are living each village. Because there are not Jimmawals or other responsilble people to apportion the stipulated revenue equally among different households, the remaining households are being compelled to pay the taxes due from those families who have left. As a result, they too are about to leave the villages. Two villages, Loharpani and Gasi, have been entirely deserted, and revenue due from there has, consequently, been lost. The petitioners then made the following demands:- 1. Walak levies should be incorporated into the thek revenue. 2. Unpaid labor should be exacted except for the transportation of supplies of munitions factories. The petition concluded: In case a royal order is issued granting our demands, we shall resettle the deserted villages, and pay the taxes due from there. Otherwise, we cannot remain in this area. The government granted the demand. A royal order was issued on Magh Badi 9,m 1898 containing the following provisions. 1. The total amount of revenue payable on thek basis shall remain unchanged at Rs 913-0-3-1, inclusive of the serma and saunefagu taxes, the chhalahi and walak levies and judicial fines and penalties (danda-kunda), as well as payments due to revenue-collecting functionaries (amali). 90. 2. Rajanka levies, income from buried treasure (kalyanadhana), fees payable for expiation (Dharmadhikar), fines and penalties collected in case involving major crimes (Panchakhat), and levies collected for the supply of provisions to visiting officials and disgitaries (mejmani), shall be collected in addition. 3. Mukhiyas shall transmit the amount of revenue due from them to the amali every year through Jethabudha Padma Acharya and Jethabudha Karbir Kanwar. 4. In case there is any increase or decline in the number of households in any village, the two Jethabuddhas shall apportion shares equally among the remaining households with their consent. 5. The villagers shall not make any payment, nor shall the amali make any collection, in excess of the stipulated amount of thek revenue. 6. The Amali shall not seek additional payments in case the number of households increases in any village, nor shall the villagers seek any remissions in the stipulated amount of thek revenue in case the number declines. 7. A mukhiya may submit his resignation voluntarily if he is not capable of discharging his functions. A capable person shall then be appointed as his successor with the approval of the villagers. 8. The Jethabuddhas shall not dismiss mukhiyas in an arbitrary manner. 9. In case households included in the theku settlement shift their residence to birta, guthi, chhep, or manachamal lands, the appropriate mukhiya shall collect the amount of taxes due from them to meet the thek obligations of his village. 10. In accordance with existing arrangements, the inhabitants of Darma, Takuro, Phanta, Kabhre-Sirbari, Tapa and Ujha Shall provide porterage services to the munitions factories of Pyuthan and Palpa. They need not provide unpaid-labor services (jhara) for the other purposes. 91. Munia Mukhiya Thek Payment Mohar Rs-anna-paisa-dam 1. Nayagaun Rachhane Gharti Rs 54-2-3-0 2. Tisramagaun Madhya Charti Rs 43-9-1-0 3. Tosgaun Dhave Rana Rs 22-2-0-1 4. Galenagaun Sahadev Pun Rs 25-3-2-1 5. Bayalikot Arjun Rana Rs 41-10-1-1 6. Kholigaun Kuture Pun Rs 25-1-0-0 7. Pataiya Bale Pun Rs 22-1-1-1 8. Saidhagaun Sundar Kanwar Rs 73-13-1-1 9. Bamalgaun Surbir Pun Rs 72-4-1-0 10. Marselgaun Maniram Gharti Rs 38-6-0-0 11. Syujarangaun Jairam Pande Rs 87-0-2-2 12. Ujhagaon Sitaram Pande Rs 82-3-1-2 13. Phantagaun Sheoprasad Padhya Rs 82-3-1-2 14. Khabre Sirbari Jokhu Dangi Rs 71-8-3-1 15. Tapagaun Gangaram Acharya Rs 87-9-3-1 16. Rithagaun Sundar Maharti Rs. 26-8-0-2 17. Timilegaun Tularam Gharti Rs 32-15-0-1 18. Loharpanigaun Maniram Panta Rs 40-6-3-1 19. Gasigaun Jokhu Dangi Rs 4-11-0-0. Birta and Bandha Villages 20. Hangwangaun ..... Rs 2-15-1-1 21. Dangwangaun ..... Rs 1-14-0-1 22. Mathuragaun ..... Rs 0-12-2-0 23. Ganarigaun ..... Rs 0-5-3-2 24. Dhadgaun ..... Rs 1-4-0-3 Chhan Villages 25. Takuragaun ..... Rs 3-11-3-0 26. Darmagaun ..... Rs 0-11-1-1 Total Rs 913-0-3-1 Installmenta Jestha ..... Rs 457 Falgun ..... Rs 456-0-3-1 Rs 913-0-3-1 Magh Badi 9, 1898 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31. pp. 119-120. 92. Tax-Collection on Jagera Lands Duirng the nineteenth century, lands which had not been granted as birtarta, , guthi, or jagir were known as Jagera. Taxes on Jagera lands were collected and appropriated by the government. The collection of taxes on Jagera lands in the hill region was the responsibility of the Central Lands Office (Sadar Dafdarkhana). ("Sadar Dafdarkhana Regulations," Magh Badi 1, 1919 (January 1863). Sees. 8-9. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 47, pp. 413-414). Tax-Assessment Systems Taxes on Jagera lands were assessed under two systems: adhiya and kut. Under the adhiya system, the actual produce was shared equally between the cultivator and the state. Under the kut system, on the other hand, the tax was fixed at a specifed quantity of produce, or a specified sum of money, irrespective of the actual outpur. Because it was not practicable to collect the kut tax in kind, it was usually commuted to a payment in money. The tax was then known as kut-thek. The difficulties involved in the collection of the adhiya tax is illustrated by the following case: at Jiling in Nuwakot district, a plot of 96 muris of rice-land had been assigned as jagir and rents had been collected under the adhiya system. in 1902 Vikrama, the land reverted to the Sadar Dafdarkhana as Jagera, and there was some meantime, the cultivator, Akhar Thapa, reported to the Sadar Dafdarkhana that the paddy crop was ready for harvest. Inasmuch as the Sada Dafdarkhana lacked an administrative machinery to collect and store in-kind rents on the Jagera lands, it ordered the Dware of the Village, Ravilal Padhya and other local persons to have the crop harvested in their presence. They were also ordered to collect the adhiya share and retain it in their dustody until another jagirdar was designated. Marga Badi 13, 1902 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 44 (see also p. 45 for similar arrangements in Budhasing and Dumja). Jagera Land Allotments On Ashadh Badi 3, 1901, Bakabir Khatri was allotted a plot of 3 muris of rice-land at Tokha in Kathmandu district for reclamation on adhiya basis under Jagera tenure. He was ordered to transmit half of the produce every year to the Sadar Dafdarkhana. Ashadh Badi 3, 1901 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 7. 93. On Baisakh Badi 7, 1902, the Sadar Dafdarkhana issued an order allotting 49 muris of rice-lands under Jagera tenure in Pallo-Nuwakot to Kalu Karki and Jayabhadra Banstola. These lands had previously been assigned to the Ranabhim Company under jagir tenure on kut rent in the form of paddy. This payment was commuted into each at the conversion rate of 26 pathis a rupee. The total payment, inclusive of the Ghiukhane levy, amounted to Rs 8 and 13 annas, that is, approximately 3 annas for each muri of land. Baisakh Badi 7, 1902 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp. 26-27. On Homesteads Cases in which the Sadar Dafdarkhana was required to make arrangement for the collection of taxes on homesteads under Jagera tenure would appear to be comparatively few. In such cases, a functionary known as dware was often appointed to collect the taxes under the amanat system. For instance, Vikrama 1901 Krishnabir Katuwal was appointed dware of Majhuwagaun Village in Majhkirat for a one- year period. The order stated: "Collect the serma and saune fagu taxes, as well as judicial fines and penalties (danda-kunda, chak-chakui), escheat property (maryo-aputali) and walak levies, with the exception of rajanka levies, transmit the proceeds to the Sadar Dafdarkhana, and submit accounts at the end of the year. In case you misappropriate the proceeds, or reduce the revenue through any fraudulent menas, you shall be liable to the payment of double amountof revenue misappropriated or reduced in this manner. Do not commit injustice. If you do so, and if complaints are received from the local people, you will be held responsible. Incur expenses in the customary manner on religious ceremonies during the dashain festival and other occasions. Deduct you emoluments amounting to Rs 50, and those of two peons amounting to a total of Rs 50, thus making a grand total of Rs 100, from one-sixth of the income from judicial fines and penalties (asmani) and fees (dhungako rupiya). Do not make this deduction from tax revenue (wajbi). Transmit the tax revenue, and the balance of the asmani revenue, to the Sadar Dafdarkhana." Ashadh Sudi 2, 1901 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp. 6-7. 94. Apparently, Majhuwagaun was a large village to justify the appointment of a dware and two peons with emoluments totaling Rs 100. In another case concerning the four villages of Asikot, Kamaryakhani, Barahathek and Gurpugaun in the Deurali region (of Gorkha district?), Bamshu Saraula was similarly appointed as dware on amanat basis on Bhadra Sudi 10, 1902 on a yearly remuneration of Rs 5 and the entire income from judicial fines and penalties. Bhadra Sudi 10, 1902 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 42. Arrangements for Transportation Taxes on Jagera lands in the hill region collected in this manner, whether in cash or in the form of commodities were transported to the office of the Sadar Dafdarkhana in Kathmandu through porters employed under the Thaple-Hulak system. For instance, on Poush Badi 6, 1897, an order was issued to local functionaries in the western hill region between the Bishnumati and the Bheri rivers to arrange for such transportation. Poush Badi 6, 1897 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 165. Collection of Arrears On Baisakh Sudi 4, 1902, Hawaldar Bakabir Khatri was deputed to collect arrears of taxes on both rice-lands and homesteads under Jagera tenure in the western hill region between the Trishuli and Bheri rivers. The order indicates that such taxes had largely been dedaulted during the Vikrama years 1898, 1899 and 1900. Baisakh Sudi 4, 1902 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 28. Mohinaikes in Kathmandu Valley Village-level functionaries, known as mohinaikes, were appointed to collect taxes on Jagera lands in Kathmandu Valley and the adjoining areas in the hill region. On Ashadh Sudi 3, 1901, Bhujuram Newar was appointed as mohinaike for Dhulikhel area by the Sadar Dafdarkhana for the year 1902. His functionas were to collect taxes in the form of paddy, wheat, and the ghiukhane levy on rice-lands in that area, sell in-kind collections at prices current there, and transmit the proceeds 94. to the Sadar Dafdarkhana. He was held personally liable to meet the shortfall in case he was unable to make collections in full. His emoluments were fixed at 25 muris of paddy and 2 muris of wheat, to be deducted from collections made by him. "Appointment of Bhajuram Newar as Mohinaike in Dhulikhel", Ashadh Sudi 3, 1901 (June 1844), Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 8. Mohonaikes were similarly appointed in 1901 Vikrama for Kirtipur, Kathmandu, the Sindhu- Jhakrigaun-Namlang-Thangpal-Nawalpur-Jarayotar-Dumachaur area, Changu, Gokarna, (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp. 10-11, 166) Themi (ibid, p. 163). etc. Mohinaikes then transmitted tax in cash to the Sadar Dafdarkhana. For instance, on Baisakh Sudi 8, 1897, Mohinaike Jasram transmitted a sum of Rs 7 in cash to that office as the tax on lands reclaimed under Jagera tenure by one Kaviraj Karki at Handigaun in Kathmandu district for the Vikrama years 1895 and 1896. the total payment, which was assessed in kind, amounted to 3 muris and 15 pathis of paddy, which was commuted at the coversion rate of 10 pathis a rupee. Baisakh Sudi 8, 1897 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 148. ************** Mining in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri Region 1. Ijara-Grant to Ramachandra Padhya and Mahindra Simha Jaisi On Baisakh Sudi 9, 1845, Ramachandra Padhya and Mahindra Simha Jaisi were granted an ijara for the manengement of copper, cinnabar, lead and iron mines in the region situated west of the Chepe and Marsyangdi rivers and east of the Bheri river. The ijaradars were also granted authority over the rice-lands and other allotments of mineworkers in that region. The mineworkers were instructed to increase payments due from them in the form of ore (Kachho-Sirto) and make mining villages populous. The ijaradar was granted authority to collect such payments from them and administer justice. Baisakh Sudi 9, 1895 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 1A, p. 216. 96. The ijara granted to Ramachandra Padhya and Mahindra Simha Jaisi included lead mines in Lamjung. They were required to supply lead to the government from these mines. Baisakh Sudi 9, 1845 Regmi Research Collection. Vol. 1A, p. 215. Surya Budha and Narayan Budha had been granted a lecense to prospect for lead deposits in Lamjung. They discovered such deposits at the village of Chok. They were then ordered to extract the ore and supply the metal to the government through Ramachandra Padhya and Mahindra Simha Jaisi. 140 muris of rice-lands in that area, along with homesites, were placed under that authority for that purpose. the order added, "We hereby permit the use of local forests to cut wood for manufacturing charcoal required for smelting the ore. Make payments to the government in the form of lead, not in money." Baisakh Sudi 9, 1845 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 1A, p. 215. On Baisakh Sudi 9, 1845, Ramachandra Padhya and Mahindra Simha Jaisi were told: "We have received reports that the mining village of Choraha has become deserted because of the indiscriminate exaction of begar labor. We hereby prohibit such practices. Do not exact begar labor from the mineworkers (agri) of Choraha. In case anybody does so, the local people should take him to the ijaradars, who shall punish the guilty person, or else reprimand him. Make the village populous. Nobody shall exact begar labor." Baisakh Sudi 9, 1845 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 5, p. 710. (To Be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: July 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 7 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents 1. Mining in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri Region 2. Revenue Regulations for the Chepe/Marsyangdi- Mahakali Region, 1824 A.D. 3. The Gola of Dimali 4. The Northern Border Trade Page 97 104 ..... 110 108 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Mining in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri Region (Continued from the June 1980 issue) 2. Ijara Grant to Jitaram Newar The ijara for the management of copper, lead, cinnabar, and iron mines in the Chepe-Marsyangdi- Bheri region, as mentioned above, was subsequently granted to Kashiram Thapaliya. On Shrawan Sudi 11, 1849, it was granted to Jitaram Newar, with the exception of mines in the village of Thuni. Jitaram Newar was granted authority under the ijara to reconfirm the rice-land allotments made to mineworkers; and appropriate payments made customarily to the dware. He was also permitted to appropriate payments made by the mineworkers in the form of ore (kachho-Sirto), and collect the khanda- Puja, bhedabhara, mahsul, pagari, darshani and other levies from them, as well as rajanka levies, judicial fines and penalties (danda-Kunda), escheat property (maryo-aputali), fines and penalties collected from persons guilty of mahor (panchakhat) crimes, walak levies of all the guilty categories, and levies collected from mining villages for ritual sacrifices (maulo) and for the amali. The ijara was valid for a three-year period from Ashadh Sudi 2, 1849 to Ashadh Sudi 1, 1852, the total amount due for the entire period being Rs 23,003, payable in installments as follows to the Tosakhana: Date of payment 1849-50 1850-51 1851-52 Initial payment Rs 2,000 Rs 2,000 Rs 2,000 Kartik Rs 1,500 Rs 2,000 Rs 2,000 Falgun Rs 2,000 Rs 2,000 Rs 2,000 Ashadh Rs 1,501 Rs 2,001 Rs 2,001 Total Rs 7,001 Rs 8,001 Rs 8,001 Shrawan Sudi 11, 1849 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 25, pp. 219-220. On Jestha Badi 6, 1851, Jitaram Newar was ordered to supply 1,500 dharnis of pure copper thorugh Jamadar Ranadhwaj Shahi of the Durga Box Company against payments due on his ijara. Jestha Badi 6, 1851 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 5, p. 98. 3. Ijara Grant to Janakiram Newar On Shrawan Badi 11, 1851, the ijara was granted on the same terms and conditions as those mentioned above to Janakiram Newar. Shrawan Badi 11, 1851 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 5, pp. 283-284. The royal order mentioned above also state that the government would help Jitaran Newar to take over mines which had not been brought under this control of the ijardar previously in the Chepe- Marsyangdi-Bheri region. Accordigly, the Subba of Pyuthan was instructed to help Jitaram Newar take over the Gajuri, Apiyan, Bhim dhunga and Dhaiwa mines. Shrawan Sudi 11, 1851 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 5, pp. 283. The mukhiyas of all mines were also informed about the ijara granted to Jitaram Newar, as well as the monopoly granted to him in the yrade in copper to the ijardar, and not to sell the metal elsewhere. Shrawan Sudi 11, 1851 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 1A, p. 2. Before the Gorkhali conquest, 30 muris of rice land and pakho lands requiring 6 pathis of maize seeds for sowing had been granted to Murugasa Gurung in Tarapu Village of Lamjung against payment in ore (Kachho-sirto). The lands were included in the assignment made to the local umra after the conquest of kachho-sirto as before. Shrawan Sudi 11, 1851 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 1A, p. 60. Amanat Arrangements On Baisakh badi 10, 1869, copper, lead, cinnabar and iron mines in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-bheri region were placed under the amanat authority of Subedar Ramajit Bhandari and Khanchi andSalyan were excluded from their jurisdiction, as also mines in Thuni and rukum. The Beni mint was aiso placed under their jurisdiction. They were granted the same fiscal and judicial authority as that granted to Jitaram Newar and Janakiram Newar. 99. In addition, the letter of appointment stated: "Do not let others purchase coopper in the areas that have been placed under your jurisdiction. Conduct monopoly trade (ekanatti) in that metal according to the regulations.Supply copper to the mints at Pokhara, Baglung-Chaur and Beni and mint coins as ordered. Transmit the income from those mints to the royal palace. At the end of the year, submit accounts of funds made available to you for the purchase of copper and obtain clearance." Other instructions issued in the name of Subedar Ramajit Bhandari and Dittha Balabhadra Padhya were as follows:- 1. Do not make collections in excess of the prescribed rates, with the result that complaints are submitted to us. 2. Keep the subjects happy and satisfied while doing your work. 3. Do not let greed have an adverse impact on your work. 4. Do not engage in trade on your own account. 5. Do not reduce collections below the level of the Vikrama years 1867 and 1868. 6. Do not let payments fall into arrears. 7. Transmit to the royal palace increased production, if any. 8. You shall be held personally liable if you make collections below the level reached in the Vikrama years 1867 and 1868 or left arrears accumulate. Subedar Ramajit Bhandari, Dittha Balabhadra Padhya and their employees were sanctioned emoluments as follows:- Subedar Ramjit Bhandari ..... Rs 900 Dittha Balabhadra Padhya . . . Rs 600 --------------- Total Rs 1500 Employees for Mines Brajma Padhya ... Rs 200 One clerk (oahidar) ... Rs 120 One cashier (tahabildar) ... Rs 75 100. Ten peons One bichari Eighteen dwares ..... Eighteen clerks for the dwares ..... Four katuwals One dittha for weighing copper ..... One jamadar Employees for Mints Two ditthas Two bahidars Six peons Two ditthas for weighing copper ..... Two mahanes Baisakh Badi 10, 1869 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 41, pp. 91-94. Rs 540 Rs 126 Rs 40 Rs 60 Total Rs 250 Rs 50 Rs 38 Rs 205 Rs 1,644 Rs 150 Rs 150 Rs 150 Rs 40 Rs 650 On Baisakh Badi 10, 1869, agris, mahars, and their mukhiyas in the Chhepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri region were informed of the appointment of Subedar Ramajit Bhandari and Dittha Balabhadra Padhya and ordered to place their services at the disposal of these two officials. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 41, pp. 87-88. Amanat Regulations The following regulations were issued in the name of the Subedar Ramajit Bhandari and Dittha Balabhadra Padhya on Baisakh Badi 10, 1869. (Abstract translation). 101. 1. Copper mined in the Chepe-Marsyangdi-Bheri region has been brought under monopoly (ekahatti). Procure supplies of copper at the mints of Pokhara, Balgung-Chaur and Beni and mint coins of the denominations of 2 paisa, 2 dam, and 1 dam. Transmit the coins to the Tosakhana. Do not let surplus copper be smuggled to the south. 2. Purchase copper brought for sale at the mints by traders at reasoble prices and make payments in rupees. If they request that their copper be minited into coins, do so on their behalf, and collect fees at the customary rates depending on whether they have brought copper in the form of ingots or discs. 3. If the traders have brough discs made of pure copper, stamp such discs in the form of coins. Punish them if the copper is mixed with alloy. If they have brouugh ingots of pure cooper, make payments to them at current prices, mint the copper into coins, and credit the income to accounts. 4. In case agris, mahars, traders, or other persons, smuggle copper to the south in contravention of the monopoly, confiscate their copper and hand it over to the mints. Punish the guilty persons according to the nature of their offense. 5. In case the funds placed at your disposal prove insufficient for the purchase of copper produced in this region, issue licenses to traders permitting them to purchase copper from agris and mahars. Procure such supplies for the mints, mint it into coins on payments of the prescribed fees, and hand over the coins to the traders. If the traders do not bring their copper to the mints, but sell it elsewhere, consfiscate it and supply it to the mints. Punish the guilty persons and credit the fines collected from them to the accounts. 6. In case old creditors demand repayment of their laons from agris, do not let this hamper work. Make inquiries, and arrange for repayment in installments in case the claims are proved to be authentic. 7. Punish those persons who exert pressure in agris to sell them copper in contravention of the monopoly, or who do not abide by the terms finalized for the repayment of old loans. 8. Supply copper at current prices to traders for the manufacture of utensils for use inside the Kingdom. Do not let them smuggle such copper to the south. In case they attempt to do so, confiscate the copper and supply it to the mint. Punish the guilty persons and credit the fines collected from them to the accounts. 102. 9. Open up new mines at different places after incurring reasonable expenses. Spend more if the income from such mines can be more than the amount spent. But if expenses are higher than the expected income, do not spend anything. 10. Appoint coppersmiths (banda) in the necessary number to smelt copper, make discs and stamp them into coins. Pay thme emoluments at the customary rates. 11. Grant rewards to individuals who work honestly and increase production in mines. 12. In case any person who has obtained advanced payments for the supply of copper dies, the arrears shall be realized from his heirs or from his escheat property. If the arrears cannot be realized in this manner, they will be written off. 13. Incur reasonable expenses for paper, ink, oil, mattresses, religious ceremonies at mines, wicker baskets, blowers, building for mints, weights, picks clay, charcoal, acid, scales for weighing copper, and other essential supplies. 14. Pay Kirana and Nirkhi duties on copper covered by this monopoly to the concerned ijaradar ad paid by Subba Jabar in the Vikrama year 1867 and 1868. From the Vikrama year 1869, since the monopoly wil be managed on amanat basis, collect duties at the following rates, and credit the proceeds to the accounts:- Kirana duty at Rs 1 on each load containing 22 dharnis of copper. Nirkhi tax at 12 annas on do. 15. Discharge the functions mentioned herein with the amount of Rs 10,000 as sanctioned previously in the name of Subba Jahar, as well as income earned from the mines, and submit accounts at the end of the year. 16. In case you cannot dispose of any matter, take the advice of Ambar Simha Thapa in Palpa, or refer it to us if necessary, and take action as ordered. 17. One patti of the Kewal Jung Company under a Jamadar, stationed at Jaharitar, will be placed under your command. Appoint soldiers and Subedars in the necessary number. Baisakh Badi 10, 1869 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 41, pp. 94-100. 103. Reversal to the Ijara System The amanat arrangements made in the name of subedar Ramajit Bhandari and Dittha Balbhadra Padhya, as described above, were consequently terminated. Mining operations in the Chepe/Marsyangdi- Bheri region, a well as the Baglung-Chaur and Bheri mints, were placed under the authority of Prahlad Thapa and Mahabir Karki in ijara basis. The ijara was valid for one year effective Jestha Badi 13, 1871 In the case of the mints, and Asadh Sudi 2, 1871 in the case if mines. Payment stipulated under the ijara amounted to Rs 34,001. There is no reference to the Pokhara mint. Regulations for the ijara were promulgated on Baisakh Badi 9, 1871. They contained 10 sections, corresponding to sections 1-8, 14, and 16 (omitting any reference to Ambar Singh thapa in Palpa) of the Amanat regulations promulgated in the name of Subedar Ramajit Bhandari and Dittha Balabhadra Padhya. Baisakh Badi 9, 1871 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 41, pp. 525-532. On Chaitra Badi 13, 1872, the ijara was granted to Kulananda Jha on the same terms and conditions for one year. The amount was again raised to Rs 43,001. Chaitra Badi 13, 1972 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 42, pp. 235-240. Appointment of Atmaram Upadhyaya as ijardar On Magh Sudi 12, 1888, Atmaram Upadhyaya was appointed ijardar of mines and mints in the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri region for a one year period. Hie predecessors, Vishnu Singh, had stipulated a payment of Rs 37,502; the amount was now increased to Rs 38,503. Regulations were promulgated on the same day in the same of atmaram Padhya. These were the same as those promulgated in the name of Prahlad Thapa and Mahabir Karki on Baisakh Badi 9, 1871. The only difference was that he was ordered to mint coins of only two denominations: Paisa and Adhela . Magh Sudi 12, 1888 Regmi Research Collection, Vol.45, pp.18-26. 104. The Paschim 22 Khani Baglung Goswara Subsequently, an office known as the Paschim 22 Khani Baglung Goswara were established to take over functions relating to mines and mints in the Chepe/Marshyangdi-Bheri region. No information is available about the datr when thos office was established. In 1957 Vikrama, the Baglung-Chaur Mint was abolished. The Monopoly in copper was, however, retained. Depots were established at Beni, Bagkung and Tansen to conduct the monopoly trade in copper. Adadh Sudi 3, 1957 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 70, pp.241-247 Revenue Regulations for the Chepe/Marsyangdi- Mahakali Region,1824 A.D On Asadh Badi 11, 1881 (June 1824), Dittha Mahabir Karki of the four Adalats, Kote Dittha Sarup Bistha, major Ramanath Padhya and Tharghars Narabir and Mardan Singh Rana, and Jamadar Chamu Basnyat were deputed to the western hill region west of the Mahakali rivers. Their functions were defined as follows:- 1m Scrutinize records of Khet and pakho lands, as well as of villages assigned under Khuwa tenure (to government employees) throughout Doti, and make revenues settlements under the thek bandi system according to circumstances. Deduct landh excess of the prescribed area that may have been assigned or for meeting administrative expenses (masaland). In case any ryot complains that he is not satisfied with the registered area of his holding, and demands that it be measured, do so to his satisfaction, and make thek bandi arrangements as appropriate. Report to us whether the country will be benefited by appointing a local person as Fouzdar through the Amali, and take such acton as may be directed. 105 2. In case the owner of any birta, bitalab, guthi, marwat bekh, or kipat is found to have encroached upon raikar lands, in the region between the Marsyangdi river and Doti, have such encroachment confirmed in the presence of local respectable people and the owners of adjoining holdings, resume the area that has been encroached upon, and punish the guilty person wiyh a fine determined on the basis of such area. 3. Scrutinize manachamal and jagir being enjoyed by yhe members of the princely families, as well as by their relatives and other respectable people in the region west of the Marsyangdi river under the authority of orders bearing the royal seal, or of those signed by Bhardars and Amils, as well as khet and khuwa lamds used without any such orders, and recommend the reconfirmation of manachamal, khet and khuwa lands being enjoyed by pr\ersons who have been assigned duties; we shall issue orders bearing the royal seal accordingly. Confiscate such lands enjoyed without such orders by persons who have not been assigned any duties. 4. Scrutinize all land assignments made to the Ranabhima Paltan, the Barakh Paltan, the Simanatha Paltan, and the Kalijung Paltan, as well as to the Shivadal Company, the Naya Srinath Company, the Ranasadal Company, the Jwaladal Company, and the Aridaman Company, and to the Pyuthan munitions factory, reconfirm such assignments made at rates (raibandi) prescribed in the appropriate royal orders, and deduct the excess area, if any. In case the ryots say that they will not be satisfied if the lands are not measured, have the lands measured and satisfy the ryots,. In case sufficient lands are not available to make assignments to the military personnel (Paltan) at the prescribed rates (raibandi), report the matter to us, and complete the assignments with lands that may be available elsewhere. 5. do not scrutinize lands in the possession of the Rajas of Jajarkot, Bajhang, BajurA, Chhanna, thalahara, Bafe, Gotam,Athbis and Darna, but only those held by other people and revenue-farmers (thekdar). Make arrangements to ensure that the thekdars transmit to military personnels (Paltan,Company) and other jagirdars revenue in cash at the customary rates as reconfirmed through royal orders. 6. In case any person complains that he has been treated unjustly or harrased, or that revenue has been reduced on payment of bribes and salami fees, both the complaint and person against whom the complaint has been 106. made shall be summoned to the Kachachari and the complaint heard. In case it is proved that a bribe has been oaid, report the matter to us. In other matters,inflicit punishment according to the nature of the offense. 7. We have received reports that upper class people (bhaka manis) in the region west of the Mahakali river claim as their slaves and harass these ryots who used to pay taxes during the time when that region was being ruled by its own rajas, continued to do so after it was brought under our control and were accordingly listed in tax-assessment records (dhadda) like , continued to do so after it was brought under our control and were accordingly listed in tax-assessment records (dhadda) like chuni ryots, and had matrimonial relations with persons who were regarded as slaves. Investigate such reports properly and give a hearing to both sides. Obtain confessional statements, and reconfirm as slaves those who are proved to be so. Punish those persons who claim ryots as their slaves. On the questipom of punishing scorers (dhamidanda), the ryots have prayed that only the dhami whose danda troubles other people must be punished not all dhamis in general. Investigate the matter and punish those dhamis whose denta harasses other people. Do not punish all dhamis collectively. 8. Scrutinize all khet and pakho lands in the region west of the Marsyangdi river and east of the Mahakali river, meet shortfalls in land assignment to military personnel according to the prescribed schedule (raibandi), and transmit the surplus, if any, to the Toaskhana. 9. The ryots have made the following complaints: (a) Ghargani and gudadi levies, which we had never paid before, are now being collected from us. (b) Previously, we used to buy and sell commodities at markets (mandi) on the basis of the 64-takka weight. We therefore, abolish the newly-imposed ghargani and gudadi levies. We also prohibit the use of weights of different denominations while conducting transactions at mandis. In the future, all transctions shall be cinducted on the basis of the 64-takka weight. 10. Make revenue settkements in jumla in consulation with the four thanis, local mukhiyas and ryots, inclusive of asmani and other payments, in such a manner that the ryots are satisfied and the amount of revenue does not decline. 107. 11. Inspect all kagate-hulak and other hulak posts for the transportation of goods in the region west of the Vishnumati river and east of the Mahakali river and relocate such posts, if necessary. 12. take a bichari along with you and dispose of all disputes and complainta after hearing both sides. Pay salaries to the following employees every year from the revenue collected there:- 3 Dhakre, major and Bahidar ..... Rs 375 1 bichari ..... Rs 350 1 bahidar ..... Rs 100 1 tahabildar ..... Rs 205 1 peon (tahaluwa) ..... Rs 35 In addition, pay reasonable salaries to other necessary employees and also incur reasonable expenses for religious functions, as well as oil, lamps, mattresses, paper, ink, registers, etc. required for the Kachahari. 13. If any ryot complains of oppression, sommon the respondent and dispose of the complaint at the kachahari. In case the respondent ignores the summons, arrest him, if necessary. If he confesses, punish him according to the nature of his guilt. Draft necessary orders for the arrangement which will satisfy the people without harming our interests and we shall affix the royal seal thereon. Reconfirm royal and other orders issued previously that must be retained. Withdraw all royal orders, other than those relating to permanent arrangements (thiti), and transmit them to us. 14. In case any matter arises which is not provided for in the regulations, take action on your own authority if this serves our own interests. Refer other matters to us for sanction and take this action as ordered. 15. Retain 310 rifles (nal) each in the Ranabhima, Simhanatha, Chandananath and Bhawanibux paltans and make assignments (raibandi) according to the appropriate royal orders wherever lands are available. Asadh Badi 11, 1881 (June 1824) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.468-473. 108 (public notifications regarding the deputation if Dittha Mahabir Karki, kote-Dittha Sarup bistha, Major Ramanath Upadhyaya and the Tharghars to perform the functions mentioned in these regulations were issued separately on the same date for the Bheri-Mahakali and the Chepe/Marsyangdi-Bheri regions. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.473. The Gola of Dimali Hamilton has referred to the gola of Siumali, also known as Dimali, in the hill region near the Nepal-Sikkim border. He adds: At this custom house or mart is a Lapcha collector..... The custom-house consists of a square sirrounded by buildings, in which the traders and their commodities are received, for there is no house near, except those of the collector and his assistants. The traders from the low country take up salt, tobacco, cotton cloth, goats, fowls, swine, iron, and occasionally a little coral, and broadcloth. They bring back Indian madder, (Manjit,) cotton. Beeswax, blankets, horses, musk, bull-tails, (chaunris,) Chinese flowered silk, (Dewang,) and rhinoceroses horns. Francis Hamilton, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. New Delhi : Manjushri Publishing House, 1971 (reprint of 1819 ed. ), pp 125-126. The Lapche collector mentoned by Hamilton was appointed by Yu-Kang-ta. Hamilto adds: North from the mart, half a day's journey, on a hill at the source of the Bala Kongyar, is the residence of yu-Kang-ta, the Lapcha chief, who now collects the revenues for the Gurkhalese. ..... Two dady' journey from thos, at the source of the Mahananda, is satang, another Gola or mart; but, of late, Simauli has engrossed almost the whole trade." 109. A royal order had been issued on Aswin Sudi 12, 1868 appointing Yu-Kang-ta, or Yekunda as mentioned in Nepali official documents, to the position. An abstract translation of that oeder is given below:- To Yekunda, blessings, we are aware of your efforts and your honest services in our cause. Accordingly, we hereby assign you six annas in each rupee of land taxes (wajbi malguzari) collected in the hill and palin areas of Sikkim that you have settled. We also hereby place inder your jurisdiction the gola od Dimali and the village settled with Dhimal ryots. In addition, we have granted jagir lands to 21 peons (ardali) to work under you day and night whenever required for our purposes. Transmit the income from fines collected for major crimes (panchakhat), buried treasure (kalyanadhana), and other sources (undanta, gadanta, rahaa, bahata) to the royal palaces through the amali. Transmit the balance of ten annas in the rupee, as well as income from thr saunefagu tax, judicial fines and penalties (danda- gunahagari), escheats (maryo-aputali), as well as customs and transit duties (ghat-sair, chadhti, namti), except those collected at Dimali, to the shivaprasad Company through the amali-Subedar. Supply from tdimali gola foodgrains required by the company throughout the year. Stay at a place near the Company's camp. Make necessary arrangements to ensure that the country becomes populous soon. After land assignments have been made to the Company according to schedule (raibandi), we shall increase your emoluments. We have seen your services previously also, and will continue to do so in the fur\ture. Do not have doubts on any account. If you prove true to your salt and keep the Company satisfied, we have redressed whatever grievances you have p\represented to us through the Amali-Subedar, and will continue to do so in the future if we find them reasonable. Aswin Sudi 12, 1868 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 40, pp. 246-247. 110. The Northern Border Trade by Harihar Acharya (Harihar Acharya, "Uttari sima Vyapara" (The Northern border trade). Gorkhapatra, Baisakh 23, 2037 (May 5, 1980). From ancient times, trade has been conducted on the basis of barter between Nepal and the Tibet Autonomous Region of China, which adjoins the entire northern border of Nepal. Exchange of commodities of daily use is the primary objective of such trade. Nepal-Tibet trade has continued in a more oe less systematic form since the time of King Narendra Devam With the objective of gradually developing this trade, agreement have been signed from time to time between the two countries. As a result, the border trade was extended to Kathmandu Valley as well as to Lhasa. Coins minted by the Malla Kings were used in Tibet. After the unification of Nepal by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, the pattern of Nepal-Tibet trade chanfed, Moreover, the volume of trade expanded. At that time, Nepali traders used to conduct trade with India from Lhasa through the Kuti (Kodari) and Kerung (Rasuwa-Gadhi) routes. Indian and Tibetan traders used to conduct trade between Tibet and India through the same routes. Nepal thus played the role of an entrepot center in the trade between Tibet and India. There was a largs volume of trade between Lhasa and India through Kathmandu in such commodities as carpets, musk, gold, turquoise, coral, ornaments and handicrafts. The Nepali currency was used for the purpose of such trade. At the same time, itinerant traders conducted barter trade in the barder areas for subsistence rather then fot profit. They sold or exchanged foodgrains for wool, salt and other commodities from Tibet. These traders then supplied these Tibetan commodities to the southern areas, where they procured foodgrains and Indian salt, as well as other commodities which could be sold in Tibet, such as brown sugar, crushed rice, oil, chillies, ginger, candles, and dyes. They then returned toward the north, exchanging the Indian salt for foodgrains. This trading pattern continued from year to year. The cultivated area in the northern region of Nepal is meager. The inhabitants of this region, therefore, had no alternative but to engage in trade. On the other hand, there was a chronic shortage of foodgrains in Tibet. As such, trade was conducted mostly in local produce as well as in foodgrains procured from the south. 111. The traditional pattern of trade between Nepal and Tibet was greatly affected by the political change that occurred in Tibet in 1959. Nepali and Tibetan traders were no longer allowed to engage in border tradr without any restriction. Thi had a great impact on the life of the inhabitants of the border areas. This situation continued for eight years. In 1968, the first trade agreement was signed between Nepal and china. It contained provisions whereby inhabitants of the border areas within 30 kilomaters on either side were allowed to conduvt barter trade in the customary manner. The agreement also provided for the development of overland trade between the two countries. In 1974, Nepal and china signed a trade and payments agreement which contained provisions aimed at further developing and consolidating overland trade between the two countries. For this purpose, the following trade centers were designated:- Nepal Tibet Kodari ..... Nyalam ` Rasuwa ..... Kerung Yari (Humla) ..... Purung The 1974 Nepal-China Trade and Payments Agreement also enumerates the commodities to be exchanged between Nepal and Tibet. Nepal's export to Tibet have been listed as rice, maida flour, sugar, tobacco, chillies, candles, soap, timber and jute goods, while imports to Nepal from Tibet include raw wool, chyangra goats, sheep, salt, yaks and yak-tails, and carpets. The Nepal Food Corporation has been procuring chyangra goats and sheep through barterm As regards other commodities, 70 percent of the value of Nepal's exports is paid in sterling pounds, and the balance in commodities. Trade between Nepal and Tibet is now conducted mostly through the Kodari-Nyalam route because of the availability of transport facilities. Other routes are used only by patty traders. As provided for in the year 1968 and 1974 agreements, the inhabitants of Nepal within 30 kilometers of the border visit Tibet for Trade. However, Tibetans do not visit Nepal for this purpose, so the border is one-sided. Nor are Nepali traders allowed, as they were before 1959, to contact Tibetan traders directly and sell their commodities at the maximum possible prices. Instead, they have to sell their commodities to an institutional agency at prices fixed 112. by its authorities. Even if the prices they are paid may be below threir costs, they have no choice but to accept payment. It is not possible for them to bring their commodities back to Nepal through a distance of three or four days's journey. The method followed in barter trade by the Tibetan authorities, unstable prices, problems of weights and measures, the difficulty of obtaining commodities desired br traders, the small number of trading centers, and their distance from commercial cemters, are some of the difficulties in Nepal-Tibet trade that originate from the Tibetan side. Our own problem concern lack of transport facilities, the shortage of export commodities, lack of commercial information and language difficulties. Commodities which used to be exported from Nepal until a few years ago can no longer be exported from Rasuwa to Tibet until a few years ago, but this is no longer the case because these are grown in Kerung itself in large quantities. There is a large quantity. There is a large market for foodgrains in Tibet, but agricultural proiducton is low in the northern region of Nepal, and moreover, productivity is declining. Indeed, this region now procures foodgrains from the Tarai region, hence the local administration has banned their export. As such, it is necessary to increase the production of other commodities which are exported to Tibet from the northern region of Nepal. These include wicker goods, honey, chillies, tobacco, soap, leather shoes, candles, wheat, spices, cotton yarn, garlic,ropes and timber. At many places, there are no villages within the 30 kilometers of the border in Nepal. Outsiders have to obtain licenses from the Department of Commerce in order to conduct trade with Tibet. This has given rise to a difficult problem. It may be possible to have such licenses issued by the local customs office or police post, rather than by the Department of Commerce. Deliberations should be held between the administrarive officials of Nepal and Tibet to discuss problems that may arise from time to time. Moreover, Tibetans too should be allowed to visit Napal for purposes of trade. Finally, more centers should be designated for trade between Nepal and Tibet in addition to the Kodari-Nyalam. Rasuwa-Kerung, and Yari-Purung centers. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu : August 1, 1980 Regmi Research Series Year 12, No. 8 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ***** Contents Page 1. Revenue Assessments in Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Chitaun, ..... 113 1913-17 Vikrama 2. The Hides and Skins Levy ..... 115 3. Appointment of Mijhars ..... 116 4. Forests in the Bhimphedi- Hitauri Region ..... 117 5. Supplies for Horses and Bulls ..... 118 6. Unauthorized Land Reclamation ..... 118 7. Judicial Regulations for the Pallokirat Region, 1920 Vikrama ..... 121 8. The Political History of Dolakha ..... 123 *********** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 113. Revenue Assesment in Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Sarlahi, Bara, Parsa,Rautahat and Chitaun 1913-17 Vikrama 1. Land Tax Assessments Annas omitted Year Patna Rs Kampani Rs Mohar Rs 1913 828,275 27,225 138,881 1914 1,016,953 33,224 158,192 1915 1,027,115 56,305 158,192 1916 1,026,203 57,544 217,211 1917 1,010,964 57,786 217,922 2. Kathamahal Revenue in Morang Annas omitted Year Patna Rs Kampani Rs Mohar Rs 1913 22,153 X 22,149 1914 22,153 X 22,149 1915 56,540 206,016 42 1916 65,596 215,401 3,856 3. Kathamahal Revenue in Saptari and Mahottari Annas omitted. Year Patna Rs Kampani Rs Mohar Rs 1913 2,849 X 2,850 1914 2,849 X 2,850 1915 18,362 217,116 1,054 1916 16,743 117,587 1,231 114. 4. Pasturage-Tax (Kascharai) Revenue Annas omitted. Year 1913 1914 1915 1916 5. Revenues from Calas Year 1913 1914 1915 1916 6. Revenue from the opium Monopoly Year 1913 1914 1915 1916 (Source : Regmi Research Collection). Patna Rs Kampani Rs Mohar Rs X X 12,201 X X 12,201 12,120 235 X 12,121 X X Patna Rs Kampani Rs Mohar Rs X X 19,584 X X 19,584 X 101,689 11,463 X 83,370 13,636 Patna Rs Kampani Rs Mohar Rs X X 13,001 X X 13,001 X 44,041 18 X 55,146 10 Annas omitted. Annas omitted. 115. The Hides and Skins Levy The Sanga/Sindhu-Dudhkosi/Bahadura Region On Asadh Badi 4, 1874, local functionaries and landowners in the Sanga, Sindhu- Dudhkosi/Bahadura region in south-eastern Nepal were ordered to help employees deputed by the Sri Durga Bux Company collect the hides and skins levy as usual from households of the Bhote, Rai, Majhi and Murmi, as well as hunting and Sino-eating communities, in their respective areas. Each Sarki and Kami household was required to pay the levy at the rate of eight annas. They were also ordered to transmit the hides and skins or the cash levy so collected to the Kathmandu Munitions factory through the jhara labor of the local people. Asadh Badi 4, 1874 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 6-7 Kartik Sudi 14, 1888, Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 44, pp. 389-90 The Marsyangdi-Kaligandaki Region On Aswin Badi 6, 1874, local functionaries and landowners in the Marsyangdi-Bheri region of western Nepal were ordered to help employees of the Naya Sabuj Company collect the hides and skins levy as usual from households of the Bhote as well as hunting and Sino-eating communities in their respective areas at the rate of one buffalo, tiger, bear or deer skin each. Each Sarki household was required to supply two pieces each. Commutation was allowed at the rate of two annas a piece. They were also ordered to transmit the hides and skins or the cash levy so collected to the Kathmandu Munitions Factory through the jhara labor of the local people. Aswin Badi 6, 1874, Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 32-33. (For additional information on the hides and skins levy, see Regmi Research Series, Year 11, No. 2, February 1, 1979, pp. 21-22). 116. Appointment of Mijhars On Kartik Badi 5, 1874: (1) Pratap Lohar, an ironsmith, was designated Mijhar (hearman) of the lohar (ironsmith) community in the districts of Makwanpur, Bara, Parsa and Rautahat. His duty was to repair and maintain guns and cannon kept at the Makwanpur fort. Pratap Lohar's emoluments consisted of: (a) A salary of Rs 25 a year, and (b) Fees and penalties collected at customary rates while disposing of cases relating to caste, sexual and commensal offenses among members of the Lohar communityin the districts mentioned above. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 40-41. (2) Fifteen Lohars employed at the Kathmandu Munitions Factory were designated Mijhars in the region situated east of Borlang-Ghat and west of the Kanaka and Tista rivers to dispose of caste, sexual and commensal offenses among members of the following communities: Lohar, Sunar, Afre, Mahar, chudara, Kadara, and Tamota.They were also authorized to appropriate the fines and penalties collected while discharging these functions. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 41-42. Magar Sudi 11, 1874 Eleven Sarkis (leather workers) employed at the Kathmandu Munitions Factory were appointed Mijhars of the Sarki community in the region east of the DhobiKhola river. They were authorized to collect:- (1) One piece of processed hide, in addition to a fee of two annas, and one chicken, from each Sarki household in that region, and (2) Fines and penalties collected from Sarkis while disposing of cases relating to caste, sexual and commensal offenses. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 59. 117. Forests in the Bhimphedi-Hitaure Region Aswin Sudi 4, 1874 The inhabitants of the Sindhuli-Makwanpur region situated west of the kamala river, north of the Churia hills, east of Chitaun, and south of the Mahabharat mountains were informed that it had been therefore decided to develop forests in that region. They were, therefore, ordered to shift their settlements to other areas. Any person who possessed no lands elsewhere for the porpose was asked to apply to the government for an allotment. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, p.38 Bhadra Sudi 8, 1881 Section 7 of "Regulatons for chisapani-Gadhi": Do not allow any person to clear the new forests in the Kulckhani-Hitaura area, even if he wants to do so in his own birta lands. Any person who acts in contravention of this order shall be arrested and produced before us. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 40, pp. 550. Aswin Badi 4, 1931 On Aswin Badi 4, 1931 Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, while on a tour of Chitlang, issued order that all cultivated lands, irrespective of the tenure category, situated on the banks of the Rapti river in the Bhimphedi-Hitaura region, shoule be reverted to waste, and all settlements evacuated.The birta lands and cardamom forms of Ekadova Vaidya, a royal physician, were exempted. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 37-38 and 253-260. 118. Supplies for Horses and Bulls On poush Sudi 15, 1853, a royal order was issued reserving the entire output of black grams (mas) in the Alampur area of Dolakha district for compulsory procurement by the state through the local authorities (amali). The local inhabitants were warned that they would be severly punished if they sold the commodity to others. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 23, pp. 237. This order does not mention the procurement price, nor the purpose of procurement. On Kartik Sudi 14, 1388, Bilochan Thapa was granted a contract (thekbandi) for the supply of one muri block gram from the mining areas of Alampur, other than from lands under kipat tenure. The order specifically mentioned that the commodity was to be supplied for the royal stables. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 44, pp. 390-91. On Baisakh Sudi 8, 1862, the inhabitants of areas aituated west of the Bishnumati river and Bhimdhunga up to the Kali-Gandaki river were ordered to supply millet (kodo) at the Basantapur Palace in Kathmandu for feeding the royal bulls. They were also offered payment "at locally current prices". Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 5, pp. 572, and Vol. 20, p. 229. *************** Unauthorized Land Reclamation During the 18402, the problem of unauthorized reclamation of agricultural lands for use as rice- fields appears to have formidavle proportions in Kathmandu Valley. The problem was ibviously due to increased population and the absence of an effective system of land administration. The following documents shed light on some aspects of the problem. Chaitra Badi 30, 1896 (Vikrama) The sadar Dafaarkhana deputed Mohinaike Ratna to detect undeclared lands as well as lands used by birta and Guthi owners and jagirdars in excess of the sanctioned area, in Nagdesh and Bode village. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp. 145-46 119. Shrawan Sudi 11, 1897 (Vikrama) Mohinaike Shinanarsingh was deputed on a similar mission to Harisiddhi, Thaiba, Badegaun, Sunaguthi, Thecho, Chapagaun, Lele, Khokana, Bungmati and Pharping. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 159. Falgun Badi 10, 1897 (Vikram) Mohinaike Rajaman and Dataram were sent on a similar mission to Changu, Gokarna and sankhum Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.166. Jestha Badi 12, 1898 (Vikrama) King Prithvipala Sen of Palpa had made a grant of 120 muris of rice-land in the Madi area, along with a homested at Pokharanda. The grant was resumed in the year 1862 Vikrama, and 100 muris were assigned as jagir to the ..... Dal Company. The remaining 50 muris were left undeclared, and tenants cultivating these lands, and Mohinaike Maniratna Pantha, appropriated the income in collision with each other. The case was reported to the palace and referred to the Hitichok Kachahari for disposal. Because the guilty persons were residents of Palpa, the case was sent to the local authorities for hearing and disposa . However, it remained pending for a long time. On Jestha Badi 12, 1898, another royal order was issued to Kaji Simhabir Pande to expedite the disposal of the case. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.174-75 Asadh Sudi 14, 1898 (Vikrama) Subedar Birabhanjan Basnyat was granted authority to take the following measures in the Mahabharat region situated east of Deoghat and west of Chaudandi: (1) Investigate whether lands which had been reverted to waste according to arrangements made by Jamadar Jasiwant Thapa in the year 1874 Vikrama had been brought back into cultivation, or prohibited tracks had been reopened for the reclamation of lands, or whether cultivated with due permission, or new settlements which had not been covered by the 1894 settlement had been left undeclared even after the expiry of tax-exemption, and (2) Punish checkposts personnel who had deserted their assignments, traders who used prohibited tracks, and other guilty persons. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.178. 120. Shrawan Sudi 12, 1898 (Vikrama) Mohinaike Anandasitarama was deputed to the Tupyak area in Kathmandu district to detect cultivated area other than birta and jagir which had been left undeclared by the outgoing Mohinaike. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.181. Shrawan Sudi 15, 1898 (Vikrama) Mohinaike Hemanta, Bisham singh, Shivanarsing and Laxminarayan were deputed to take the following actions in the districts of Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaun:- (1) Detect undeclared and newly-reclaomed lands, other than those under birta or jagir tenure. (2) Ascerain whether or not lands confiscated in the years 1894 and 1895 Vikrama had been assigned as jagir, and whether or not rents had been collected on such lands, and (3) Ascertain whether or not rents had been collected on lands declared as ukas (unclaimed) by the outgoing Mohinaike. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.184-85. Chaitra Badi 11, 1899 (Vikrama) Hemanta was appointed Mohinaike to detect undeclared lands, other than birta, guthi, and jagir lands, in Kathmandu district and have such lands registered at the Sadar Dafdarkhana. He was granted a 1621/2 muris of rice-labds as his jagir. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.81. Baisakh Badi 7, 1901 (Vikrama) The sadar Dafdarkhana depured Mohinaike Jayashankar to detect undeclared lands, as well as lands being used by birta and guthi owners and jagirdars in excess of the sanctioned area, in the Bhadgaun region. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp.25-26. On Marga sudi 5, 1902 (Vikrama), several such orders were issued for areas in and around Kathmandu Valley. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p.48. 121. Jestha Badi 13, 1902 (Vikrama) Tenants cultivating jagir lands assigned to the sri Ranaser Company in Tanahu were informed that Bahidar Bhajubir had been deputed to scrutinize the assignments and record undeclared lands, if any. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 36 On the same day, Bahidar Birabhadra was deputed on a similar mission to Nuwakot, sataun, Garhun, and Rising. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, pp. 34-35 Judicial Regulations for the Pallokirat Region, 1920 Vikrama. (Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 55, pp.41-46) Poush Badi 4, 1920 (December 1863). (abstract translation). From Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief Shri 3 Maharaj Jung Bahadur Rana and Commander-in Chief General Ran uddip Simha Kunwar to Commanding-Colonal Dip Bahadur Kunwar Rana. "The Sri Jang Paltan of Dhankuta has been placed under your command, and the following regulations have been promulgated for the Adalat of the Arun-Mechi region. With full loyalty and faithfulness, act honestly according to these regulations. (1) Do not create any disturbances on the borders through your initiatives. Issue orders accordingly to the troops also. In case any lawless elements create disturbances, arrest them, place them in safe custody, report the matter to us, and then take action as ordered. (2) Close prohibited tracks at different places, erect obstructions where necessary, and protect military and other installations. In case it is necessary to construct forts and fortifications at any place, submit a report with full particulars and take action as ordered. (3) Station the necessary number of troops at military installations and other places according to need. Drill the troops regularly and record their attendance. 122. (4) Appoint, reconfirm and dismiss the personnel of the sri Jang Paltan, which has been placed under your command; according to need, and keep the head-quarters well-defended. Do whatever is necessary in the interests of His Majesty's Government. Do not appoint those employees who are to be appointed from Kathmandu. (5) The bhardars stationed there, as well as military authorities, local functionaries (Jimmawal, Fouzdar) and Village headman (Thani, Thari, Mukhiya, subba, Rai, Majhiya,etc), may dispense justice according to the authority granted to them in thr areas under their jurisdiction. In case they act beyond their authority and in contravention of local customs and usages thereby subjecting the people to injustice, and in case complaints are submitted to you, dispose of such complaints according to the law. In case you are unable to take a decision, or the law does not contain any provision, refer the matter to us and take action as ordered. (6) Scrutinize all land grants made through royal orders since the year 1984 Vikrama, and refer inappropriate grants, if any, to us. Take action as ordered by us. (7) In case complaints are received against taxes and levies being collected by the appropriate revenue- collection authority, scrutinize such complaints. Help such authority to collect taxes and levies if the complaints are found to be false. (8) In case any matter comes up in the north and the south, refer it to us and take action as ordered. (9) Do not censor mail being transported under the kagate-Hulak system from the east and the west if it has been sent by people residing from other countries and then allow it to reach the addresses. Confiscate the Chhap, manachamal, and halbandi lands of persons who are in collusion with the fugitive bhardars, travel across the borders frequently in th(..) connection, and carry on their conspiracy by correspondence. If such persons are arrested, refer their cases to us and take action as ordered. (10)Arrest persons who entice our people to leave their homes and go to the Moglan (i.e. India), and refer their cases to us. Submit reports every month of such measures. (11)Maintain proper supervision in the area caste of Sindhuli and west of the Mechi river. In case any government official (dittha, bichari), or local functionary (amali, dware, thekdar, jimmawal, Mukhiya) subjects any ryot or respectable person (bhaladmi) to injustice and the latter accordingly submits a complaint to you, summon both parties and give to the law in such a manner that the ryot is satisfied. If you are unable to dispose of any case, or if the matter is not provided for in the law, refer it to us and take action as ordered. 123. (12)Issue orders to checkposts to prevent people from that region, as well as fugitives from here, from crossing over to India. If any person has to cross the border for any purpose, investigate him, issue him a passport in your name permitting him to do so. (13)A sum of Rs 700 has been sanctioned to finance religious functions at local temples, for hospitality, gifts, charity to foreign dignitaries, scholars, mahantas, mendicants, musicians, etc. who may visit that area during the Fagu festival, and for other purposes. A sum of Rs 340(16-gand a paisa rupee) has been sanctioned for payment of salaries to the employees of the Adalat. The breakdown is as follows:- 1 Kharidar ..... Rs 300 2 Bicharis ..... Rs 350 1 Bahidar ..... Rs 75 1 Tahabildar ..... Rs 75 1 peon ..... Rs 40 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 55, pp.41-46 The Political History of Dolakha (Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha, Dolakhako Aitihasika Ruparekha (Historical outline of Dolakha), Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and asian Studies, tribhuwan University, 2031 (1974). Chapter II: "Rajanaitika Itihasko Ruparekha" Outline of political history), pp. 14-50). The Samanta system has played an important role in the administration system of Nepal from ancient times because of geographical factors such as difficulties of transport. During the Licchavi period, the kingdom was divided into two parts: one directly ruled by the center, and the other governed by Samantas. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Licchavikalko Abhilekha (Inscriptions of the Licchavi period), Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian studies, 2030 (1973), pp. 312-13). Samantas used to govern according to the orders issued by the center, 124. But thet enjoyed considerable amount autonomy in regard to local administration. They enjoyed hereditary rights and maintained their own troops. As a result, they often tried to become independent whenever any disturbance weakened the center. During the Licchavi period, Nepal witnessed such situations many times. (Ibid, pp. 23-26). The history of medieval Nepal contains many such incidents. This is the reason why Nepal was divided into a number of small principalities during the medieval period. During the early years of the 12th century Vikrama, a Khasa state was established in the Karnali region in the west. (Dhanavajra vajracharya, Karnali Pradeshko Atihasika Ruprekha (Historical outline of the Karnali region), Karnali Pradesh Samajika adhyana Samudaya, 2038 (1971), p. 16) Soon thereafter the Doyas of simroungadh also established an independent estate. As a result, the central authority remained limited, to a small area situated east of Nuwakot and west of the Koshi catchment area. Within this small area too, there were a number of local administrator of samanta types who enjoyed hereditary authority. During this period, the "Tripura royal palace" of Bhaktapur functioned as the center. The Malla Kings lived there. In Lalitpur, however, three mahapatras belonging to the Seven families wielded power. In Kantipur, there were a number of Mahapatras. Outside the valley, in Pharping, Nuwakot, and elsewhere also, there were Samant rulers. Each of these areas had been turned into a fort, so that if the Samanta rulers of ant area rebelled, it was very difficult to suppress the rebellion quickly. Consequently, Samantas rebelled frequently. The Gopala Vanshavali mentions suppression of such rebellions by the "Tripura" with the help of other Samantas. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, "Shaktishali Ramawardhana Pariwara ra Tatkalika Nepal" (The powerful Ramawardhana family and contempotary Nepal), Purnima, No. 7, pp. 17-22). Central rule had become very strong following the emergence of Sthiti Malla (Ibid, p. 12). However, the Samanta system had not beem eliminated. There were big and small Samantas enjoying hereditary authority at many places. They were only kept under control. The condition of such Samantas is portrayed in the pashupati treaty. The treaty had been concluded between Yaksha Malla, who represented the Trupura dynasty, and the samata rulera of Manigal (Lalitpur), Shikhapur (Pharping) and Gumvihara (Sankhu). Since lalitpur, Shikharpur and Gumvihara lay within the domain of yaksha Malla, it might seem that there was no need for concluding such a treaty. But the fact is that the rulers of these areas traditionally enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy in local affairs and even maintained troops. At times of need, they could mobilize their subjects and thus 125. Raise their heads. At the time, Yaksha Malla was preparing to invade Champaran, Lohabar and other principalities. Because problems were likely to arise in the event the Samanta rulers of Pharping, Gumvchara, etc, which lay on the route, defeates to the enemy at the time of that invasion, Yaksha Malla,(..) a precautionary measure, concluded the treaty with them under oath of Pashupati. The treaty stipulated that they would in no circumstances side with the enemy, and would extend all possible assistance to Yaksha Malla whenever needed it. This gives an idea of how powerful even the amanta rler of areas located a few miles away from the capital were and how strong their position was in the administrarive system prevailing at the time. It would have been natural for the Samanta rulers of area located near the capital to try to secade if they saw an opportunity to do so. Thi is true of the Dolakha region also. Dolakha appears to have occupied different ststuses at different times, depending on changes at the center. For nearly a century (from the last of the sixteenth century to the second half of the seventeenth century Vikrama) it remained an independent kingdom. It made some progresses in the economic and cultural fields thanks to the competition it met from other principalities. The process, however, halted some time later. There is still a dearth of materials on the basis of which a coherent history of Dolakha may be prepared. However, materials obtained so far make it possible to prepare at least an outline of the history of this region. Accordingly, an attempt is made in this chapter to fraw a broad outline of the political of Dolakha. The Ancient Period No substantive historical materials, such as store-incsriptions shedding light on the history of the Licchavi or earlier rule in Dolakha are available, hence it is not possible to present an authentic ancient history of Dolakha. However, Baburam Acharya's opinion that Dolakha emerged with the opening routes and establishment of commercial and cultural contracts between Nepal and Tibet seems true. (Baburam Acharya, Sri 5 Bada Maharajadhiraja Prithvi Narayana Shahako Samkshipta Jivani (A brief biography of King Prithvi Narayan Shah), pt.2, preface) Nepal had initiated contacts with Tibet during the rule of Amshubarma. Relations with Tibet became stronger when Udaya Deva sought asylum there for political reasons and Narendra Deva on returning from Tibet took over power,(Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Licchavikalko Abhilekha, op. at. P. 517). Nepal was able to establish relations with China also via Tibet. Once the routes between Nepal and Tibet were opened, exchange of visits between China and India also started via Nepal. As a result, Nepal at thet time looked like an international route. (This is proved by the fact that during the reign of King Narandra Deva, 126. the Chinese ambassador, Wang Yuachih, and other Chinese officials traveled between Nepal and China via Nepal). this, naturally, led to the development of settlements of the type of trade centers. This is the reason why there were many Drangas on the route leading to the north and south outside Nepal Valley. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Dranga Vyapara-Kendra (Dranga trading centers), Madhuparka, published by the Gorkhapatra Corporation, Year 4, No. 10, 2028 (1971), pp. 23-27); and Licchavikala Abhilekha, op. cit. pp. 213-21 and 227-28. The routes to Tibet via Kuti and Khasa via Bigu in Dolakha via Lambagar-Rachi (Lapchi) were used even during the late medieval peiod. The route of Tibet via Dolakha must have been opened up during the later Lichhavi period. In those days, travel was not safe, hence Anshuvarma and other rulers had made adequate arrangements for security. For this purpose, Gulma (checkpost) had been established at various places. (A stone inscription found at Bhatuwal in Tistung on the road to India shows that there was a Gulma and a Shulka-Shala (customs collection office) at that place. Reference to Gulmas are found elsewhere also). It can be believed that traders had established trading centers at Dolakha because this route was convenient for them. For instance, members of the Thami community recite the names of the ancient rulers od Dolakha during the Khadga-Yatra ceremony at the time of the Dashain festival. At Nitpuri, the Naike also does so at the time of rice trans-plantation. The names so recited include "Kai Hai", "Sui Sui" and "Golma", ending with the name of the reigning King of Nepal. The tradition may have some basis in fact, although it is by itself not conclusive evidence. Even then, the geographical locaton of Dolakha suggests the possibility that it was ruled at one time by Kirats. Dolakha is the most fertile area in the Sunkoshi-Tamakoshi region. Settlement were originally establishment on the bank of the Tamakoshi river, but spread upward when a forest fort (Vana-durga) was established there. This too suggests that that Dolakha was under Kirati rule at one time by Kiratis. Dolakha- Pattana, which was a fort during the medieval period, was inhabited predominantly by Newars, but even now there are Tamang, Thami, Sherpa and other settlements in the surrounding areas. Moreover, most of the Newars of Dolakha are Shresthas, very few of them are Udas or Vajracharya. There are no Jyapu peasants in Dolakha as in Kathmandu Valley. The majority of the population belongs to the Thami, Tamang, Sherpa and other communities. During the medieval period, the term Shrestha was used to denote government officials. For example, in the Karnali region, such officials were called Shishta (Shrestha). (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, Karnali Pradeshko Aitihasika Ruparekha, op. cit, p. 49). Only later did this term start denoting a clan (thar). This shows that Newars lived in the Dolakha region as traders and administrators, whereas Kiratis were the autochthonous inhabitants. 127. The Medieval Period The history of the Dolakha region becomes clearer only during the fourteenth century of the Vikrama era. at that time, the Khasa Kingdom of the Karnali region was expanding and gaining in strength. The Doya Kingdom of the Tirhut region, based in Simraungadh had spread toward the south and the east. On the other hand, the Malla Kingdom at the center was becoming weak as a result of internal dissensions. Its control extended only up to Nuwakot in the west and the Dolakha region in the east. At that time, Dolakha was ruled by Samantas of the Patra family on a hereditary basis. No information is available about the rulers of Dolakha at the beginning of the medieval period. Some information of available only from the time of Kirtisimha onwards. A copper plate inscription of Jitadeva and others has been found at the Bhimeshwara temple. In that inscription, Jitadeva has styled himself as Maharajadhiraja as well as Patradhipatra. This shows that the rulers of Dolakha belonged to the Patra family before the rise of Kirtisimha. However, the evidence is no conclusive. In that inscription, Jitadeva has also claimed to belong to the lunar dynasty (Somavamshavatara). The Malla Kings of the Nepal Valley does not appear to have been any relationship between the rulers of Dolakha and the Malla Kings. Rather, Dolakha had a special relationship with Patan, hence it appears that the Patra rulers of Dolaka were related to the Patra rulers of Patan. At the end of the fourteenth century of the Vikrama era, an important event occurred in the Doya Kingdom of Simraungadh. King Harisimhadeva of that Kingdom was defeated in a battle with Sultan Ghayasudhan Taghlak of Delhi in 1381 Vikrama. He then decided to flee to the hill region of Nepal. from the viewpoint of security, it would have been better for him to come to the Nepal Valley. However, Harisimhadeva had lost his prestige in that region because his troops had indulged in atrocities in 1367 Vikrama when they had been invited there to render assistance. Moreover, the Nepal Valley was not politically weak at that time. It was under the strong rule of King Rudra Malla, hence Harisimhadeva could not expect to exert much influence there. After some hesitation, Harisimhadeva decided to go to Dolakha via Tinpatan. But by that time his health had declined. As a result, he was unable to reach Dolakha, but died at Tinpatan. The Gorkha Vamashavali contains an account of this episode. This episode throws some light on the history of Dolakha. Inasmuch or Harisimhadeva wanted to go there for the sake of security, it is clear that Dolakha had become strong at that time as otherwise its ruler would not have had the courage to offer asylum to Harisimhadeva. 128. It is also possible that Harisimhadeva had already had some kind of relationship with the rulers of Dolakha. In any case, this should be regarded as conclusive evidence of the fact that Dolakha had already become secure by the end of the fourteenth century of the Vikrama era. It is also abvious that there were roads connecting Dolakha with the plains through Tinpatan and Sindhuli-Madi. The Gopala Vamshavali also contains evidence that Dolakha was a secure foot at that time. When Devaladevi gradually entrenched her position at the center, local administrators and Kwathanayakas felt dissatisfied and frequently rose up in revolt. But Devaladevi was a shrewd and courageous woman. With the help of the chief minister (Mahatha), Anekarama, and other persons, she suppressed these rebellions and strengthened her influence. (Dhanavajra Vijracharya, "Shaktishali Ramavardhana Parivara ra Tatkalika Nepal", op. cit. pp. 17-23). The Gopala Vamshawali also states that in Baisakh 477 Nepal era (1414 Vikrama), a bhardar known as Vandyambha rebelled, and was imprisoned in Dolakha. Following in the footsteps of Devaladevi, Sthiti Malla maintained a strong rule at the center. He kept local Samantas under strict control. Central rule remained strong during the reign of his son, Jyatirmalla, and his grandson, Yaksha Malla, also. Kirti Simha When Yaksha Malla was King at the center, Kirti Simha was the Samanta ruler of Dolakha. Kirti Simha appears to have participated in the military campaign started at the time by Yaksha Malla against the Koki Kingdoms such as Champaran and Lohabar. This is indicated in a manuscript found in Dolakha. As the manuscript has already reached England, it has not been possible to study the original text. The text as published by Dilli Raman Regmi appears to be somewhat incorrect. It is not possible to put forward a correct interpretatipon of the entire text on that basis of the text as quoted by him. nonetheless, it contains a sentence which indicates that three rulers, including Kirti Simha of Dolakha, had taken part in Yaksha Malla's campaign. In order to have a clearer understanding of this point, it is necessary to shed light on certain facts regarding Yaksha Malla's campaign. (To Be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, ISSN: 0034-348X Kathmandu: September 1, 1980. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Year 12, No. 9 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi Contents Page 1. Petiya Allowances 2. Appointment of Harilal Jha as Dittha of Mines 3. Labor Obligations in Panchsayakhola, Kuwakot District 4. Political History of Dolakha 5. Gosain Laxman Giri 6. Regulations for Dullu-Dailekh 7. Miscellaneous Cases in Jumla 8. An Unpublished Letter of Brian N. Hodgson 133 140 138 140 142 143 129 134 Regmi Research (P) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 129. Petiya Allowances Several members of the nobility who had fled to India after the 1846 kot masscree were subsequently granted permission by Prime Minister Jung Bahadur to return home. They were even provided with maintenance allowances, kwon as Patiya, from the state treasury, or else assignments of lands in lieu thereof. Kartik Badi 10, 1909 A petiya allowance of Mohar Rs 266 was sanctioned by His Majesty to the family of Kaji Biradhwaj Basnyat, consisting of his wife, four sons, one daughter-in-law, and a daughter. Lands and homesteads in Deopatan, Pharping and other areas were sanctioned in lieu of the cash allowance. In-kind rents from these lands were convered into cash at official rates for the purpose of the assignment. Particulars were as follows:- Rents on approximately 265 muris of rice lands: 90 muris and 8 pathis of paddy, converted at the rate of 9 pathis a rupee ..... Rs 200-14 6 muris, 2 pathis, 5 manas and 6 muthis of wheat, at the rate of 6 pathis a rupee ..... Rs 20-7 Revenue from homesteads ..... Rs 4107 Ghiukhani levy ..... Rs 3-5 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 349-353. Poush Sudi 5, 1909 Petiya allowances amounting to Mohar Rs 333-5 were sanctioned for the family of Kaji Dalabhanjan Pande, consisting of a son, a daughter-in-law, a grandson (a captain), and a grand daughter-in- law. Lands and homesteads at Khinchet and Bidur in Nuwakot district were assigned in lieu of these allowances. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 375-377. Ashadh Badi 1, 1910 Petiya allowances were sanctioned at the rate of Rs 38 each to the following persons:- (1) Sardar Ranabhadra Simha Bansyat, his elder brother's wife, his wife, two sons, five daughters, one grandson, three grand-daughters, and three daughters-in-law. Total amount: Rs 646. 130. (2) Sardar Samarajit Basnyat' wife, two sons, two daughters-in-law, and two grandsons. Total amount: Rs 266. (3) Captain Jagat Simha Basnyat, his wife, one son, one daughter, and one daughter-in-law. Total amount : Rs 190. (4) Shivadhwaj Pande, his mother, and his wife. Total amount: Rs 114. (5) Khadga Bahadur Pande, his wife, and two sons. Total amount: Rs 152 (6) Ranakeshar Basnyat's wife and daughter-in-law. Total amount: Rs 76. (7) Captain Udit Simha Basnyat, his mother, his wife, his brother, one son, one daughter, and his brother's wife. Total amount: Rs 266. (8) Harkha Bahadur Thapa (grandson of Captain Kirtibir Thapa), his mother, and his brother, Ran Narayan Thapa. Total amount: Rs 114. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 378-383. Baisakh Sudi 14, 1942 Petiya allowance amounting to Mohar Rs 304 had been sanctioned to the family of Kaji Bakhtwar Bhandari, consisting of eight persons. In 1911 Vikrama, lands had been assigned in lieu of this amount. Subsequnelty, they prayed that the lands so assigned to these were not of convenient location. The petiton added. "Our birta, raikar and other lands in Jhiltung have been assigned in lieu of Petiya allowances to Rajadevi, wife of Kaji Ranadhwaj Thapa, and her family. We pray that these lands now be assigned to us." The request was granted. The Petiya lands of the two families were then exchanged with each other. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 60, pp. 54-55. The allowance amounted to Mohar Rs 38 for each of the eight members of the Kaji's family, consisting of his wife, four sons, two daughters-in-law, and one daughter, making a total amount of Rs 304. The amount was originally payable in cash from Kausi Tosakhana. Ashadh Badio 1, 1910. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, p. 378. 131. Jestha Sudi 13, 1912 The following amounts are given in the 16-ganda paisa rupee, with the 22-ganda Mahor rupee equivalents inside parentheses. Fractions of one ganda have been ignored:- 1. Ambar Bikram Shah, son of Chautariya Pushkar Shah One cook and two servants, At Rs 29-5 each 2. Hahendra Bikram Shah, son of Colonel Bir Bikram Shah His brother, Bhujendra Bikram Shah, (above 15 years of age) One brother and one sister Below 15 years of age, Rs 53-4 each 3. Wife and daughter of Chautariya Narahari Bikram Shah, at the rate of Rs 106-8 each Seven servants, at the rate 0f Rs 29-3 each 4. Gajendra Bikram Shah, son of Chautariya Bhim Bikram Shah Two mothers of do, at Rs 106-8 each One brothe (above 15 years of age) Seven servants, at the rate Of Rs 29-3 each 5. Hem Bikram Shah, son of Captain Ran Bikram Shah One sister of do. Seven servants, at the rate Of Rs 29-3 each ..... Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) ..... Rs 87-9 (Rs 63-10) Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) RS 106-8 (Rs 77-7) Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) ..... Rs 213-1 (Rs 154-15) ..... Rs 204-5 (Rs 148-9) Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) Rs 213-1 (Rs 154-15) ..... Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) Rs 204-5 (Rs 148-9) ..... Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) ..... Rs 106-8 (Rs 77-7) ..... Rs 204-5 (Rs 148-9) Jestha Sudi 13, 1912 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 60-66. 132. Ashadh Badi 6 1912 Petiya allowance at the following rates had been sanctioned for the family of General Gagan Simha:- Rs 200 for his son, General Wazir Simha. Rs 304 at the rate of Rs 38 each for General Wazir Simha's two wives, two sons, and four daughters. Rs 360 at the rate of 8 annas daily for his two brothers, Sher Simha and Khadga Simha. Total amount: Rs 864 for 11 persons. Rice-lands yielding an income of Rs 266-4, and pakho lands yielding an income of Rs 597-12 were assigned in lieu of hese allowances from the jagir holding of Prime Minister Jung Bahadur at Timal and Major-General Kedar Narsing at Kirtipur. Particulars of rents collected on the rice-lands, amounting to 175 muris, cultivated by eleven families at Kirtipur, were as follows:- Description 46 muris, 3 pathis, 5 manas of rice 12 muris, 5 pathis, 1 mana of what 10 straw-mats 174 loads of straw 10 loads of firewood Ghiukhane levy Conversion Rate 4 pathis a rupee 6 pathis a Amount (in 22-ganda mohar rupees) Rs 205-3 rupee Rs 40-13 1 anna each R. 0-10 1 paisa each Rs 2-0 2 annas each Rs 1-12 - Rs 16-0 Rs 266-3 Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 72-81. Chaitra Sudi 5, 1912 A homestead at Raitar in Gokarna, Kathmandu district, had been granted to the daughter-in-law of Captain Ranbam Thapa, Jagadivyeshwari Thapa, for residential use under gharbari tenure, in addition to rice-lands and homesteads yieling an income of Mohar Rs 63-12 in lieu of Petiya allowance, Jagadivyashwari Thapa later prayed that these 133. rice-lands and homesteads assigned in lieu of the Petiya allowance be granted to her under gharbari-chhap tenure. The request was granted. The rice-lands, amounting to 13 muris, yielded 3 muris of paddy (converted into money at 9 pathis of rupee), 3 pathis of wheat (do. at 6 pathis a rupee), and 5 annas as ghiukhane levy, making a total amount of Rs 7-7. He homesteads yielded a cash income of Rs 56-5. These lands and homesteads had previously belonged to Kaji Simhabir Pande under gharbari and Patiya tenure. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 68, pp. 155-157. Appoinment of Hiralal Jha as Dittha of Mines On Baisakh sudi 10, 1893 (May 1836), Hiralal Jha was appointed Dittha in charge of copper, lead, iron and other mines througgout the Kingdom. He succeeded Shivanarsingh. Hiralal Jha's functions were prescribed as follows:- (1) To arrange for the continued operation of existing mines, (2) To arrange for prospecting for new mineral deposits and for their explorations, and (3) To collect payments due from mines in the form of money or metals. As Dittha, Hiralal Jha received a salary of Rs 1,200 a year. Other employees, and their salaries, were as follows:- 1 Nausinda ..... Rs 120 4 Ditthas to tour different areas, inspect existing mines and arrange for prospecting and exploration of new mineral resource ..... Rs 200. 134. 2 Tahabildars ..... Rs 100 ..... Peons to tour different mines for the purpose of collecting payments in the form of money or metals ..... Rs 250. Baisakh Sudi 10, 1993 Regmi Research Collecion, Vol. 45, pp. 455-57. ************* Labor Obligations in Panchasayakhola, Nuwakot District During the Nepal-Tibet war, the obligation to provide hulak services of both thaple (for the transportation of supplies) and Kagate (for the transportation of mail) from Ramche to Timure in Rasuwa was imposed on the inhabitants of Panchsayakhola in Nuwakot. Arrangements in this regard were made by an official them deputed by the Sadar Defdarkhana. Subsequenlty, the local people complained that both thaple and kagate hulak obligations had been imposed on the villages located within the Panchsayakhola area. On tier behalf, Tserba Khansang Wangdi submitted a petition to Prime Minister Jung Bahadur praying that these two obligations be imposed separately. Accordingly, an order was issued on Falgun Sudi 14, 1911, specifying the villages where thaple and kagate obligations should be imposed separately. Particulars were as follows:- Kagate-Hulak Post Village Timure ..... Byum Baglaguan ..... Pachun Bharku ..... Chilime Thade ..... Archale Briding ..... Letang Syafru ..... Goljung 135. Dhunche ..... Galang Grang ..... Parchyang Ramche ..... Yarsa Thaple Hulaki Post Village Timure ..... Timure Baglagaun ..... Bagla Bharku ..... Bharku Thade ..... Thade Ramche ..... Ramche Briding ..... Briding Syafru ..... Syafru Dhunche ..... Dhunche Grang ..... Grang Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 33, pp. 219-221. *********** Political History of Dolakha (Continued from the August 1980 issue). Yaksha Malla had succeeded in extending his influence from Gorkha and Palpa in the west to Mithila in the east. Circumstancs were favorable to him at the time. In the meantime, the power of the Khasa Kingdom in the Karnali region in the west had become weak. This Kingdom finally disintegranted and was in the process of being split up into the Baisi principalities. (Danavajra Vijracharya, Karnali pradeshko Aitihasika Ruparekha, op. cit. pp. 42-44). At one time, the Khasa Kingdom touched the borders of Gorkha. (Mohan Prasad Khanal, Madhyakalko Abhilekha (Medieval inscriptions), Kathmandu, 2030 (1973), pp. 1.13). After the disintegration of the Khasa Kingdom, the Baisi 136 principalities ceased to have any influence in the Gandaki region. It was at this moment that Yaksha Malla extended his influence up to Gorkha and Palpa. (In his commentary on a work captained Narapaticharya, Jagajyotir Malla, a descendant of Yaksha Malla, has described his military campaigns up to Mithila, Magadh, Gaya and Bengal, as well as up to Gorkha and Palpa. (Hara Prasad Catalogue, p. 107). Some historians regard this account as exaggerated, but the evidence suggests that Yaksha Malla had controlled the region up to Gorkha and Palpa for some time. Kirkpatrick (p. 266) has mentiond that Yaksha Malla had also conquered Sikarjoong in the north). Economic conditions were good during the time of Yaksha Malla. The people wrer happy because it was a time of prosperity (This is shown by a stone inscription of 1510 Vikrama found at Pharping. Mohan Prasad Khanal, Madhyakalko Abhilekha, op. cit.), Yaksha Malla, therefore, decided to extend his influence to the Mithila region. He started making preparations for the expenditon. He firest deemed it necessary to associate in his plans the Samanta rulers of area located on the route leading out of the Valley, because he felt that he would face trouble if they joined the enemy during war. In Jestha 573 Nepal era (1,510 Vikrama) he made the Samanta rulers of Gumvihar (Sankhu), Manigal (Lalitpur) and Pharping take oath on the idol of Pashupati, because the main entry and exit points of the Valley werer located at these places. The routes leading to Thankot, Chapagaun and Lele were situated within Manigal. The route leading to the south through Pharping was also much in use. The route leading towards Banepa, Khopasi and Sindhuli passed through Bhaktapur. The Sankhu route to the north also was very popular. Yaksha Malla, therefore, concluded treaties with the Samanta rulers of these areas. (Dilli Raman Regmi, Medieval Nepal, Vol. 3, pp. 72-73). Immediately thereafter, Yaksha Malla, with the assistance of the entire people, converted Bhaktapur town into a strong fort. (Dhanavajra Vajracharya, "Mallakalama Deshrakshako Vyavastha," Purnima, No. 2, pp-23-36. Trans. in Regmi Research Series, Year 2, No. 5, May 1970, pp. 110-14). After making such security arrangements, he started his campaign against Champaran, Lohabar and other Koki Kingdoms. According to the Dolakha manuscript mentioned above, Kirtisimha and others participated in the Campaign in the month of Falgun 574 Nepal era (1510 Vikrama). This shows that Dolakha too had become militarily strong by that time. (Dilli Raman Regmi, Medieval Nepal, Vol. 1, p. 429). According to the Vamshavali found at Dolakha, Kirtisimha ruled Dolakha in the capacity of a Samanta until 1531 Vikrama. (Mohan Prasad Khanal, Nepalaka Kehi Mallakalinka Abhilekha (Some inscriptions of Nepal during the Mall periond, p. 5). However, no inscription of his time has yet been discovered in Dolakha. 137. The fight for succession which occurred among the sons and grandsons of Yaksha Malla after his death had repercussions outside the Valley in Dolakha and elsewhere also. We must, therefore, describe what was happening at the center at this time. Although Yaksha Malla possessed many qualities, he lacked foresight. As a result, he was unable to pay any attention to the question of introducing reforms in the administion. There was no tradtion that the eldest son of the King sould succeed him. the eldest son had, of course, greater rights, but the other sons too could rule jointly. There was no proper division of powers among such joint rulers. The clever ones would try to monopolies all power. (Dhanavajra Vijracharya, "Chautara Bhagiratha Bhaiya," Purnima, No. 5, p. 32). This led to civil war on many occasions. But even a ruler such as Yaksha Malla was unable to introduce any reforms in this system. instead, he further encouraged it. There was no tradition of making the King's daughter's son as joint ruler, but Yaksha Malla nominated Bhima Malla, his daughter's son, as one long with his own sons. (Itihasa-Samshodhanako Pramana Pramaya, Lalitpur: Jagadamba Prakashan, pp. 133-39). Yaksha Malla had several queens and number of sons by them. In nis old age, he was unable to control them properly. His sons were, therefore, eagerly looking forward to his death so to be able to attain power themselves. Ratna Malla, in particular, was eager to grab power. (Itihasa-Samshodhanako Pramana- Prameya, op. cit. p. 133). The eldent son, Raya Malla, was of a simple nature. He wanted to keep his brothers happy to the best of his capacity, hence he did not try to check their ambitions. But the consequences were not good. The ambitious Ratna Malla planned to remain joint ruler of Bhaktapur and eventually declare himself independent. He first cast his eyes on Kantipur Samantas. These Samantas had to be removed if Ratna Malla was to extend his control over Kantipur. He achieved this object through intrigue and then established the joint rule of himself and a brother over Kantipur. (Ibid, pp. 133 and 136). Kantipur was thus detached from the control of the central government. Raya Malla and his sons did not like this development, but he did not rasie any stronge opposition. The clever Ratna Malla then incited his brother. Rana Malla, and his sister's son, Bhima Malla, to declare their independence. Consequently, Rana Malla established his rule in Banepa and the adjoining even villages. Raya Malla naturally offered opposition when thee plans of Ratna Malla to weaken the center intensified, Ratna Malla then incited his brothers and his nephew against Raya Malla. A treaty was then signed in 1552 Vikrama. (Dilli Raman Regmi, Medieval Nepal, Vol. 3, pp. 90- 91). Lalitpur was the next to be detached from the authority of the central government through the efforts of Ratna Malla and his faction. But the 138. Mahapatras of Lalitpur had become alert on seeing the fate of their counterparts in Kantipur. They, therefore, arranged for their own security even while supporting Ratna Malla. Simultaneously, some of them engaged in a conspiracy to take advantage of the internal strife among the Malla rulers. (To be continued) Gosain Laxman Giri In June 1809, Gosain Laxman Giri was granted an ijara for revenue collection in Rautahat district. The ijara was valid for a five-year period, but Laxman Giri did not remain alive to to complete assignment. He was killed in 1811 in a border clash with the Zamindar of Bettiah, Raja Bir Kishor Singh. The ijara placed Laxman Giri under the obligation of making a payment of Rs 99,632-13 in five instalements every year. In consideration of that payment, he was granted authority to collect and appropriate revenue from all prescribed sources in the area under his jurisdiction, including land taxes, parturage taxes, duties on the export of timber and other forest products, and customs and transit duties and other commercial taxes. In addition, he was granted the power to administer justice and appropriate income from fines and penalties. However, the government retained the right to appropriate revenue from a number of reserved sources, such as fines and penalties on cases disposed of directly from Kathmandu as well as panchakhet cases and escheat property worth more than Rs 100 in each case. The ijaradar was, however, instructed to supply to the government ivory and rhinoceros and bison horn procured in the district exclusive of his fiscal obligations uder these ijara arrangements. Regulations were promulgated simultaneously prescribing in detail the manner in which Laxman Giri was to exercise the powers vested in him in the capacity of an ijaradar. An abstracxt translation of these regulations is given below:- 1. Recruit troops to repulse invasion from any quarter if there is no time to seek instructions from the Palace. After the invasion is repulsed, pay off such troops and dismiss them. Reasonable expenses incurred on this account shall be debited. 139. 2. If any local Jimidar, birtaowner, jagirdar, or other functionary files a complaint against you, as shall give a hearing to both sides and punish the person who confesses his guilt. 3. Suitable punishment shall be inflicted on any person who confesses before the court of having been guilt of murder, burglary, cow slaughter or rebellion. 4. Provide suitable hospitality to any British official, Raja, Nawab, or other dignitary who may visit our territories on our business. Reasonable expenses incurred for such hospitality shall be debited. Gifts and presents brought by them shall be transmitted to us. 5. In case any birtaowner or jagirdar encroaches upon raikar lands, conduct an investigation in the presense of local functionaries and resume as raikar the area so encroached upon. Rafer the matter to us and punish the guilty person as ordered. 6. If a thief is caught red-handed, or if he confesses his crime, refer the matter to us and punish him with death by hanging or beheading, amputation or fines as ordered according to this caste status. 7. Do not permit forced and unpaid labor to be exacted indiscriminately in the district. Exact such labor only for government requirements. Labor shall be employed for private purposes only on payment of wages at the rate of 2 annas daily. 8. Collect fines and penalties at the rates prescribed in 1793. Allot forest lands for reclamation on terms and conditions prescribed in that year. Refer such allotments to us for confirmation. 9. All birta, jagir or other land grants made in the district after 1809 shall be referredc to you. Select suitable lands for the purpose of such grants in areas where taxes have been imposed. The amount stipulated for payment under the ijara shall then be reduced accordingly. 10. Confirm the emoluments customarily granted to local functionaries, and the concessions customarily granted to ryots. Any arbitarary action in these matters shall be severely punished. References 1. "Ijara Grant to Gosain Laxman Giri for Revenue Collection in Rautahat District," Jestha Sudi 11, 1866 (June 1809). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 40, pp. 54-58. 2. "Ijara Regulations for Rautahat District in the Name of Gosain Laxman Giri." Jestha Sudi 11, 1866 (June 1809), Ibid, pp. 59-62. 140. Regulations for Dullu-Dailekh The people of Dullu-Dailekh complained to Kathmandu that local administrations and other officials had acted in contravention of the royal order promulgated previously reconfirming their customs and usages. Their petition was referred t the government through Chautariya Pushkar Shah, chief administrator of the district. The following royal order was then promulgated on Aswin Sudi 4, 1879. Chak-Chakui fines imposed on persons guilty of adultery, shall be remitted as before in the case of the sacred-thread-wearing (tagadhari) khas caste, as well as of therthok families who were exempt from such fines during the reign of former Kings. They shall also be exempted from the obligation to surrender their escheat property to the state. Sexual relations with a married woman who is living on her parents' home, as well as with wife's younger sister or an elder brother's wife have customarily not been deemed to be a punishable offense. This custom shall be followed in the future also. For other punishable offenses, fines ranging between Rs 5 and Rs 25 shall be imposed according to the caste status of the guilty person. He shall not be enslaved. In the case of castes where Chak-Chakui fines are customarily imposed, the rate of the fine shall range between Rs 5 and Rs 15. The guilty person shall not be enslaved. The husband may, if he so likes, keep his wife who is guilty of adultery (chakui), but the adulterer (chak) shall be punished with a fine. Caste of offender Maximum rate of fine Brahman, Thakuri Rs 25 Khas Rs 20 Matwala castes Rs 15 Pauni castes Rs 10 The actual rate of fine shall depend upon the naure of the relationship between the adulterer and the adulteress. A person belonging to the Dum caste shall be punished with a fine of Rs 5 if he engaged in sexual intercourse with a woman of equivalent caste who is not related to him. 141. In case a man belonging to a lower caste engaged in sexual intercourse with a woman belonging to a higher caste, a maximum fine of Rs 25 shall be imposed according to the status of the caste. Neither the man nor the woman shall be enslaved. If any person commits adultery with a married woman belonging to the Thakuri caste, the husband shall take his revenge himself. The local administrator (amali) shall take no action. No tax shall be collected except under authority of a royal order. Lands and homesteads which have become escheat shall be reallotted to a respectable person (bhala-manis). The local administrator shall not keep the holding vacant. In case any person commits an offense which must be punished by the local administration, a fine equal to the value of the claim shall be imposed according to the circumstances. Fines shall not be collected in an arbitarary manner. Except in times of famine, rice shall be sold at the following rates: Season Price per rupee Kartik to Chaitra 10 pathis Baisakh to Aswin 8 pathis Rice shall be measured in pathis and manas supplied by us in the Vikrama year 1878. Any visiting official, soldier or other person who elopes with the daughter or daughter-in-law of any person through enticement or abduction shall be arrested and handed over to the authorities at the district headquarters. The guilty person shall be duly punished, and the woman restored to ther family. No person shall revive any dispure which had occurred during the reign of former Kings. Lands were customarily sold and purchased in Dullu-Dailekh during the reign of former Kings. We hereby reconfirm this custom on condition that taxes due on such lands are paid as usual. Regmi Reseach Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 360-363. 142. Miscellaneous Cases in Jumla Bichari Shivanidhi and Bichari Kusumakara, who had been deputed to Jumla, petitioned to Kathmandu for instructions in a number of cases. Particulars of the cases, and of orders issued from Kathmandu, are as follows:- Item 1. So far, the local administrator (amali) has been collection fines from persons guilty of illicit sexual intercourse with their step-mother, mother's sister, wife of elder or younger brothers, wife of mother' brother, mother-in-law, etc. After we were appointed here, such cases have been referred to us. Should action be taken against the guilty persons as before, or should we torture them, obtain a confession, and inflict physical punishment on them? Order. Dispose of cases involving illicit sexual intercourse with close relatives which are referred to you after inflicting the usual penalties. Item 2. Thanis, Tharis and Brahmans have been collecting rents (kut) on their birta lands from their tenants (dhakre). In the Vikram year 1862, birtas were confiscated, registered on a taxable basis (Sirto) in the names of the tenants who had been cultivating them, and placed under the jurisdiction (Jimma) of the dispossessed Brahmans themselves. The local people have complained to us that these Brahmans collect from them not only the new tax (Sirto) imposed in that year, but also rents (Kut) in the same manner as when the lands were under birta tenure. What action should we take on such complaints? Order. The amount collected as rent from tenants by Thanis, Tharis, and Brahmans in the same manne as when the lands were under birta tenure, in addition to the tax (Sirto) assessed by settlement officers (Janchaki) after the birtas were confiscated, shall be recovered from them and refunded to the tenants. A fee of ten percent of the amount shall also be collected. The persons who have collected rents in this manner shall be punished with fines. Item 3. Should people who gamble without staking money be punished? Order. A little ...... (words missing in the text). People who gamble without staking money shall be severely punished. Item 4. At the time when Sardar Balabhanyan Pande was administrator of Jumla, Dhuwa Shahi, Siru Padhya and Srikrishna Shahi held a trial by ordeal in the case of Saraswati, a Brahman woman accused of having engaged in sexual intercourse with a Dum man. The woman lost the case and the Dum was hanged to death. Later these Lama persons collected a Baksauni fee of Rs 21 from the Brahman woman, held a fresh trial or ordeal, in whch she was declared innocent. They men permitted her to offer water from her hands to high-caste people. 143. Order. The verdict in the trial by ordeal conducted during the time of Sardar Balabhamjan Pande shall be held valid, and the Brahman woman shall be obstracised in respect to the use of water. Those persons who had set aside the previous verdict shall be punished. Item 5. Dayaram Simkhad asked his debtor, a Dum boy of 12 or 13 years of age, who had taken a loan of two rupees, to work as porter during the trip to Tibet. When the boy refused, Dayaram Simkhada beat the boy's mother, and also kicked the boy severely in the neck with shod feet. Unable to bear the agony, the boy jumped into the Karnali river and died. His uncle has appeared before us to complain. Should the Brahman (Dayaram Simkhada) be punished or not? Order. The creditor is only entitled to get his money back, not to beat the debtor with shod feet. Dayaram Simkhada shall be punished for having done so. the Dum shall be told that he need to pay back the loan. Item 6. The local people demand that the customary practice of using the 16-anna rupee for tax payments, and the 13-anna rupee for the payment of fines, be retained. What unit should we use? Order. Fines shall be collected in the unit of payment customarily followed in different areas. Bhadra Badi 2, 1885 (August 1827) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, pp. 119-22. ********** An Unpublished Letter of Brian H. Hodgson Nepal Residency, G. Woodcock Esq., Joint Magistrate March 25th 1942. Champarun. Sir, By direction of Mr. Secretary Halliday I have this day transmitted hence an route to Calcutta twenty-four packages of Nepalese paper pulp which will be delivered to you by my people and which I requested you will be pleased to forward to their destination in the most convenient manner, sending me your bill of charges for the same. 144. 2. Your best plan, I apprehend, will be to transmit the package to Patna to the Magistrate's care and further disposal. But if the land carriage between Motiharee and Patna seem likely to come high as compared with water carriage, perhaps the preferale method might be to send the packages direct by water from Govind Gang to Calcutta by a small safe boat under charge of a Burkundaz of your own. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient servant, B. B. Hodgson, Resident. Source: "Register of Letters Received from January 1842 to June 1842," pp. 344-45, Bihar State Archives, Patna. At another place, Hodgson has written: The raw produce or pulp (beat up into bricks) has been sent to England, and declared by the ablest persons to be of unrivalled excellance, as a material for the manufacture of that sort of paper upon which proof-engravings are taken off. The manufactured produce of Nepal is for office-records incomparable, better then any Indian paper, being a strong and durable as leather almost, and quite smooth enough o write on. It has been adopted in one or two offices in the plains, and ought to be generally substituted for the flimsy friable material to which we commit all our records. Source: Brian H. Hodgson, "On the Native Method of Making the Paper, denominated in Hindustan, Nepalese," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. 1, No. 1, January 1832, p. 11. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-34X Kathmandu : August 1, 1980 REGMI RESEARHC SERIES Year 12, No. 10 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ******** Contents 1. Miscellaneous Notes on Nepal-India Trade ..... 2. Prices in Kathmandu, 1905 3. Appointment of Chaudhari in Phena, Bardiya District 4. Export of Hides from Dang District ..... 5. Political History of Dolakha ..... *********** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Page 145 ..... 151 ..... 152 154 155 145. Miscellaneous Notes on Nepal-India Trade Nepal-Tirhut Trade, 1791 R. Bathurst, Collector of Tirhut, gave the following list of exports and imports between Nepal and India on February 2, 1792: Exports to Nepal: Salt, white woolen cloth, muslim, malda cloth, English red cloth, Hindustan shoes, muskets, metmegs, clove, pepper, soopari, cocoanuts, all sorts of pulse, opium. Imports from Nepal: Cold dust, crude borax, ivory, wax, cow's tails, lead, iron, copper, cochin cloth, chints, cinnamon, honey, sallajeet, tin. Source: P. C. Roy chaudhary, Muzaffarpur Old Records, Patna Secretariat Press, 1959, pp. 116-17. According to another source: "IN 1790 the Collector reported that imports from Nepal consisted of timber, ready-made woodwork, rice and paddy, other grains, Bhutan blankets, cotton, large cardamoms, oranges, wax, madder, drugs, lac, catechu or terra japonica, frankincence, iron, rhinoceros horn and hides, mainas, parrots, and falcons. Import fron Nepal, 1791 Timber ..... Rs 70,000 Readymade Woodwork ..... Rs 10,000 Rice and paddy ..... Rs 150,000 Other grain ..... Rs 50,000 Bhutan blankets ..... Rs 1,000 Cotton ..... Rs 3,000 Large cardamoms ..... Rs 2,000 Orange ..... Rs 500 Wax ..... Rs 5,000 Madder and drugs ..... Rs 2,000 Lac ..... Rs 2,000 Catechu ..... Rs 4,000 146. Frankincense Iron Rhinoceros horns Hides Mainas and Parrots Falcons Rs 500 Rs 500 Rs 3,000 Rs 1,000 Rs 500 Rs 1,000 Toal Rs 304,000 Source: Wilson Invilson Hunter, A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. 4: Districts of Monghyr and Purniah, London: Trubner and Col., 1876, p. 380. 2. Nepal's Trade Through Chumparun "The principal exports of this District are timber, hides, opium, Indigo, sugar, slatpetre and grain. Vast quantities of the latter pass through Chumparun on its way fron Nepaul to Chumparun, Dinapore and Patna. You will observe that Chumparun is a strip of country running North-West and South-East. Its southern and south western boundary is the Gunduch, a river navigable at all times of the year. Water carriage is much cheaper than land carriage and is always used in preference. During the cold season the road leading from the Ghauts on the Gunduck into the district and Nepaul are covered with carts, ponies and domkies while the main road to Tirhoot is comparatively little used." Source: "Letter No. 113 of 21 May 1800 from Collector and Magistrate of Saran to Superintending Engineer, Bihar Circle, Gaya," in Chumparun District Records, Bihar State Archives.Patna. "The main trade route to Nepal lies through Chumparun ..... The bulk of the trade passes through Raxaul, the terminus of the Sugauli-Raxual branch railway. The railways are the main arteries of commerce, but the Gandak and the Burhi Gandak also carry much traffic. Source> The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. 10, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1809, p. 143. Purnea District "Transit dues are levied by the Nepal government on both exports and imports. The frontier is divided into a certain number of portions, known as sair mahals, which are farmed out for a term of years to contractors called Chaudharis. The duty on exports is levied either by weight 147. or ad valorem, and payment in kind is seldom received. A cart load of dhan, or unhusked rice, pays a fee of 9 annas, or 1s. 1d., before leaving Nepal; a cart-load of raw jute pays 5 annas, or 7d., and the same quantity of raw cotton Rs 1.4.0. 0 2s. 6d. a [..........]-load of dhan or of cotton is subjected to a duty of one anna per load, which generally weights under 1 mans. Rice or cotton carried on pack-ponies pays a duty of one anna in the rupee, or 6 percent. In the case of ghi, mustard, tobacco, and ginger, a duty of 1 annas is levied per rupee (9 3/8 percent). Gunny and cloths pay half a rice, or 3/16d., on each piece. These are the rates fixed by the Nepali government, but they are frequently exceeded, as the farmer is practically under no control. At some places, the subdivisional officer of Krishnaganj found that the rate on mustard, jute, ghi, tobacco, rice and paddy was the same, namely, six pice, or 2d., on every two shillings worth purchased. In other parts, rice and paddy paid at the rate of one anna on the rupee. The duty on exports from Nepal is paid at the time of purchase in the local market, and the purchaser is there punished with a pass or char chitta. The goods are only examined on the frontier, to see if the description on the Pass corresponds with the article exported. Smuggling, if detected, is punished by the levy of double duty. Source: W. W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. 4: Districts of Monghyr and Purniah, London, Trubner and Co., 1876, pp. 382-83. "The trans-frontier trade with Nepal (through Purnea) is carried by carts, coolies, and pack-animals, the principal imports from Nepal being rice and paddy, jute, guuny bags, mustard seed, and timber, and the chief exports salt, sugar, kerosene oil, cotton twist, and piece-goods. Source: The Imperial Gazatteer of India, Vol. 20, Oxford Clarendon Press, 1908, p. 417. 1. Kathmandu_Patna Trade, 1811-12 "The only commerce that can be called external is a little with Nepal. Some merchants of Patna send broad cloth, muslims, silks, spices and Manihari goods and bring back bees wax, borax, gold dust, Thibet bulls tails, musk, the woolen cloth called tush, and many medicinal herbs. ..... Some merchants of Nepal trade in nearly the same articles to nearly an equal extent. The whole trade of Nepal however, does not come this way, especially the timber from their lower provinces, and I presume a good deal of grain, both of which must be purchased by traders in Gorakhpur, Betiya and Tirahut, and very considerable sums must be paid by those who feed their cattle in the Nepalese woods. The elephants caught there must also come annually to something considerable. All however is not adequate to pay for the goods sent from Patna, and silver coin to about 2000 rupees is supposed to be sent in balance. The Puja has a kind of factory at Patna 148. for supplying his court with luxuries, but the agents sell some of the productions of their country, such probably as the Raja has received as presents. It is probable that a considerable portion of the balance against Nepal arises from the purchase of fire arms and nitre, although this is of cource most carefully conceded." Source: Francis Buchanan, An Account of the Districts of Bihar and Patna in 1811-12 Patna,Bihar and Orissa Research Society, n.d., bk. 3, p. 368. "In the District of Patna, the principal mat is Patna City, a place of considerable importance as a commercial depot. It central poition at the junction of the three great rivers, the Son, the Gandak and the Gangas, where the traffic of the North-Western Provinces meets that of Bengal, and where the traffic braches off to Nepal, gives it i.. this respect great advantages." Source: W. W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. XI: Patna and Saran, London: Trubner and Co., 1877, p. 154. However, the direct trade carried on by Patna with Nepal was not considerable. During the 6- month period ended March 1876, Patna dispatched to Nepal 4,587 mds (168 tons), including spices and condiments (36%), of copper and brass manufactures (16%), and betel nuts (11%). This did not include European cotton goods (Rs 87,025) and miscellaneous native goods (Rs 10,935). Ibid, p. 179. Nepal-India Trade Throgh the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh "Mirzapur was the great centre of trade, owing to its position on the Ganges. Here came merchants from the Deccan fand Bundelkhand, with raw cotton and indigo, shaiwl merchants from the west and traders from Nepal, taking away piece-goods, raw silk, and spices from Bengal, and tin and copper imported from overseas. Source: Imperial Gazetteer of India (Provicial Series), Vol. 1: United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Calcutta: Superintendent of Government of Printing, 1908, Vol. 1, p. 84. "The value of the imports from Nepal has risen from 57 lakhs in 1880\-1 to 59 lakhs in 1890-1 and 81 lakhs in 1900-1. The principal items and thers value in 1900-1 were: grain 35 lakhs, chiefly rice, ghi 11 lakhxs, oilseeds 7 lakhs, timber 3 lakhs, gums and resins 1 lakh, and spices 1 lakh. Tbe exports have risen from 32 lakhs in 1880-1 to 34 lakhs in 1890-1 and 43 lakhs in 1900-1; including cotton goods 27 lakhs, satl 4 lakhs, sugar 3 lakhs and metals 2 lakhs. In 1903-4 the imports were valued at 115 lakhs and the exports at 45 lakhs. Ibid, p. 88. 149. Bareilly District "Grain oilseeds,and spices from Nepal are carried largely by a branch of the railway which terminates on the frontier close to Nepalganj, and piece-goods, metals, salt, tobacco, and sugar enter Nepal from the same place. .. The total traffic with Nepal is valued at 25 to 30 lakhs." Ibid, Vol. 2, p. 413. At Bahramghat, on the road from Lucknow to Gonda, there is still large traffic in timber and grain from Nepal. ..... Timber is sawn here, and there is a small manufacture of furniture." Ibid, Vol. 2, p. 447. "Bareilly handless much of the trade with Nepal and the hills, (In 1900), imports from Nepal amounted to 1,294,445 maunds, including 555, 839 of grain and pulses, 118,241 of wood, and large quantities of metals, salt, stone and lime, oils and piece-goods. There is still a considerable amount of road traffic, though much of the trade which was formerly borne by roads has been gradually absorbed by the railways as the two systems have extended." Source: H.R, Nevill, District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Vol. 13, Bareilly, allahabad, Government Press, United Provinces, 1911, p. 69. Pilibhit District "In former dasy timber was an important article of trade, but the business received a severe setback with the session of the best sal forests to Nepal. ..... IN connection with trade..... perhaps the most important feature is the large through traffic with Nepal, a very considerable proportion of which passes through Piplibhit." Source: H. R. Nevill, District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Vol. 18, Polibhit, Allahabad Government Press, United Provinces, 1909, p. 73. "The imports from Nepal comprise for the most part ghi, rice, oilseeds, hides, drugs, and various goodgrains, while in former days timber was an important item. Other articles include cattle, dyes, turmeric and oilcake.the principal exports on the other hand are European and Indian cotton goods, petroleum, foodgrains and fruit, notably the pineapples forwhich Pilibhit is famed. The the five years ending in 1907 the imports amounted on an average to 53,841 maunds of goods and 9,500 cubic feet of timber annually, the estimated value being Rs 7,01,832; while the exports average 12,777 maunds, the registered value being Rs 68,704. This trade is steadily on the increase. ..... In 1877 ..... the total value of the imports was RS 1,20,500, while that of exports was not more than Rs 14,585. 150. "For the Nepal trade he chief roads are still the roads leading to Pilibhit from Tanakpur, Male-Ghat and Mundi-Ghat." Ibid, p. 74. 3. Nepal-India Trade, 1893 "Farther east, the Independent State of Nepal cuts off direct intercourse with Tibet for a total length of nearly 700 miles, bordering the North-Western Provinces, Oudh, and Bihar. Little trade is allowed to filter through Nepal, to and from Tibet (amounting in value in 1890-91 to Rx. 119,017 for both imports and exports), yet a very large traffic is everywhere carried on along the frontier between the Nepalis and British subjects. The Nepal government levies transit duties impartially on all commodities; but it is asserted that their fiscal tarin is not intended to be protective, and does not in fact operate as such. Markets are held at countless villages along the boundar, for the exchange of rural produce and articles of daily consumptionl; and many cart tracts cross the line fron our side, to lose themselves in the Nepal tarai. The principal trade route is that which starts from Patna, and proceeds nearly due north through Chumparun District to the capital of Kathmandu; but even this is not passable throughout for wheeled traffic. From Khatmandu, two routes brach off over the central range of the Himalayas, which both ultimately come down into the Valley of the Tsampu, or great river of Tibet. "In 1877-78, the registered trade with Nepal (which is doubtless below the truth) amounted to a total of Rs 1,678,000, of which more than two-thirds was conducted by Bengal. The imports from Nepal were valued at Rx. 1,054,000, the principal items being foodgrains and oilseeds, cattle, /_figure prominently in the returns are musk, borax, Chireta, madder, cardamoms, Chauris or yak-tails, ginger, balehar or scented grass, furs, and hawls. The Indian exports to Nepal in 1877-78 were valued at Rx. 633,000, chiefly European and native piece-goods (of cotton, sugar, and spices. To these may be added the miscellaneous articles which may be usually found in a pedler's pack. In 1890-91, the total imports Bengal amounted to Rx. 1,841,145, and the exports from British India to Rx. 1,308,518, grand total Rx 3,149,663. Source: Sir Willian Wilson Hunter, The Indain Empire, its People, History and Products, London, W. H. Allen and Co., 1893, p. 691. /_timber, and horns. Other articles of import which do not 151. "Trade with Nepal fluctuates, but without making any considerable advance from year to year. A large proportion of this trade does not pass into or from Nepal proper at all, but is trade between the Tarai, which was ceded by the British Government to Nepal after the mutiny, and the adjoining British Districts." Source: The Imperial Gazatteer of India, Vol. 3, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907, p. 300. Prices in Kathmandu, 1905 Prices per rupee Tauli paddy ..... 4 pathis Tauli rice ..... 1 pathi, 7 mana, 5 muthi Bleckgrand (urd) ..... 1 pathi, 6 mana Maize ..... 3 pathis Salt ..... 7 mana, and 5 muthi Mustard oil ..... 54 paisa per kuruwa Prices current in Kathmandu on Jestha 2, 1962 (May 15, 1905), reproduced in the Gorkhapatra, Bhadra 27, 2037 (September 12, 1980). 152. Appointemnt of Chaudhari in Phena, Bardiya District Phena is a revenue-division (tappa) situated in the district of Bardiya in the far-western Tarai region. The entire district was owned by the Rana family under birta tenure. There was a separate revenue office (mal) to collect revenue on behalf of the birtaowners. The collection of revenue in Phena was the responsibility of a Chaudhari, Sheo Prasad Tharu, under the supervision of the Bardiya Mal Office. Some time during 1937 Vikram (AD 1880), Sheo Prasad Tharu was imprisoned because he was unable to pay up arrears due from him. Two peitiions were then submitted to Kathmandu for appointment to that office:- (1) Chaudhari Dalajit Raya, in his petition, offered to pay up arrears due from Sheo Prasad if he was so appointed. He prayed that he also be permitted to administer justice in Phana and appropriate fron fines and penalties. (2) Subba Thagairam of the Bardiya Mal Office prayed that his cousin, Baijanath Tharu, whom he had already deputed to collect revenue in Phena, be appointed as Chaudhari. On behalf of Baijanath Tharu, he too offered to pay up arrears due from Sheo Prasad. On Ashadh Sudi 6, 1901 (June 1884), the government sent the following instructions to the Bardiya Mal Office:- (1) According to the Administrative Regulations (Kitapi Sawal), neither revenue-collection officers (amali) nor their relatives are entitled to be appointed as Chaudharis. The regulations also prescribe that hillsmen be appointed as Chaudharis and Jimidars so long as they are available. As such, Baijanath Tharu, who is a brother of Subba Thagairam, cannot be appointed as Chaudhari. (2) As regards the petition of Chaudhari Dalajit Raya, action may be taken according to the law and regulations. So far as his request for the right to administer justice is concerned, notifications have already been issued that this function will be discharged by the jimidar of each mauja, and that cases that the jimidar is unable to dispose of, or appeals against his decision, shall be heard and disposed of by the Court (Adalat). The Chaudhari, therefore, cannot be empowered to administer justice in the Parganna. If Chaudhari Dalajit Raya accepts this condition, and if he is willing to pay up arrears due from Sheo Prasad in a single installment, he may be appointed as Chaudhari of Phena. 153. This order was duly communicated to Chaudhari Dalajit Raya. However, he refused to receive the appointment on the following grounds: (1) The right to administer justice has not been granted. (2) Inquiries have revealed that several maujas of Phena have been depopulated, and hat the full amount of revenue cannot be collected from most of them. As such, I may lose Rs 400 or Rs 500 every year if I take up the appointment. Subba Thagairam then reported to Kathmandu: Baijanath Tharu is my fourth cousin. Our families have lived separately for four generations part. Only one-fourth of the population of Bardiya district is perhaps not related to me. Some are Chaudharis, others are jimidars, while yet others are cultivators or even plow-hands. Subba Thagairam also reported that Sheo Prasad, the former Chaudhari, had meanwhile died in jail. He added, "Because no new Chaudhari has been appointed in Phena, the jimidars of a few villages have offered their regisnation." Meanwhile, Raghu Chaudhari, son of Sheo Prasad Tharu, submitted a petition praying that he be appointed Chaudhari of Phena from 1941 Vikrama (A.D. 1884). The petition stated:- (1) Our family has been functioning as Chaudhari of Phena for four or five generations past from the time of the Nawabs and the British. After the far-western Tarai region was incorporated into the Kingdom of Nepal, my father, Sheo Prasad Tharu, was reconfirmed as Chaudhari. (2) Until the Vikrama year 1953 (A.D.1878), my father made revenue collections in full. During 1936 Vikrama (A.D. 1879), he was able to collect only 50 percent. Meanwhile, the government sent an order in the name of Subba Thagairam to the effect that Chaudharis who had not been able to make collections in full should be dismissed. At that time, arrears amounting to Rs 2111-9 had become due from my father, Subba Thagairam informed him that he would be reconfirmed in his post if he paid up the arrears. As he was unable to do so, or even to furnish surety, our property was auctioned. The proceeds amounted to Rs 60-12, thus still leaving Rs 1509-13 as arrears. My father, Sheo Prasad Tharu, was then imprisoned. He die in jail. (3) I hereby undetake to pay up the amount of Rs 1509-13 mentioned above. I also undertake to pay up in installments approximately Rs 1800 due for the year 1938 Vikrama (A.D. 1881) which had fallen into arrears when crops failed in that year because of drought, and which Subba Thagairam has paid pensonally. In addition, I undetake to pay up by the end of 1941 Vikrama (A.D. 1884) all arrears due for the Vikrama years 1939-40 (A.D. 1882-83). The Madhesh Bandobast Adda recommended that Raghu Chaudhari offer be accepted in the existing circumstances, even though current regulations prescribed that the sons and grandsons of defaulting Chaudharis and jimidars should be be appointed as their successors. This recommendation was endorsed by Prime Minister Ranoddip Simha on Baisakh Badi 11, 1942 (April 1885) Regmi Reseach Collection Vol. 51, pp. 1012-35. ******************* Export of Hides from Dang District Bidulal, a resident of Chilli in Dang district, submitted the following petition to chief Colonel Lok Bahadur Thapa Chhetri: Hides are being exported from Dang district only on payment of dutied (sair). At times, foreign chamars (i.e. leather-worker) purchase hides in Dang and smuggle the commodity to India through prohibited tracks. Bidulal, therefore, offered to pay Rs 500 to the government every year for a three-year period if granted a monopoly to purchase hides at current prices in Dang district and exports the commodity to India. Chief Colonel Lak Bahadur Thapa Chhetri refered the petition to Kathmandu witht the following recommendation: A monopoly has been introduced in the exports of hides to India in Butaul and other districts. Inasmuch has Bidulal has offered to pay Rs 500 every year for a three-year period of granted a monopoly in such export trade, bids may be invited to ascertain whether another person with offer a higher payment. I hereby refer the matter to the government because this would mena exploiting a a new source of revenue. On Poush 6, 1942 (December 1885), Chief Colonel Lok Bahadur Thapa Chhetri was ordered to provide additional information on the proposal. His report has as follows:- A Monopoly has been introduced in the export Trade in hides in Dailekh, Surkhet and Butaul. in Butaul the monopoly includes horns also. This will be a new source of revenue for Dang district. It will cause no hardships to the people, because traders have so far been purchasing hides from them without paying anything to the government. 155. The matter was the referred to the Madhesh Bandobast Adda (Tarai Administration Office). Its recommendation was as follows:- Budulal has offered to purchase at fair price hides that the people of Dang district sell willingly, and pay Rs 500 every year for a three-year period in addition to export duty if given a monopoly. Arrangements may, therefore, be made to ascertain whether another person is willing to offer a higher payment in consi- duration of such monopoly. The Chief Colonel may be instructed accordingly. This recommendation of the Madhesh Bandobast Adda (Tarai Administration Office) was endorsed by Prime Minister Bir Shumshere on Chaitra Badi 7, 1942 (March 1886). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 51, pp. 580-89. Political History of Dolakha (Continued from the September 1980 issue). By Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha Uddhava Deva and Manda Deva Taking advantage of the strife at the center arising from the feud among the sons of Yaksha Malla, the Samanta rulers of Dolakha began to raise their heads. This is clearly indicated by the stone-inscription found in Dolakha. Stone-inscriptions relating to the Samanta rulers of Dolakha date back to the period following the death of Yaksha Malla. Of cource, two small stone-inscriptions bearing the dates 580 and 590 Nepal Samvat have also been found in Dolakha; (Aitihasika Samagri (Historical materials), Nos. 1-2) but they do not mention the local rulers. Inscriptions mentioning the local rulers are found only for the period following the death of Yaksha Malla. For instance, we may refer to the stone-inscriptions of Uddhava Deva (611 Nepal Samvat) and of Nanda Deva (632 Nepal Samvat) (Ibid, Nos. 3-4). Both these inscriptions are fragmented. But one can read the year as well as the names of the rulers in them. The inscription of 611 Nepal Samvat, (1548 Vikrama) describes Uddhave Deva as ruler of Dolakha (Dolakhadhipati). It makes no mention of the Malla Kings at the center. Local rulers assumed the title of Adhipati if they sought to become 156. independent. When the Samanta ruler of Manigal (Lalitpur) tried to secede, he assumed the title of Manigaladhipati. (Samshodhan Mandal, Itihasa Samshodhanako Pramana-Prameya, p. 12). The fact that Uddhava Deva, the Samanta ruler of Dolakha, had assumed that title of Adhipati chearly indicates that he had tried to secede by taking advantage of the quarrel among the sons of Yaksha Malla. An additional indication is that he also styled himself "Deva". Moreover, like the Malla rulers, he called himself "Thakura." Uddhava Deva was the son of Kirti Simha. According to the Vamshavali, he was born on the twelfth day of the bright half of the lunar month in 1517 Vikrama at Dhungaltol in Dolakha. He was only 14 years of age when he became the ruler of Dolakha in 1531 Vikrama. He had installed the images of Dashavatara (Mohan Prasad Khanal, Nepalaka Kehi Mallakalina Abhilekha (Some inscriptions of Nepal during the Malla period), pp. 5-6). The stone-inscription of Uddhava Deva mentioned above had been installed along with an image of Krishna. Nanda Deva's inscription of 632 Nepal era (Vikrama 1568) does not mention the name of any Malla King at the center. It only mentions his name as the ruler. His titles are illegible, because the inscription is damaged. The inscription states that Nanda Deva had parformed a Kotihoma ceremony and built a temple. The attempts of Dolakha's Samanta rulers to achieve independence had thus not been fully successful until the conclusion on the treaty of Pashupati in 668 Nepal ara. But they were able to continue expoiting the weakness of the center. Lalitpur was able to become independent after the death of Ratna Malla. Dolakha followed Suit. Lalitpur and Dolakha then entered int an alliance. Ujota Deva It was Ujota Deva who not only consolidated the political position of Dolakha but also developed it in the cultural field. Nine stone-inscriptions dating from 640 to 653 Nepal era, all installed during Ujota Deva's rule, have been discovered, eight of them in Dolakh itself, and the remaining one at Hiranya Varna Bihara in Patan. The inscriptions testify to the steadily growing authority of Ujota Deva. Brief particulars of the inscriptions installed at temples built by him are given below. 1. The Bhimsenthan Inscription, (Aitihasika Samagri, Inscription No. 5), dated Chaitra 640 Samvat. It refers to the establishment of the temple of Uma-Maheshwaraa to mark a religious fast undertaken by Ujota Deva's wife. It calls Ujota Deva only as "Thakura", and does not use th title of "Dolakhadhipati." 157. 2. The stone-incription of Simbhutol, dated Baisakh 640 (Ibid. No. 6). It describes the installation of the image of Nadhava Narayana during the rule of Ujota Deva, whom it calls "Dolakhapattanadhipati Prabhu Thakura." It contains the words "during the victories reign (Uijaya rajye) of Ujota Deva..... " The inscription thus depicts Ujota Deva as an independent ruler. 3. The stone-inscription of 643 Samvat at Dwakolungatol (Ibid, No. 7). It was installed during the rule of Ujota Deva after the installation of the image of Saraswati. The inscription is small and damaged. It, therefore, does not help up to understand the situation prevailing at the time. But it describes Ujota Deva as "Prabhu Thakura." 4. The stone-inscription of 643 Samvat at Dhungaltol (Ibid, No. 8). Ratna, a bhardar, had ordered the installation of this stone-inscription after installing the image of Akasha Bhairava during the rule of Ujota Deva. It describes Ujota Deva as "Dolakha Pattanadhipa." 5. The inscription of 644 Samvat near Bhimsenthan. Ujota Deva had installed this small inscription after installing the image of Gopinarayana along with Laxmi. Rulers at that time used to decorate themselves with titles with reference to some Narayana, such as Asura Narayan and Vira Narayana." One well-known of such titles was Daitya Narayana. This inscription shows that Ujota Deva also used the title of Daitya Narayana. It thus alludes to the growing power of Ujota Deva. 6. The inscription of Tindhara Narayansthan, dated 644 Samvat. (Ibid, No. 10). It was installed by Jivasimha Bharo, the Pradhan of Ujota Deva, after installing an image of Gopi Narayana. In this inscription, Ujota Deva is called "Dolakhadhipa, Sri Daitya Narayana Prabhu Thakura". The chief Minister was then called Pradhan or Pradhananga. This shows tha there existed a Council of Ministes in Dolakha to assist Ujota Deva in running the administration. 7. The inscription of 644 Samvat at the temple of Narayana (Ibid, No. 11). The Ujota mentioned in this inscription was not the ruler, but might have been a relative of Harsha Raja, a bhardar, inasmuch as it does not contain any royal titles. But is certainly belongs to the rule of Ujota Deva. 8. The inscription of Palchoki (Ibid, No. 12). It was installed after the installing of an image of Inora. It does not mention the date but clearly contains the words "Jajamana, Sri Jaya Ujota Deva Thakura." This indicates that the inscription must have been installed by Ujota Deva himself. 158. 9. The inscription of 653 Samvat at Hiranyavarna Vihara (Ibid, No. 13). During the visit to Patan, Ujota Deva offered one gold image and two bells to this wel known Buddhist Vihara, and then installed this inscription there. The inscription is of religious significance, for it shows that Ujota Deva had believed in the Vaishnava seet. However, he had faith in other religious, such as Buddhism also. Visit to Lalitpur Ujota Deva had not visited Lalitpur with religious motives alone. The aims behind the visit were more political then religious. If his sole aim was to pay a pilgrimage to a Buddhist Vihara, he would have gone to Kantipur, rather than to Lalitpur, because Swayambhu Nath in Kantipur was more famous than Hiranya Varna Vihara in Lalitpur. Moreover, the Shrine of Swayambhu has remained a place of attraction for Busshist since ancient times. From this it is apparent that Ujota Deva's visit to Lalitpur was motivated by factors other than religious. In order to have an understanding of these factors. We must discuss the situation of Lalitpur at that time. As stated above, Ratna Malla and his brothers had expended their influence ater having detached Lalitpur from the control of the center that is, Bhaktapur. The Mahapatra of Lalitpur became alert and tried to take advantage of this situation. In the meantime, Ratna Malla died. His successor, Surya Malla, was not as active as he was. For this reason, Surya Malla was unable to extend his influence in Lalitpur. The situation in which the center (Bhaktapur) lost control of Lalitpur was favorable to the administrators of Lalitpur. Vishnu Simha, one of the Mahapatras of Lalitpur, gradually consolidated his power and finally established an independent Kingdom in Lalitpur. To achieve his aim, he had to accomplish two tasks, to free himself from the influence of the Malla Kings, and then get rid of other Mahapatras, who then jointly administered Lalitpur. He skillfully accomplished both tasks. (Inscriptions found in Lalitpur after 656 Nepal era indicate that Vishnu Simha had already started ruling there independently. The Subahal inscription at Patan describes Vishnu Simha as Pradhana-Mahapatra, but prays that his independence may last long. (Itihasa-Samshodhana-Pramana-Prameya, p. 11). In these tasks, Vishnu Simha appears to have enlisted the cooperation of Ujota Deva, Dolakha's Samanta ruler. Trade with Tibet was possible only if he succeeded in winning over Dolakha to his side. It is probable that Ujota Deva visited Lalitpur in response to an invitation from Vishnu Simha. It was in Ujota Deva's own interest to maintain relations with Vishnu Simha. Such a relationship would help Dolakha to detach itself from the control of the center in the same way as Lalitpur had done. Indeed, the independence of Dolakha and Lalitpur was closely linked with the alliance with Kantipur. 159. (The well-known Pashupati treaty of 668 Nepal era recognized both Dolakha and Lalitpur as independent Kingdoms. Subsequently, King Shiva Simha of Kantipur conquered both Dolakha and Laliptur, thereby substantiating the point made above.) Govinda Deva Ujota Deva appears to have been succeeded by Govinda Deva as the rulers of Dolakha. Inscriptions belonging to one old document "Govind Deva, ruler of Dolakha, died in 1591 Vikrama. Four women become Sati on his death. For three days, no religious function was performed. Later, Indra Deva Simha become ruler of Dolakha." (Mohan Prasad Khanal, Nepalaka Kohi Mallakalina Abhilekha (Some documents of Nepal relating to the Malla periond, p. 11). Ujota Deva had visited Lalitpur in 1590 Vikrama. This indicates that he was alive till that year. Govinda Deva died one year after the visit, thus indicating that his rule was short-lived. This might be the reason for the absence of any inscription during Govinda Deva's rule. Indra Simha Deva According to one record, Indra Simha Deva become the ruler of Dolakha in 1590 Vikrama. However, inscriptions installed during his rule date back to 1601 Vikrama only. Indra Simha Deva appears to have devoted himself to the task of consolidating his position during the early years of his rule. He occupies a special role in the history of Dolakha. It was Indra Simha Deva who first styled himself "Rajadhiraja" of Dolakha. Indra Simha Deva apparently realized that political gains were not important in themselves unless there was progress in the economic and cultural fields. Though there is still lack of materials shedding light on his rule contemporary inscriptions coins, etc. give some idea in this regard. Joint Rule The strife and weakness at the center, that is, Kathmandu Valley, resulted from the system of joint rule. The Samanta rulers of Dolakha proclaimed themselves independent rulers by taking advantage of tis situation. But they themselves, committed the same blunder. Indeed, they introduced the system of joint rule in Dolakha also. As the eldest brother, Indra Simha Deva, no doubt, retained some special powers, and he even minted coins in his name. at the same time, he proclaimed his brother's as co-rulers. This is evident from contemporary inscriptions. The first inscription pertaining to Indra Simha Deva discovered in Dolakha is dated 665 Nepal era. It is located at Dungaltol (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 14). This inscription was installed by a woman named Amitalaximi after installing the image of Hathwan (Akasha Bhairawa) with prayers for peace to the soul of her departed son. It contains the words "Sri 160. Dolakhasthane Sri-Sri Jaya Indra Simha Deva Paramukha Panchobhaya Thakurasa Paryawasa." The word "Panchobhaya" mentioned in this inscription is apparently confusing. Of cource, Panchas played some role in local administration during the medieval period and this was more or less the case with Dolakha also, but the word "Panchodhaya" used in this inscription does not actually refer to Panchas. The term was used to denote "five persons". The term "Panchobhaya" was used to mean five persons in the same way as "Chavavaya", four persons. It is thus, definite that the term 'Panchobhaya" occurring in the inscription refers to the joint rule of five persons though it does not name them. The idol of Akasha Bhairava installed by Indra Simha Deva in memory of Hemalaxmi, who had become a Sati, is located at Rani Durbar. The inscription contains the following words: Rajadhiraja Sri Sri Indra Simha Pramukha Phunkija Thakuratwam" (Ibid, No. 16). These words also testify to the joint rule of Indra Simha Deva and his brothers. Inscriptions at Buddhist Chaitya at Listitol, at the temple of Narayana, and elsewhere identity Indra Simha Deva's brothers as Jaya Narayana Deva, Jita Deva, Raja Deva and Vasu Deva. (Ibid, Nos. 18, 21, 24, 27 and 28). These five brothers jointly ruled Dolakha at that time, but there was no clear-cut division of powers among them. Such a situation was bound to result in a conflict, and this was what actually happened. (To Be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu : November 1, 1980 ISSN: 0034-34X REGMI RESEARHC SERIES Contents 1. Ban on Enslavement, 1885, A.D. 2. Monopoly Trade in Cigarettes 3. Historical Documents on the Use 4. Population of Kathmandu Town 5. Kulananda Jha 6. Cow Slaughter 7. The Political History of Dolakha Year 12, No. 11 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ******** Page ..... 161 ..... 162 the Sacred Thread ..... 164 ..... 166 ..... 166 ..... 169 ..... 170 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). 161. Ban on Enslavement, 1885, A.D. A translation of the A.D. 1918 Law on Enslavement and traffic in Human Beings was given in the Regmi Research Series (Year 12, Nos. 1-2, January and February 1980, pp. 8-22). According to Section 1 of that law: "In the future, no person shall be sold or purchased as a slave even with his consent." Inasmuch as Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere J. B. Rana (1901-1929 A.D.) was in power at the time of the promulgation of this law in 1918, it appeared to be the prelude to the final abolition of the system of slavery that he decreed in 1924. ("An Appeal for the Abolition of Slavery," Remgi Research Series, Year 4, Nos. 11-12 (November-December 1972), Year 5, Nos. 1-4 (January-April 1973). However, it was not Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere, but Prime Minister Bir Shumshere (1885-1901) who appears to have taken the initial step toward abolishing the system of slavery. He assumed the Prime Ministership on Kartik Sudi 15, 1942 (November 22, 1885) after the assassination of the Prime Minister Ranoddip Simgh (1877-85 A.D.) Effective the following day, Marga Sudi 1, 1942 (November 23, 1885), a law was passed imposing an absolute ban on enslavement. (Government of Nepal, Danda Sajayako" (On fines and Penalties), Muluki Ain (Legal Code), Naxal, Gorkhapatra Press, 1975 (1918 A.D.), Section 43). It is interesting that Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere made no reference to this system measure of Prime Minister Bir Shumshere in his Appeal for the Abolition of Slavery (op. cit.), Perceval Landon has similarly credited Prime Miniser Deva Shumshere (March-June 1901) with having made "the first attempt to abolish slavery on any large scale" by proclaiming "that the female slaves of Kaski and Lamjung, the two large estates attached to the office of Prime Minister, were free women." (Perceval Landon, Nepal (reprint of 1918 ed.), Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1978, Vol. 2, p. 164. 162. Monopoly Trade in Cigarettes Kharidar Krishna Prasad and Bhairaw Prasad, residents of Bhotahiti in Kathmandu, had been granted a monopoly in the trade in cigarettes in the Rana Prime Minister's Rajya of Kaski-Lamjung for a two year period from Chaitra 1, 1959 (March 14, 1903) to Falgun 30, 1961 (March 13, 1905). The total payment stipulated by them under the monopoly amounted to Rs 100 a year. On Marga 5, 1961 (November 19, 1904) Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere ordered that the monopoly be granted to Principal Babu Batukrishna Maitra for a three-year period from Chaitra 1, 1961 (March 14, `905) to Falgun 30, 1964 (March 13, 1908) without inviting bids. A supplementary order was issued on Poush 3, 1961 (December 17, 1904) waiving the legal ban on the grant of such monopolies to aliens as well as requirement of personal surety. Under the monopoly, Principal Babu Batukrishna Maitra was required to pay Rs 258.30 yearly, or Rs 774.80 during the three years for which the monopoly was valid. The following regulations were promulgated in the name of the monopolists:- (1) In case anyother person trades in cigarettes in the area under your jurisdiction, take him to the Rakam Bandobast Adda (Revenue Administration Office). He shall be punished with confiscation of his goods for the first offense. If he repeats the offense, his goods hslal be confiscated, and a fine of an equal amount shall be imposed. (2) No duty shall be collected on cigarettes brought for the use of His Majesty, the Prime Minister, etc. (3) Action shall be taken as mentioned above if cigarettes are smuggled in by Nepali or British Indian post or otherwise. (4) Customs offices have been ordered not to collect any duty on cigarettes imported by the monopolist, Principal Babu Batukrishna Maitra. However, consignments shall be opened for customs inspection. The amount stipulated by the monopolist was payable in four installments amounting to Rs 64.80 in Baisakh, and Rs 64.50 each in Shrawan, Kartik and Magh every year during the three-year period. No remission was allowed in any circumstances. Chaitra 3, 1961 (March 16, 1905) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 78, pp. 484-88. 163. Meanwhile, the monopoly trade in cigarettes in other parts of the Kingdom had been given out to the following persons: (1) Subba Kalidas Upadhyaya for Kathmandu Valley on payment of Mohar Rs 7,000 yearly. (2) Bhairav Prasad Upadhyaya for the hill region, except Kaski and Lamjung, on payment of Mohar Rs 720 yearly. (3) Krishna Prasad Upadhyaya for the Tarai region, on payment of Kampani (Indian) Rs 2,530 yearly. On the expiry of theur term, fresh bids were invited. The highest bids were offered by Principal Babu Batukrishna Maitra. These were as follows:- Kathmandu Valley ..... Mohar Rs 22,551.83 Hill region (Except Kaski and Lamjung ..... Mohar Rs 1,135.28 Tarai region ..... Indian Rs 3,584.10 (annas) On Poush 3, 1961 (December 17, 1904), Prime Minister Chandra Shumshere ordered that the monopolies be granted to the Principal. The legal restriction on the grant of such monopolies to aliens, as well as the requirements of personal surety, were waived. The monopolies were valied for a three-year term. Regulations as mentioned above in the case of the Kaski-Lamjung monopoly were made applicable to these monopolies also. The amounts stipulated by the monopolist were payable in four equal installments every year. Chaitra 3, 1961 (March 16, 1905) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 78, pp. 488-94. 164. Historical Documents on the Use of the Secred Thread Royal Order to Garbhu "Your ancestors were Bogates from Bogtan. For two or three generations, they remained indigent and began to work as barbars for a living. Consequently, they lost both their sacred thread and the caste of Bogate. "Pleased us by your services, our father (i.e. King Rana Bahadur Shah), restorered both to you on the occasion of his sacred-thread-investiture ceremony. However, no formal order was issued because of other preoccupations. "As ordered by our father, we hereby restore the sacred thread and the Bogate caste to the sons, grandsons, and other descendants of your father, Amar. Undergo expiation on an auspicious day in the manner prescribed in the dharmashastra and perform your sacred-thread-investiture ceremony and wear the sacred thread with a Brahman as priest. Join your relatives of the Bogate caste and other persons from whom you can take cooked rice and intermarry. Jestha Badi 3, 1857 (May 1800). Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 37, p. 180. Dullu-Dailekh Royal order to people belonging to the Thakuri, Khadka, Thapa, Bohara, Bista, Rokaya and Budathoki communities in Dullu-Dailekh: "It appears you had been traditionally wearing the sacred thread. In recent years, however, we have received reports that you wear it only during the sacred-thread-investiture ceremony and later put it off. We hereby grant you permission to wear the sacred thread constantly after once putting it on durng the investiture ceremony. Wear the sacred thread. Perform your daily ritual functions (nitya-karma). If you discart these functions and perform evil acts, you shall be liale to severe punishment." Magh Badi 1, 1872 (January 1816) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 42, pp. 187-88. The Bheri-Mahakali Region Royal order to Chautariya Babar Jung Shah: "We have received reports that chaos (bibande) prevails in the region situated between the Bheri and Mahakali rivers because: 165. (a) Castes and communities that had traditionally been wearing the sacred thread have been prevented from doing so. (b) Castes and communities that had traditionally not worn the sacred thread have been permitted to do so without an order from us. (c) Brahmans, Rajputs, Khas, Khastya and other castes and communities use the same hookah in common. "When you reach the district headquarters (gaunda), issue orders permitting: (a) Persons belonging to eligible castes and communities to wear the sacred thread, and (b) Brides and bridegrooms to use palanquins (dola) on the day of their wedding. "You are also empowered to impose penalties on both parties if anyone has sanctioned the use of the sacred thread to any member of any caste or community that has traditionally not been waaring it, as well as to those who share the same hookas with people belonging to different castes. "We hereby promulgated the following regulations for the future: (1) Persons belonging to castes and communities that have traditionally not been wearing the sacrd thread shall not do so without royal permission. (2) People shall not share the hookah with castes and communities other than their own. Magh Badi 1898 (January 1842) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 31, p. 121. 166. Population of Kathmandu Town (Based on a census of households taken on Jestha Sudi 2, 1911 (May 1854) Tol Makhan 1,159 Tangal Asan Watu Wabahal 713 Maru Lagan Musubahal Suburban areas 816 (Lazimpat, Narainhiti, Jamal, Kamalji, Tundikhel, Kaldhara, Ikhapokhari-Paknajol Etc.). Total 9,039 62,858 33,864 28,994 Kulananda Jha A district-level administrative system emerged only after the beginning of Rana rule. During the first part of the nineteeth century, such essential functions in areas other than Kathmandu Valley as defense against external aggression, the maintenance of law and order, and the collection of revenue were the responsibility of military authorities in far-eastern and far-western Nepal. In the hill areas concern; while the other functions mentioned above were discharged by landlords (birtaowner, jagirdars) and ijaradars of various categories. Houses Population 9,603 1,311 9,322 1,256 8,910 1,169 9,603 5,097 913 6,532 833 5,100 874 4,372 4,319 Men Women 4,848 4,655 4,923 4,399 4,893 4,017 5,051 4,552 2,798 4,299 3,455 3,077 2,695 2,405 2,574 1,798 2,527 1,792 169. In the eastern Tarai, civil administration and revenue collection were both usually assigned to revenue farmers or ijaradars. Ijaradars were not salaried officials of the government; their income consisted between what they had stipulated for payment to the government and what they actually collected from the peasantry. The ijara system, at the same time, did not mean a continual bidding for higher payments. There is evidence to believe that at times ijaradars were also appointed in consideration of their capability, experiences and intergrity. Consequently, an individual who possessed these qualities often discharged revenue functions under the ijara system for long periods of time without any break, albeit not in the same field. Kulananda Jha appears to have been one of such individuals. On available evidence, his career as an ijaradar stretched over to at least 25 years, from the beginning of the Nepal-British war in A.D. 1814 to the end of Bhimsen Thapa' Prime Ministership in A.D. 1837. Even thereafter, he was granted an ijara for the collection of revenue on jagir lands of Bhimsen Thapa in the eastern Tarai districts, which the government had resumed after Bhimsen Thapa's death. Kulananda Jha probably belonged to the small community of Maithili Brahmans in Kathmandu. Another member of this community, Hiralal Jha, also appears to have followed a similar career as an ijaradar. His career will form the subject-matter of another article. The information tabulated below is admittedly incomplete. There is a gap between Vikrama 1881 and 1883, but one does not now whether it was in Kulananda Jha's career as an ijaradar or in the documentation. Additional information about Kulananda Jha will be presented in the Regmi Research Series if and when deteched or obtained. Vikrama Marga Badi 1, 1871 to Ijara for collection of rents Kartik Sudi 1872 and taxes on lands under kut tenure. (42/79) Three-year ijara for Sera lands assigned to hattisar in Tokha, Kathmandu district. (42/82) Ijara for collection of Kascharai tax on cattle grazed on both side of the Trijuga river, as well as west of the Kosi river. (42/284) One-year ijara for collection of revenue from miscellaneous commercial sources in the central hill region. (42/459-64) Aswin Sudi 2, 1872 1874 Poush Badi 4, 1875 168. Bhadra Badi 2, 1875 Jestha Badi 4, 1875 Magh Badi 11, 1875 1878 1879 1879 1880 Baisakh Sudi 15, 1884 Bhadra Sudi 5, 1885 Chaitra Badi 6, 1885 1892 Bhadra Badi, 1894 One-year ijara for collection of nirkhi tax in central hill region. (42/352) One-year ijara for collection of Kapas bhansar and other duties in the central hill region. (42/291) One-year ijara for revenue- collection, civil administration, etc. in morang district. (42/.477) Assigned to scrutiny birta grants and determine boundaries in the eastern Tarai region, (43/374) Ijara for collection of nirkhi tax until Shrawan 1879. (43/346) Ijara for revenue collection, civil administration, etc. in Morang district. (43/339) Deputed to scrutinize accounts of revenue collections in Bara, Parsa and Rautahat. (33/491) One-year ijara for revenue collection and civil administration in Saptari-Mahottari. (43/213). Reconfirmed as do. (43/130, 153) One-year ijara for operation of mines in Chepe/Marsyandgi- Bheri region. (43/192) Chief administrator, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, Saptari-Mahottari. (45/65, 198-99) Ijara for collection of revenue on jagri lands of Bhimsen Thapa in Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Mahottari. (35/493-94) 169. A brief note on the ban on cow slaughter had been given in the first issue of the Regmi Research Series a decade ago. (Year 1, No. 1, November 1, 1969, pp. 15-19). The following is an attempt to present the subject afresh in the light of additional evidence. Cow slaughter was traditionally banned in the different territories comprising the present Kingdom of Nepal. father Desideri, who visited Kathmandu in early 1722, noted that "the people have a most superstitious veneration for cows."1 Another Christian missionary similarly reported from Kathmandu in 1740 that "cow killing is punished wth death." 2 In Jumla also, a ban had been enforced on cow slaughter since before the Gorkhali conquest of that region in 1789.3 There is no evidence that the ban was effectively enforced. This was so particularly in the interior mountainous regions. Indeed, for a long time after the conquest, the government did not interfere when beef-eating communities slaughtered cows. The inhabitants of Solukhumbu, for instance, continued to slaughter cows in consideration of an annual fine, called Chokho-danda, which they payd to the local authorities. This was done apparently without the knowledge of the central authorities. In 1806, when the government received reports that cow slaughter was allowed in Solukhumbu on payment of the chokho- danda fine, it sentenced the guilty persons to death or exile. A ban was imposed on cow slaughter, and any person who slaughtered cows in contravention of the ban was sentenced to death, and the members of his famiy were enslaved.4 However, persons guilty of cow slaughter were luckly if they were punished only with death or enslavement. Often the punishment inflicted on them was much more horrible. In early 1806, Kathmandu received reports that a Damai Tangnam Village of the western hill region had beaten a cow with a stick, with the result that the animal died. The local administrator then convened a meeting of local people discuss the case. The meeting acquitted the the Damai. Later, however, the matter was referred to the government court, which held the Damai guilty of the crime through trial by ordeal. The case was then referred to Kathmandu for final decision. The government thereupon decreed that the local people who were present at the meeting which had acquitted the Damai should be punished with fines and the local administrator sent to Kathmandu in fetters. As for as Damai: Cut off flesh from his back, and put salt and condensed citrus, juice on the wounds. Make him eat the flesh himself and hill him.5 Punishent for killing oxen was equally severe. In 1810, reports were received that some people belonging to the Pun community in Salyan had purchased an ox for two rupees and slaughtered it. The following royal order was then issued to the chief administrator of the district: 170. Persons who commit the heinous crime of slaughtering oxen in a Hindu land shall be flayed alive, impaled, or hanged upside down until they are dead. Their property shall be confiscated and members of their families shall be enslaved.6 Notes 1. Cited in D. R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal, Calcutta, Firma K. C. Mukhopadday, 1966, pt. 2, p. 1011. 2. Ibid, p. 538. 3. "Order Regarding Taxation, Judicial Customs, etc in Jumla," Chaitra Badi 6, 1885 (March 1829), Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 43, p. 189. 4. "Order Regarding Chokho-Danda in Solukhubu," Baisakh Sudi 8, 1863 (April 1806), Ibid, Vol. 6, p. 769. 5. "Royal Order to Bichari Hirananda Tiwari," Chaitra Badi 30, 1862 (March 1806), Ibid, Vol. 6, p. 748. 6. "Royal Order Regarding Punishment for Cow Slaughter in Salyan," Bhadra Badi 3, 1867 (August 1810), Ibid, Vol. 39, p. 318. ******************* The Political History of Dolakha (Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Tek Bahadur Shrestha, Dolakhako Aitihasika Ruparekha (Historical outline of Dolakha), Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuwan University, 2031 (1974). Chapter II: "Rajanaitika Itihasako Ruparekha" (Outline of political history), pp. 14-50. (Continued from the October 1980 issue). Economic Prosperity and Circulation of Silver Coins Had Indra Simha Deva confined his efforst to securing greater autonomy for Dolakha, thereby brining about a split in the state of Nepal, this in itself should be not have been important. He had also made interesting efforts for advancing the economic prosperity of Dolakha. At that time, trade with Tibet was one of the main sources of reveue. Such trade had been started during the Lichhavi period and was going in during the medieval period also. The rulers of Dolakha tried 171. to control [.....] trade. As indicated above, Ujota Deva was the first Dolakha ruler to have intiated efforts in tis regard. Indra Simha Deva appears to have achieved considerable success. This is confirmed by his ability to circulate his own silver coins. Nepal's historical record regarding an independent coinage system has been rather poor. During the medieval period, the rulers of most regions of Nepal used Indian coins. In Kathmandu Valley, Mahendra Malla was the first Malla ruler to bring silver coins (Mohar) into circulation. This explains why the mohars in circulation at that time were customarily called Mahendra Malli coins. However, according to Mohan Prasad Khanal, Indra Simha Deva had circulated his own Mohar coins long before Mahendra Malla did so. (Nepalakha Kehi Mallakalina Abhilekha. (Some Inscriptions of Nepal during the Malla period), pp. 12-13. This view would appear to be correct if one is to take into account the gap between the reigns of Mahendra Malla and Indra Simha Deva. Narendra Malla ruled Kantipur until 668 Nepalera. (Shankar Man Rajvamshi, in Purnima No. 3, pp. 29-37). Although Mahendra Malla functioned as an assistant to his father long before that year, he could not mint coins in his own name so long as his father was alive. It has been proved that Mahendra Malla had died in 694 Nepal era. (Dilli Raman Regmi, Medieval Nepal, Vol. 2, p. 42). From this it becomes clear that Mahendra Malla had circulated coins in his own name sometime between 680 and 694 Nepal era. On the other hand, inscriptions relating to Indra Simha Deva are available only up to 668 Nepal era. after that year, Dolakha was ruled by his sons. The view that Indra Simha Deva had minted his own coins long before Mahendra Malla is reinforced also by the absence of any reference to the year in the coins of both Indra Simha Deva and Mahendra Malla. In our view, Indra Simha Deva must have circulated his coins in 666 Nepal era, inasmuch as an inscription of that year available at the Rani Durbar calls him "Rajadhiraja" (Aitihasika Samagri (Historical materials, No. 16). Alternatively, he must have minted the coin after the conclusion of the well-known Tready of Pashupati, that is, in 668 Nepal era. Nepal had to import silver from India to mint silver coins, because it did not have any silver mine of its own. It had to pay for silver in gold. At that time, Nepal obtained gold usually from Tibet. Indra Simha Deva of Dolakha imported gold from Tibet and silver from India. In this context, it is worth remembering that Prithvi Narayan Shah too had minted silver coins in his own name. with the consolidation of his victory in Nuwakot, he controlled the trade route to Tibet via Kerung. When Dolakha was annexed to Nepal, it became easy to establish commercial inter course with Tibet through the Kuti route as well. Prithvi Narayan Shah then established the relations with the Lamas of Tibet. This enabled him to import gold from that state, and maintain contacts with traders from the plains through whom silver was procured from India. This is now Prithvi Narayan Shah was able to mint silver coins in his own name. several documents shedding light on this fact have already been published. (Ramji Tiwari et. al, Aitihasika Patrasangraha, pt. 2, pp. 78-86. 172. Similarly, Indra Simha Deva was able to circulate silver coins of his own by virtue of his success in promoting trade with Tibet. The geographical location of Dolakha helped him considerably in this regard. The traders of Dolakha found it convenient to trade with Tibet thorugh such routes as Bigu, Kuti and Lamabagar, and with India through Sindhuli-Madi which they reached by travelling along the banks of the Tamakoshi river. This was the factor behind the relative success of Dolakha in achieving economic prosperity. Some of the inhabitants of Dolakha became rich. This is indicated by Indra Simha Deva's inscription located at Kotchhen. It describes Dolakha town as "beautiful and inhabited by several wealthy persons". (Aitihasika Samgri No. 15). This gives us an idea about the extent of economic prosperity gained by Dolakha during the rule of Indra Simha Deva. The increased level of economic properiity was bound to have an impact on cultural life also. Matriminial Relations Indra Simha Deva appears to have established matrimonial relations with some well-known royal dynasty. This is apparent from his coins as well from his inscriptions. On one side of his coins are continued these words: "Dolakhadhipati Sri Sri Jaya Indra Simha Deva." The other side reads: "Patta Mahadevi Sri Vijaya Laxmi." The inscription of Queen Vijaya Laxmi's name along with his own in his coins suggests that he had been able to enhance his influence by virtue of being the husband of Vijaya Laxmi. The inscription found at Kotchhe also gives importance to Vijaya Laxmi (Aitihasika Samagri No. 15). However, it is not yet established whose daughter vijaya Laxmi was. One can only say that the rulers of Dolakha maintained matrimonial relations with the Sen and other dynasties. Faith in Buddhism The Buddhist religion had been extensively propagated in Dolakha, specially duringthe rule of Indra Simha Deva although religious harmony exited there for a long time. For the same reason, Ujota Deva installed an image of the Buddha in Patan. However, the inscriptions show clearly that Budhhism had spread in Dolakha during the rule of Indra Simha Deva mainly because of the growing intercourse between Dolakha and Tibet. The Pashupati Treaty Though Indra Simha Deva had proclaimed himself Rajadhiraja had minted his own coins, he was no more than a noble man (Bharo) in the eyes of the Malla Kings at the center. The Treaty of Pashupati, concluded in 668 Nepal era (1605 Vikrama) make this clear. At the same time, the treaty prevented the center from interfering in the affairs of Dolakha. It thus enabled the 173. rulers of Dolakha to seede, if they so wanted. In order to understand this point clearly, it is necessary to discuss the circumstances in which the treaty of Pashupati was concluded. Taking advantage of the weakness of the center, several areas, including Lalitpur and Dolakha, were attempting to detach themselves from central rule. On the other hand, the Malla rulers at the center were not much worried over this situation. They were preoccupied with efforts to serve their own transient interests. Prana Malla attempted to consolidate his personal position in Bhaktapur, the center, but his attempt was collectively resisted by his uncle and brothers. This opposition graund was led by Narendra Malla, King of Kantipur. Finally, in 1665 Vikrama, a treaty, valied for nine years, was concluded, with the signatories taking oath on the Dharmashila of Pashupati. It was signed by Bira Malla and Jita Malla, uncle and brother respectively of Prana Malla, and others on behalf of Bhaktapur and by Vishbu Simha Bharo on behalf of Lalitpur. The Phyaku Rawuts of Pharping also had taken part in the singing ceremony. The treaty explicitly recognized the autonomy of Lalitpur, Dolakha, etc, which had freed themselves from the center's domination and established an independent administration. In particular, the treaty underscored the indepenedence of Lalitpur. In addition, the treaty contained an explicit commitment not to interfere in the administrations of the various states established at the time. It was specifically directed against Prana Malla, hence it explicitly stated that no other ruler shall establish relations with Bhaktapur. One clause of the treaty explicitly enjoins Indra Simha Bharo, Narayana Simha Bharo, and Rama Raya Simha Bharo of Dolakha not to join hands with and trust the center (Bhaktapur). Finally, the treaty stated that Indra Simha Babu, Samara Simha Bharo, and others shouldering the reins of administration to abide by its provisions firmly. (D. R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal, pt. 3, pp. 103-111). The 668 treaty thus effectively put an end to the center's writ over Lalitpur, as well as over Dolakha. In this context, the term "Bharo" attached to the names of the rulers of Dolakha marits attention. As their inscriptions have shown, Indra Simha and other rulers of Dolakha had assued much titles as Rajadhiraja and Prabhu Thakura Deva indicating their full independence. But in the eyes of the Malla Kings at the center, Indra Simha and others weren not than "Bharo" (that is, a nobleman). Vishnu Simha, who signed the treaty in the capacity of ruler of an independent state, it also designated as "Bharo". This indicates that the rulers of Lalitpur and Dolakhaoutwardly professed allegance to the central rulers even while enjoining full independence. The term "Babu' used in the treaty in describing Indra Simha Deva also marits attention. At that time, children born to a King from concubines were called "Babu". Since Indra Simha Deva has been called a "Babu", it has been assumed 174. that he was illegitimate. However, nothing further is known in this regard. We can only say that Indra Simha's brothers belonged to the patra clan inasmuch as they themselves called "Patradhipatra" Joint Rule Jaya Narayan Deva and Jita Deva: Besides, Indra Simha, Narayan Simha was one of the prominent persons who participated in the signing of the Treaty of Pashupati on behalf of Dolakha. It has already been said that after Indra Simha, his brothers had jointly ruled the state. This shows that Jaya Narayan Deva was the brother, not son, of Indra Simha. In the Kotchhen inscription, Indra Simha names Samara Simha Deva, Suratrana Deva and Simh Deva as his first, second and third son respectively. There is not mention of Jaya Narayan Deva among his sons. (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 15). Thus after Indra Simha Deva his brothers, not his sons, jointly ruled Dolakha. In the beginning, Jaya Narayana Deva wielded greater influence than others because at the time of the conclustion of the famous treay of Pashupati, he had played a leading role in securing recognition for the state of Dolakha. Construction of the Dharmadhatu Chaitya When his influence was rising, Jaya Narayana Deva built the magnificent Dharmadhatu Chaitya at Listitol in Dolakha. He also installed a stone-inscription to commemorate this event. However, the upper- portion of this stone-inscription has worn out to a great extent, and only the middle portion is legible. A reading of this portion indicates that Jaya narayana Deva ruled jointly with Raja Deva and Jita Deva. The inscription also containes the words"..... Dhiraja Sri Indra Simha Deva." (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 18). This indicates that Indra Simha Deva had been alive till 1606 Vikrama (According to Mohan Prasad Khanal, Indra Simha and died on Magha Shukla 3, 1605 Vikrama. (Nepalaka ..... op. cit. p. 75). However, it was Jaya Narayana Deva whose influence had been growing at the time, as is evident from the inscriptions in the Subarna Chaktawali found in the same Buddhist Chaitya. In these inscriptions, only Jaya Narayana Deva is addressed as Dolakhadhipati. (Aitihasika Samagri, Nos. 20 to 24). The Main Dharmadhatu Chaitya had been built by Jaya Narayana Deva and his wife. The Subarna Chakrawali found in the Chaitya, however, had been installed by Jaya Narayan Deva's brothes Rayadeva and Vasudeva, his nephew, Uddhava Simha, as welll as by his courtiers. The Buddhist Chaitya is built along the style of the famous Swayambhu temple, and it had been ritually installed through the cooperation of the Vajracharyas of Kantipur. This is an indication that Dolakha had established close links with Kantipur. As already indicated above, the Buddhist religion had further spread in Dolakha as a result of contacts with Tibet. Such intensified propagation of Buddhism was bound to have an impact. The above-mentioned inscription shows that Buddhism had left a great impact 175. on Jaya Narayana and his wife. The significance of Pancharaksha in the Mahayani Budhist scriptures has remained very high. In comprises the Mahamayuri. Jaya Narayana Deva and his wife once observed the Mahamayuri fast. They built the Dharmadhatu Chaitya on the final day of that fast. Jaya Narayana Deva had also a strong sense of religious harmony. Upon the death of Queen Vitta Laxmi, who had helped him built the Chaitya, be installed the temple of Umamaheshwara in 674 Nepal era (1611 Vikrama) in her harmony. This is clear from the inscription of Tindhare (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 26). It states: "May the merit accruing from the installation of the temple of Umamaheshwara earn the late Vitta Laxmi the status of Sukhawati Bhuwana." According to Mahayani Buddhism, the abode of Akshobhya Buddha is called Sukhawati Bhuwana. To every ordinary Buddhist, Sukhawati Bhuwana is synonymous with heaven. There is thus no contradiction whatsoever in the inscription praying for the status of Sukhawati Bhuwana by virtue of the religious merit accruing from the installation of the idols of Uma and Maheshwara. As hinted above, because of the absence of a clear-cut division of powers in spite of joint rule, the cleverest co-ruler as able to increase his influence or to monopolize power. This was true of the joint rule in Dolakha also. For some years, Jaya Narayana Deva wielded much influence. Later Jita Deva increased his power. This is evident from the inscription of 689 Nepal era as well as other inscriptions found at the Narayana temple of Listitol in Dolakha. It mentions Jita Deva, Raya Deva, Jaya Narayana and Vasudeva as the joint rulers of Dolakha at the time. Although it mentions Jaya Narayana as one of the rulers, it clearly shows a decline of his influence, inasmuch as it vests seniority to Jita Deva, who is mentioned as Dolakhadhipati (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 28). The gold-plate inscription at Bhimeshwar Bhandar, which is dated one year earlier, also testifies to the growing influence of Jita Deva and the declining influence of Jaya Narayana Deva at the time. (Aitihasika Samagri, No. 27). It sheds some light on the joint rule in Dolakha, the eulogy of the rulers of the Dolakha, and the rules enforced by them. The list of rulers of Dolakha who were called Maharajadhiraja at the time includes Jita Deva, Raya Deva, Jaya Narayana Deva, Basudeva and his nephew, Cusaya Simha, and sons Bhaguju and Samara Simha. This means that Dolakha was ruled by seven persons jointly at that time. Just as Bhima Malla, son-in-law of Yaksha Malla, had mananged to become co-ruler at the center (that is is Nepal Valley) at that time, Gusaya Simha had become co-ruler in Dolakha. It is not known whose son Gusaya Simha was. But the joint rule of uncles and nephew certainly represented a strange phenomenon in medieval administrative practice. 176. The inscription also sheds some light in the eulogy of the rulers of Dolakha. In their eulogy, the Malla rulers of the Valley called themselves "servants of Pashupati." In the same way, the rulers of Dolakha called themselves "servants of Bhimshwara." They have also claimed descent from the lunar dynasty (Somavamshavatara). Even though they designated themselves as Maharajairaja, they called themselves Vamshanuvamsha Patradhipatra. This is a significant indication that the rulers of Dolakha belonged to the Patra dynasty enjoying hereditary rights. This inscription thus helps to shed some light on the rulers of Dolakha. This gold-plate inscription also mentions some rules in force at the time. People were required to pay a levy known as Bisti in the form of unpaid labor whenever the rulers of Dolakha undertook a tour. The inscription contains an announcement to the effect that the public shall be exempted from all leives except Jathwam and Kethwam in the event of a religious or official tour by the rulers. The inscription on the mace of Bhimeshwara Bhandar also attests to the increasing influence of Jita Deva (Aitihasika Samagri No. 29). Another inscription at that place indicates that Vasudeva also had been able to increase his influence at one time. It mentiones only Vasudeva as Maharajadhiraja (Ibid, No. 31). It does not mention the year, however. At that time, the rulers of Dolakha were involved in an interal rift. To some extent, shortcomings had begun to creep into their internal affairs. No progress appears to have been made in the cultural field in Dolakha district during that period. On the contrary, some decline appears to have been noticed in this field. Meanwhile, Kantipur had an able ruler, Mahendra Malla. Such rulers of Kantipur as Ratna Malla had Narendra Malla had strengthened its political position. However, they had not paid much attention to the task of economic progress and the administration. Mahendra Malla made up for this shortcoming. He not only brought about social reforms but also paid attention to economic development. He circulated coins which came to be known as Mahendra Malli. He also appears to have made efforts to promote trade with Tibet and India. These efforts appear to have left an impact on the economic condition of Dolakha also. (To be continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd ISSN: 0034-34X Kathmandu : December 1, 1980 REGMI RESEARHC SERIES Year 12, No. 12 Edited by Mahesh C. Regmi ******** Contents 1. Garhwal Affairs, A.D. 1813 ..... 2. On Revenue-Collection Arrangements (Addendum) ..... 3. Administrative Arrangements for the Tarai Region, A.D. 1849 4. Appointment of Jimmawal in Thansing ..... 5. A State-Owned Orchard in Bara ..... 6.The Political History of Dolakha ..... *********** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Telephone: 16927 (For private study and research only; not meant for public sale, distribution, and display). Page 177 180 ..... 181 186 188 170 177. Garhwal Affairs, A.D. 1813 Excessive Taxation Royal order to Mastaram Newar and Deva Juhari, who had been deputed to collct the Salami levy in the Bodham garkha of Garhwal district: "The Sayanas and ryots of Bodhan have complained to us that the levy has been collected in excess of the rate prescribed in the regulations, and that collections have been made for depopulated homesteads also. You are hereby ordered to refund to the ryots collections made by you in excess of the prescribed rate for which you have not rendered accounts." Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 39, p. 615. Unfair Collection Procedures Royal order to subedars, fouzdars, amalis, etc. who have been deputed to collect revenue in Bodhan, Garhwal district, on behalf of Captain Bhakti Thapa: "The ryots have complained to us that taxes are being collected from the owners of existing homesteads to compensate for revenue on lands which have been left uncultivated as well as on depopulated homesteads. We have given you no orders to commit injustice and ruin the country. Do not extort payments from the owners of existing homesteads to compensate for revenue on lands, which had been left uncultivated or on depopulated homesteads. Persuade ryots who have shifted elsewhere to come back and reoccupy their homesteads and promote cultivation and settlement. Any person who oppresses the ryots payments from the owners of existing homesteads to compensate for revenue on depopulated homesteads shall be held guilty. Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 39, pp. 615-16. Forced Labor Royal order to bhardars and military personnel touring Maleta Parganna in Garhwal district: "We have received reports that the village has been depopulated because of highhanded behavior of people travelling through that route. in the future, no one shall use force to impress unpaid labor or collect provisions without payment, except for the transportation of arms and ammunition, and sick and wounded persons. Anyone who ruins the area shall be held to be guilty. Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 39, p. 623. 178. The same order was issued on the same date for Sathijyula Parganna also in Garhwal district. Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 39, p. 614. High Rates of Interest Royal order to the creditors of revenue functionaries (Budha, Sayana, Kamin, Pradhan) and ryots in the Bodhan Parganna of Garhwal district on Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869: "The ryots of Bodhan have complained to us that you charge interest at rates exceeding 10 percent. Interest at rates exceeding 10 percents shall not be paid, or accepted, anywhere in our territories. Anyone who has charged interest in excess of 1 10 percent and thus harasses our ryots shall be liable to punishment on his life and property. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, p. 612. Depopulation Royal order to Chautariya Bam Shah: Harkha Singh Raut and other Sayanas and Jimidars have come here to complain that taxes are being collected in an arbitrary manner in the Bodhan Parganna of Garwhal district, that ryots and jimidars had fled from there as a result, and that they are being held liable to make payment for depopulated homesteads. Harkha Singh Raut has been granted authority to persuade the emigrants to come back and reoccupy who may create obstructions in this task. Send back ryots of Bodhan to their homes. Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, p. 616. Reconfirmation of Sayanas Royal order to Harsha Singh Raut and Gobinda Singh Raut: You have functioned as Sayanas of Chaudakodai in the Bodhan Parganna of Garhwal district from former times. In 1861 Vikram (A.D. 1804), our bhardars had included the villages of Thapalgaun and Rapasgaun in your assignment. We hereby reconfirm these three villages as your assignment from Baisakh Badi 1, 1870 (April 1814). Perform your functions as Sayana with full assurance, promite cultivation and settlement transmit the payment stipulated under the thekbandi system to the Company every year, submit accounts, and obtain clearance. Collect the customary perquirsites in the capacity of Sayana. Chaitra sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 623-24. 179. The following persons were reconfirmed as Sayanas in different Pargannas of Garhwal district on the same terms and conditions on Chaitra sudi 14, 1869:- 1. Ambar Singh in Maleta Parganna, (RRC, Vol. 39, p. 622). 2. Zorawar Singh Rawat in Sathijyula Parganna, (Ibid, p. 619) 3. Bunchu Negi in Mandalpatte, Bodhan Parganna, (Ibid, pp. 716-18) Appeal to Emigrants Royal order to the ryots of Sathijyula Parganna in Garhwal district: We have received reports that you have vacated your villages and shifted elsewhere. We have deputed Zorawar Singh Raut to made appropriate arrangements in that area. With full assurance, come back and reoccupy your lands and promote cultivation and settlement. Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, p. 614. Efforts to Bring Back Emigrants Royal order to the amalis, fouzdars, dafdaris, Kamins, buddas, sayanas and other functions ries of Hatpur, Barhamandal, Byas, and other areas in Kumaun and Doti: "Persons sent by Harkha Singh Raut will visit there to bring back ryots of Bodhan who have fled to the areas under your jurisdiction. Persuade these ryots to go back to Bodhan. Moneylenders shall recover their loans in installments after these ryots go back and reoccupy their homesteads. If you detain the ryots of Bodhan, or prevent them from returning home, you will be held guilty." Chaitra Sudi 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 616-27. Conciliatory Measures Royal order to the Sayanas, Kamins, Pradhans, and ryots of Bodhan in Garhwal district: in the Vikrama year 1861 (A.D. 1804), when our troops reached Garhwal, our bhardars promulgated orders as follows: You shall not be held responsible for any act you have committed during the reign of (the Kings of) Garhwal. You shall be held responsible only for acts you have committed afterour conquest of that territory." We hereby promulgated this order under the royal seal reconfirming these arrangements. With full assurance, occupy (your lands), pay your taxes, and remain in your villages. Chaitra Suid 14, 1869 (March 1813) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 39, pp. 614-15. 180. On Revenue-Collection Arrangements (Addendum) A translation of that Law on Revenue-Collection Arrangements (Rakam Bandobast Ko) contained in the A.D. 1888 edition of the Muluki Ain had been given in Regmi Research Series, year 12, no. 5, May 1, 1980, pp. 65-69. In the A.D. 1927 edition of the Muluki Ain Section 12 of that law has been amended, and Section 28 has been added. (Government of Nepal, "Rakam Bandobast Ko)" (On Revenue-Collection arrangements), Ain (Legal Code), Kathmandu: Bhagawati Press, Naxal, 1948 (A.D. 1927), pp. 16-25. The amened text of Section 12 is as follows:- 12. In the future, action shall be taken as follows in respect to ijara for the collection of taxes from any villagies:- (1) In case the ryots stipulate arrangements under the the lokabhar system within a period of four months after a contract (thek) has been issued for the purpose of such collection, undertaking liability to pay the amount stipulated by (the contractor), and designate a representative through which they stipulate such payment, and also furnish a responsible person as surety for that purpose, then lokabhar arrangements shall be made with them, subject to paymnt (of the stipulated amount) in installments, even though others may have made payment in advance (ganimahasul)of the amount stipulated by them. The amount so stipulated under the lokhabhar system shall be equal to the amount stipulated under existing contract, and to the figure mentioned in the tender for bids, and even if the date for submitting such bids may not have expired. Once lokhabhar arrangements are sanctioned, no bids shall be invited. (2) Once documents (patta) have been issued for lokabhar arrangements, these shall not be broken from your to your so long as the ryots make the installment payments or relinquish such arrangements. (3) In case lokabhar arrangements have been made for a figure which is less than the registered value of the khangi (emoluments) of any jagidar, and in case a contractor (thekdar) undertakes payment of an amount corresponding to scuh registered value, (the ryots) shall either accept that figure under the lokabhar arrangements or relinquish such arrangements. Arrangements for collection shall be made on thek or amanat babis even if (the contractor) does not relinquish the contract, in case the stipulated amount is not paid as installments become due. Collection shall not be made after making it obligatory for the ryots to accept the higher figurel; only the amount sanctioned previously shall be collected. 181. The new Section 28 is as follows:- 28. In the future, government offices, as wel as private individuals, shall not accept as personal surety in any matter other than passports, or issue revenue-collecton contracts to, military personnel serving in the Jamadar and lower posts. In case other than those mentioned above, or in case they are accepted as personnal surety, the condition shall not be imposed that any amount outstanding from them will be realized from their jagir emoluments. Contracts shall be issued to them, and personnal surety accepted, only on the condition that such amounts are realized from their lands, houses, and other property, except their jagir emoluments. If payments due to any government office contracts are defaulted, the arrears shall be realized by keeping the defaulter in detention, putting him in fetters, or by taking other appropriate action. If as a result of such action, (the defaulter) remains absent (from his duty) for sixteen days, he cannot continue in service. He shall be made to sign a bond at the time of accepting the contract or furnishing personal surety that action may be taken according to the law if he is unable to pay the amount due under the contract. *********************** Administrative Arragements for the Tarai Region, A. D. 1849 On Kartik Sudi 4, 1906, General Krishna Bahadur Kunwar Rana was appointed chief Administrative of Morang, Saptari, Mahottari, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Sarlahi districts in the eastern Tarai region, as well as Chitaun district in the central inner Tarai region. All local officials such as Sardars, Subbas, Naib Subbas, Fouzdars, and Munsiffs were placed under his jurisdiction. He was ordered to establish his headquarters at Katarbana in Rautahat district and to depute officials to other districts, if necessary to discharge necessary functions. The following regulations were promulgated in the name of General Krishna Bahadur Kunwar Rana on the same day. 182. (Abstract Translation) 1. Do not create any disturbances on the borders from your side, nor shall any government official or ryot be allowed to do so. Anyone who creates such disturbances shall be arrested and a statement shall be recorded from him confessing his guilt. The case shall then be reported to us, and action shall be taken as ordered. 2. Disputes between our ryots and those of the territories of the (East India) Company's government on monetary dealings or other matters shall be settled as usual through correspondence between Subba and Naib Subbas from our side and Thanadars and Magistrates from the Company's side. If before the matter is settled through such correspondence the Magistrate writes to you directly, study the matter thoroughly, consult appropriate persons, arrive at an impartial conclusion, and send a reply accordingly in such a manner that no difficulty arises subsequently. Report the matter to us. if the matter is so serious that you cannot take a decision on your own responsibility, report it to us with full particulars, and take action as decided from here. 3. Issue orders to checkposts and military units to remain vigilant toward foreign spies, or agents who may bring in secret correspondence, as well as toward people who leave the country without a passport or take away secret correspondence. Arrest persons guilty of such offenses, report the matter to us, and take action as ordered. 4. Check the attendance of military personnel and amini employees twice every year, as well as whether or not recruitment has been made in the prescribed number, and whether or not additional personnel have been recruited when necessary. 5. Make arrangements for the procurement of high-quality saltpeter from Jaleshwar as before and for its delivery at Sindhuli. 6. Reconfirm the arrangements made for the ryots in the Vikrama year 1906 and ensure that Sardars, Subbas, Naib Subbas and Munsiffs discharge the functions assigned to them in the appropriate regulations. Do not let anyone act in contravention of the arrangements and regulations mentioned above. If any matter arises which will benefit His Majesty's Government but for which no provision has been made in the regulations, taken action on your own responsibility if possible, or else report the matter to us and take action as directed. 7. Construct dams and irrigation Channels in different districts through wage-labor and arrange for the reclamation of uncultivated lands after stipulating tax-exemption for a specified period in the beginning. Exempt they newly-settled villages from the obligation to supply food and fodder to state-owned elephants on 183. on a compulsory basis. Send particulars of newly-settled moujas on virgin (Kalabanjar) lands. Arrange for the supply of irrigation facilities according to customary shares to Mal, Jagir, birta, guthi, sadavarta, bekh, marwat, and other lands in different pargannas. Let no complaint come from anyone in this regard. 8. We have received reports that fair prices are not paid, or goods extorted without payment, while making purchases from traders during the Ramanawani festival at Janakpur and elsewhere. Depute officials at these places and make arrangements for the punishment of those who commit such malpractices. 9. Inspect all tracts from the hills to the plains through the Mahabharat and Churia ranges, maintain those that are essential, and close all smugglers' tracks with snares and pikes. Arrest persons who travel through such prohibited tracks, ascertain their motives, place them in detention if necessary, report the matter to us, and take action as ordered. If so appropriate, inflict punishment on such persons and release them. 10. In case His Majesty's Government has made grants of land under birta, phikdar, bekh-bunyad, gharbari, or other tenure, specifying the area of cultivated and other lands in such grants, and in case the local authorities have demarcated the boundaries accordingly, check such boundaries, and registr the excess area, if any, in the mal records. Obtain a confession from the concerned authorities and revenue functionaries, report the matter to us, and take action as ordered. 11. Scrutinize the tax-assessment-records (Jammabandi) prepared by the munsiff deputed from the center as well as by local ditthas and munsiffs. In case it is proved that they ave prepared false records on payment of bribes, realize the I ss from and inflict appropriate punishment. 12. The Peskar Shall obtain monthly statements of miscellaneous revenue receipts (hasbali) for each mouja from the patuwari. The Subba and the Naib Subba shall obtain similar statements from the Peskar every month. Impose fines at your discretion on any patuwari or peskar who does not submit statements in time. 13. Persuade respectable people (bhala manis) and ryots who had fled from the district to come back and reoccupy their lands. 14. Accept gifts and presents (nazrana, salami) given willingly from local or Indian mahantas, birtaowners, Chaudharis, and other persons. Do not force them to offer such gifts and presents. In case it is proved that you have done so, or accepted gifts and presents from guilty litigants and premounced judgements in their favor, you will be punished with fines. 184. 15. Inflict punishment on persons whose guilt has been proved, or beat them up to obtain a confession of their guilt, according to their status as well as according to the nature of their offense. If the penalty is in excess of the offene, you will yourself be punished. 16. Punish any mahanta who sells lands belonging to asthana or sadavartas, thereby causing ad adverse effect on the religious activities of those institutions, or keeps mistresses. The money shall be returned to the purchaser and the lands restored to the asthan. Issue a notification to the effect that any person who buys or sells lands belonging to a sadavarta or other religious institution in the future will be severly punished. Appoint adalats under your jurisdiction at different places to dispose of disputes between creditors and debtors, as well as other disputes with the necessary number of ditthas, bicharis, bahidars, tababildars, tahaluwas and other employees. Have such disputes disposed of in the presence of five local respectable persons. Collect fines and fees as prescribed in the regulations from the litigants. In disputes concerning loans in cash and in foodgrains, sanction the realization of interest at 15 percent on cash loans, and 25 percent on loans in kind. Collect the prescribed fees (dasaund, bisaund) from the litigants and credit the preceeds to the accounts. Refer cases concerning murder, burglary, rebellion, cow-slaughter and illict sexual inter-course to us after the guilt is proved, and take action as ordered. Gambling is permitted from Kartik Badi 13, to the night of Kartik Sudi 2. Howerver, no one shall lend money to the gamblers, who may stake only mined rupee, paisa, as asarfi coins from their own pockets. Punish those gamblers who stake other articles, and return such articles to their owners. No person shall use clothes, domestic utensils, lands and buildings, arms and weapons, cattle and other property as stakes while gambling, nor offer oral stakes. Issue a public notification to this effect. Punish those persons who contrives these regulations while gambling during the Panchaka festival, or who gamble at other times. In case a complaint is received that any local revenue or administrative official (amil, amale) has committed injustice, summon both parties, and pronounce a judgement in the presence of five local respectable persons. Collect fines and fees (jitauri) according the the nature of the offense. The ditthas and bicharis of adalats may appropriate the proceeds of the dasaund (10 percent of the claim) fee on case disposed of by the adalat, as well as the beri (one rupee each paid by the plaintiff and the 185. defendant in a civil suit), and the karpan (five rupees from either party). However, they shall not be allowed to appropriate income from confiscated property, escheat property, enslavement, stolen property, property discovered underground and the darshan-bhet levy. Such income shall be credited to the accounts and transmitted to the central treasury (tosakhana). The following staff and funds have been sanctioned. Procure these funds from Subba according to the appropriate royal orders. Expenses for stationary, office, furniture, rewards, hospitality, contingencies, etc. Rs 8,000 Salaries Rs 9,296 The breakdown of salaries was as follows:- (1) To be paid by Subbas 1 Subba 1 Kharidar 2 Mukhiyas 1 Tahabildar 4 nausindas 2 Physicians 2 munshis for English and Persain correspondence 1 Moti Singh (?) Rs 2,500 Rs 905 (a) 20 Peons (Sipahi) 2 tahaluwa 1 do. for the office 6 time-keepers (ghadiwal 1 Jamadar of Chaprasis 2 hawaldars (2) To be paid from Adalat revenue ..... Rs 440 ..... Rs 167 ..... Rs 454 ..... Rs 575 ..... Rs 1,057-8 Rs 200 Rs 6,302-8 (sic) Rs 1,050 ..... Rs 80 ..... Rs 40 Rs 240 Rs 164 Rs 112 186. 2 amaldars ..... Rs 104 2 mechanics ..... Rs 201-8 1 painter ..... Rs 72 Total Rs 2,993-8 (b) Adalat Staff 1. Dittha ..... Rs 400 1 Bichari ..... Rs 350 1 Bahidar ..... Rs 100 1 Tahabildar ..... Rs 400 1 Tahaluwa ..... Rs 40 Regmi Research Collection, vol. 33, pp. 115-26. Appointment of Jimmawal in Thansing Four Mijhas of the Satthar area of Thansing in Nuwakot district, Jugannath, Rana Krishna, Chhote and Ratnabir, submitted the following petition to the government: When a general land survey (mahajanch) was held in the Vikrama year 1911 (A.D. 1854), a levy amounting to a certain percentage of the revenue (saikadi) had been imposed. We have been paying that levy, as well as kut rents every year to the concerned jagirdars. "Subsequently, a few mischief-makers created confusion and exchanged the rice-land holdings of some tenants (mohi) with each other. Even then, we poor tenants were unable to approach the palace, and so cultivated the rice-lands that were allotted to us and thereby maintained our livelihood. 187. "Last year (i.e. 1919 Vikrama or A.D. 1862), Buddhi Bilas Bhetuwal came here with letters of authority issued by the headquarters (dafdarkhana) of the Srinath Kampu and the Srirajadal Kampu and reallotted (raibandi) rice-lands during the off-season. The ryos then submitted a comapliant to the government. Orders were issued to the effect that the ryots would not be deprived of the rice-lands cultivated by them until the Vikrama year 1917 (A.D. 1860), and canceling the reallotments made by Bhudhi Bilas Bhetuwal. He was dismissed from the position of Jimmwal and the rice-lands currently being cultivated by each tenant were reconfirmed in his name. "This year 1919 Vikrama or A.D.1862), the government granted authority to Dittha Ravatiraman Satyal to reallot (raibandi) our rice-land holings. Buddhi Bilas Bhetueal, acting on behalf of the Dittha, is now engaged in this work. Rice-lands sanctioned to the caretaker (chitaidar) of the Gadkhar gardens have not yet been made available to him. we tenents have been evicted from the rice-lands we had been cultivating until the Vikrama year 1918 (A.D. 1861) on payment of the stipulated rents and other dues." The case was heard at the Thapathali Dalan (Kachahari) in the presence of the complaints, as well as of Buddhi Bilas Bhetuwal and Gauridatta Pande of Thansing. The following order was then issued:- "Gauridatta Pande was kept the ryots satisfied, retained existing allotments, and functioned according to the law. All reallotments made for the Vikrama 1919 season by Buddhi Bilas Bhetuwal on behalf of Dittha Revati Raman Satyal are hereby cancelled. The authority granted to the Dittha for the Vikrama 1920 season has been withdrawn. From that year, we hereby appoint you as Jimmawal for the entire district of Thansing. All rice-lands cultivated by each tenant (mohi) until the Vikrama year 1918 (A.D. 1861), with the exception of those granted to the caretaker of the Gadkhar gardens, have been reconfirmed. "All ryots of Thansing, including those cultivating bekh or bitalab lands, as well as those belonging to Kabilas and Bilaspur in the Likhu area who had been enrolled as laborers for the repair and maintenance of the Gadkhar irrigation channel, shall be employed for that purpose, as well as for the repairand maintenance of the garden and irrigation channel at Thansing. The caretaker of the Thansing garden, Srikrishna Thapa, shall be dismissed. From the Vikrama year 1919 (A.D. 1862), you (i.e. Gauridatta Pande) have been placed in charge of the Thansing garden and of the ten peons (pipa) employeed there. You are directed to repair and maintain the Thansing garden as well as the irrigation channel there according to the arrangements sanctioned by Lt. Colonel Dalajit Bista. Undertake necessary 188. repair and maintenance, and supply seasonal fruits from the garden to us. do not evict tenants who make the prescribed payments and perform the prescribed services. Reallot to the tenants the lands of those who die, abscond, or emigrate, or who relinquish their lands because they lack the means of cultivation. Do not allow rice-lands to be kept uncultivated. If you do so, you will have be bear personal liability for the loss of rents from such lands. Jestha Badi 13, 1919 (May 1862) Regmi Research Collection, vol. 29, pp. 413-16. A State-Owned Orchard in Bara On Kartik Badi 11, 1919 (November 1861), Lt. Colonel Himmat Bahadur Shah was ordered to:- (a) Plant 1,040 saplings of mango, lichi, and other fruits, on a plot of 18-20 bighas of land near Chainpur mouja of Takani Parganna in Bara district. (b) Appoint one mali on a monthly salary of Kampani Rs 6, and four peons (tahaluwa) of Rs 3 each. (c) Obtain Kampani Rs 200 from revenues collected in Bara district in the Vikrama year 1919 (A.D. 1862) to lay out the orchard. (d) Procure the mango plants from Bettiah, as well as through Guru Purohit Tirtha Raj Panditju from Banaras. Regmi Research Collection, vol. 29, pp. 616-18. 189. The Political History of Dolakha (Continued from the November 1980 issue) Rupanarayana Deva Dolakha was thus ruled jointly even by uncles and nephews. A document bearing the date 701 Nepal era (1637 Vikrama) shows that in that year the joint rules were Jitadeva, Bhagudeva, Samarasimha Deva, Maladeva, and Rupanarayana Deva (Aitihasika Samagri, Vol. 1). Another inscription, dated 704 Nepal era, mentiones Bhagudeva, Suratanadeva, Maladeva, Bhishmadeva and Rupanarayan Deva as the joint rulers. (Ibid, No. 35). Rupanarayana Deva appears to be the most notable among these joint rulers. In Dolakha, a daughter's son also could claim a share in power. Rupanarayana Deva was such a person. The daughter of a ruler of Dolakha, called Vihara Rani, had been married to one Krishna Sena. (Vamshavali in the possession of Bharat Bahadur Shrestha). She bore two sons:- Rupanarayana Deva and Lugudeva. It is not known where Krishna Sena came from. One Krishna Sena was the younger brother of the well-known Harihara Sena, the Hindupati King of the east. (Shankar man Rajvamshi, Sena-Vamshawali (Kathmandu: Department of Archeology, His, Majesty's Government, 2020 (A.D. 1963), p. 9.) However, he lived much later. The son of King Hammira Sena of Tanahu was also Krishna Sena. (Ibid, p. 8), but his date is not known. As such, it is not possible to establish the identity of Krishna Sena, the father of Rupanarayana Deva. But the Sena dyanasty is the same, irrespective of whether the particular branch may have belonged to the east or to the west. The Senas were not rigid with regard to matrimonial relations. The Rawut ruler of Pharping had similarly married the daughter of a Sena. It was consistent with this tradition that Krishna Sena should have been married to the daughter of a ruler of Dolakha. (An inscription found at Tharpatatol in Pharping described Jaitalaxmi, wife of Rawut Deva Sinha, as a Sena Princess). The alliance appears to have enhanced the prestige of Dolakha. An inscription installed by Rupanarayana at a Narayana temple built by him at Listitol in 689 Nepal era (1626 Vikrama) has been discovered. It describes Rupanarayana as "efficient", thereby indicating that he had attained majority by that time. But he became a joint ruler of Dolakha only a decade later. Even after Dolakha had been merged into Kantipur, Rupanarayana's descendents functioned as local administrators. (Jogi Boha, Dharmakrishna and Rana Datta referred to in documents listed in Aitihasika Samagri were Rupanarayana's descendents). Like Dolakha, Lalitpur was jointly ruled aftr Vishnu Simha byhis three sons, Nara Simha, Purandara Simha and Uddhava Simha. But the three brothers were not on good terms with each other. In particular, there was intense rivalry between Purandara Simha and Uddhava Simha. In the course of time, Purandara Simha established his sole rule in Lalitpur. (Itihasha Samshodana Ko Pramana Prameya, pp. 3, 12 and 15.). Such interneal discord weakened Lalitpur greatly. 190. In the meantime, Shiva Simha ascended to the throne of Kantipur. He was an able and ambitious ruler. He saw that the secession of Lalitpur, Dolakha and other territories, previously under the Malla Kingdom, had led to the decline of its power. He, therefore, planned to conquer these territories and merge them into Kantipur. To this end, he began trying to enlist the support of the people secretly. He then invaded Lalitpur and easily conquered it. He appointed Crown Prince Harihara Simha to administer Lalatpur (ibid, p. 16). Sometime later Shiva Simha occupied Dolakha also. A Thyasanhu describes how Shiva Simha had expanded the territories of Kantipur after 715 Nepal era. it states that Shiva Simha had occupied Dolakha, Listi and Kerung and extended his influence to Makwanpur, and Sindhuli to the east of Kantipur. In also mentions that he had extended his authority to areas across the Gandaki in the west. (Thyasaphu in the possession of Amoghavajra Vajracharya). Howerver, it contains no reference to the dates on which he occupied different areas. Purandara Simha was ruling Lalitpur till 717 Nepal era. Shiva Simha must, therefore, have occupied Lalitpur sometime after that year. One inscription states that Bhishma Deva Thakura had installed a golden image of Akasha Bhairava in the name of his dead brother, Triloka Deva, in Dolakha in 719 Nepal era. this indicates that Shiva Simha had not occupied Dolakha at that time. However, it is to be noted that in that inscription, Bhisma Deva does not call himself Dolakhadhipati. It thus indicates that the power of Dolakha's rulers had at least begun to wane by that time. Anyway, it was around that time that Shiva Simha had occupied Dolakha. Details of how he had occupied Dolakha are not available. However, an inscription discovered at Pingaltol, installed during the rule of Shiva Simha, gives some indication that there had been a brief fighting between the troops of Shiva Simha and those of Dolakha. It says: "The image of Bhairava, installed during the rule of Ujota Dev, maharajadhiraja of Dolakha, and the columb on which it was displayed, collapsed when there was a major upheaval sometime later. It was, therefore, renovated in Nepal era 731." The fact that the inscription shows much respect to the former ruler of Dolakha, but it silent on the nature of the "upheaval," indicates that the "upheaval" might have referred to a political change. (Aitihasik Samagri No. 38). Several letters exchanged between the King of Kantipur and the ruler of Dolakha some time after the latter's merger into Kantipur have been discovered (Atihasik Samagri). These letters clearly reveral that the administration of Dolakha was then in the hands of Jogi Bha and his descendents, including Dharmakrishna Sena. As already noted, these men of the Sena dynasty had been able to rule Dolakha by virtue of their mother's connections. It seems that at the time of the change of rule these Senas had sided with Shiva Simha. Be that as it may, it was during Shiva Simha's rule that Dolakha was merged into Kantipur after nearly a century of autonomy. Dolakha then became one of the provinces 191. of Kantipur. However, the rulers of Kantipur, including Shiva Simha, avoided undue central interference in the administration of Dolakha and allowed the local nobility to have say in local affairs. As a result, the position of Dolakha did not change substantially. Even after Dolakha's merger into Kantipur, traders of Dolakha were allowed to carry on their trade with Tibet as usual (Aitihasik Samagri No. 42). Dolakha was also able to make progress in education thanks to its contracts with the scholars of Kantipur. Some progress was made in the sphere of culture also. In confrimity with the administrative system prevalent at the time, a Bharadar, who occupied as chief (Pramana) of Dolakha. At the same time, a few of the previous rulers of Dolakha were retained as Pramanas. They were called Deshwara Pramana. Deshwara Pramanas usually held permanent positions. Thus there existed two parallel posts of Pramana in the administration of Dolakha. Only two inscriptions installed during the rule of Shiva Simha have been discovered in Dolakha. One of them is dated 730 Nepal era. it had been installed by Shkyabhikshus and merchants of Kathmandu after they had offered a golden roof a jar and a dome to the temple of Bhimeshwara (Aitihasik Samagri, No. 37). This inscription indicates that the merger of Dolakha into Kantipur had made it easy for people to undertake pilgrimage to Bhimeshwara in Dolakha district. The eulogical reference made in the inscription to Shiva Simha isnot surprising, inasmuch as it had been installed by people belonging to Kantipur. After the death of Shiva Simha, the rival groups supporting his two grandsons, Laxmi Narasimha and Siddhi-narasimha,began behaving in a manner designed to serva their own interests. As a result, Lalitpur again detached itself from the control of Kantipur. While Laxminarasimha Malla, the elder brother, established his control over Kantipur, his younger brother, Siddinarasimha, became the ruler of Lalitpur. This struggle between the two brothers, did not have any impact on Dolakha, which continued /_dated 752 Nepal era has been discovered in Dolakha (ibid, No. 40) after the installation of the golden image of Akasha-Bhairawa. It does not contain specifc information, but it does confirm Laxminarasimha's supremacy over Dolakha. It also indicates that economic conditions were not had at the time, and that the inhabitants of Dolakha were skilled in making gold idols. Later, Pratapa Malla, with the help of Kaji Bhima Malla, imprisoned Laxminarasimha Malla, his father, and proclaimed himself King (A manuscript entitled (Ayukarandabyuha, in the collection of Kulaharshamuni Vajracharya, describes the episode in the following words: Panchami, bright half of Bhadra, 761 Nepal era (1698 Vikrama)..... On this day, Pratapa Malla, in cooperation with Bhima Malla, imprisoned Laxminarasimha Malla, and assassinated Jaricha), Siddhinarasimh and others of Lalitpur refused to recognize this action. /_to be under the Suzerainty of Kantipur. An inscription 191. of Kantipur. However, the rulers of Kantipur, including Shiva Simha, avoided under central interference in the administration of Dolakha and allowed the local nobility to have say in local affairs. As a result, the position of Dolakha did not change subsequently. Even after Dolakha's marger into Kantipur, traders of Dolakha were allowed to carry on their trade with Tibet as usaual (Aitihasik Samagri, No. 42). Dolakha was also able to make progress in education thanks to its contracts with the scholars of Kantipur. Some progress was made in the sphere of culture also. In confrimity with the administrative system prevalent at the time, a Bharadar, who occupied the status of minister at the center, was appiointed as chief (Pramana) of Dolakha. At the same time, a few of the previous rulers of Dolakha were retained as Pramanas. They were called Deshwara Pramana. Deshwara Pramanas usually held permanent positions. Thus there existed two parallel posts of Pramana in the administration of Dolakha. Only two inscriptions installed during the rule of Shiva Simha have been discovered in Dolakha. One of them is dated 730 Nepal era. It had been installed by Shkyabhikshus and merchants of Kathmandu after they had offered a golden roof a jar and a dome to the temple of Bhimeshwara (Aitihasik Samagri, No. 37). This inscription indicates that the merger of Dolakha into Kantipur had made it easy for people to undertake pilgrimage to Bhimeshwara in Dolakha district. The eulogical reference made in the inscription to Shiva Simha isnot surprising, inasmuch as it had been installed by people belonging to Kantipur. After the death of Shiva Simha, the rival groups supporting his two grandsons, Laxmi Narasimha and Siddhi-narasimha,began behaving in a manner designed to serva their own interests. As a result, Lalitpur again detached itself from the control of Kantipur. While Laxminarasimha Malla, the elder brother, established his control over Kantipur, his younger brother, Siddinarasimha, became the ruler of Lalitpur. This struggle between the two brothers, did not have any impact on Dolakha, which continued /_dated 752 Nepal era has been discovered in Dolakha (ibid, No. 40) after the installation of the golden image of Akasha-Bhairawa. It does not contain specifc information, but it does confirm Laxminarasimha's supremacy over Dolakha. It also indicates that economic conditions were not had at the time, and that the inhabitants of Dolakha were skilled in making gold idols. Later, Pratapa Malla, with the help of Kaji Bhima Malla, imprisoned Laxminarasimha Malla, his father, and proclaimed himself King (A manuscript entitled (Ayukarandabyuha, in the collection of Kulaharshamuni Vajracharya, describes the episode in the following words: Panchami, bright half of Bhadra, 761 Nepal era (1698 Vikrama)..... On this day, Pratapa Malla, in cooperation with Bhima Malla, imprisoned Laxminarasimha Malla, and assassinated Jaricha), Siddhinarasimh and others of Lalitpur refused to recognize this action. /_to be under the Suzerainty of Kantipur. An inscription