Regmi Research Series, Year 4 M. C. Regmi Regmi Research (Private) Ltd Kathmandu, Nepal December 31, 1972 This electronic text was created by Optical Character Recognition (OCR). No corrections have been made to the OCR-ed text and no editing has been done to the content of the original document. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: December 31, 1972. 1. REGMI RESEARCH SERIES Commutative Index,X Year 4. January-December 1972. 1. Notes On The History OF Morang District-III I. Gold Imports From Tibet-II 3. Harisimhadeva 4. Privilages And Obligations Of Chudyaras 5. The Muslim Invasion Of Nepal 6. Notes On The Hiostory Of Morang District-VI 7. Gunpodwer Factories In Nepal, 1799 A.D. 8. Revaluation Of Bandha Lands 9. Rana Bahadur Shah's Arrival In Banaras 10. Imposition Of Fines On Gurungs And Lamas, 1810 A.D. II. Purification Ceremonies of Tamangs And Bhotes, 1810 A.D. 12. Inspection Of Nepal India Borders, 1810 A.D. Page 1 4 18 24 26 33 36 46 9. 21. 42 44 Contd 2. 13. List Of Presents Sent to Chinese General, 1792 A.D. 14. Sthiti Malla and His Sons 15. Revenue Collection In Bhirkot, 1797 A.D. 16. Kumaun Documents-I 17. Yaksha Malla and The Division Of Nepal 18. The Sthiti Fighting 19. Politics And Culture In The Lichchhavi Period 20. Procurement Of Muskets In Bhadgaumn 21. Arrangements For Management Of Machchhindranath Temple 22. Compulsory Labor Regulations, 1816 23. History Of Bhadgaun 24. Kumaun Documents-II 25. The Cultural Heritage Of Nepal 26. The Mudad-Bhyadni Payment 27. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Letters To Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana 28. Chronology Of Shah Kings 29. Guthi Legislation In The 1866 Legal Code 30. Bhadgaun 47 60 71 75 79 81 97. 101 50 61 74 80 83 87 91 93 94 114 1155 3. 31. The Political Unification Of Nepal ..... 121 32. Chronology Of Kathmandu ..... 126 33. Treaty Signed By King Jaya Prakash Malla Of Kantipur In Favor Of Prithvi Narayan Shah ..... 132 34. Guthi Land Endowments By Sen Kings Of Vijayapur ..... 135 35. Management Of Guthi Lands In Dolakha, 1759 ..... 137 36. Lana Grants By King Prithvi Narayan Shah ..... 138 37. The Campaign Of Political Unification 141 38. Letter From King Prithvi Narayn Shah To Ramakrishna Kuwnar Rana ..... 146 39. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Letters To Nilakantha Joshi ..... 147 40. Property Transactions In Kathmandu, 1794 ..... 149 41. Lana Reclamation In The Eastern Hill Region, 1799 ...... 150 42. Dullu-Dailekh, 1798-1802 ..... 150 43. An Inscription Of Aditya Malla, 1321 A.D. ..... 155 44. A Study In Economic History, 1768-1846 ..... 160 45. General Bhimsen Thapa And The Samar Jung Company ..... 161 Contd 46. Mustang Rajya 47. Fouzdars And Munsiffs In Saptari And Mahottari 48. Kumaun Administrative Regulations 49. Kusahi-Bisahi Tax Regulations In Western Nepal 50. Conquest Of Makwanpur And Aconomic Blockade Of Kathmandu Valley 51. From Ratna MallaTo Narasimha Malla 52. From Ratna Malla To Narasimha Malla 53. Guthi Land Acquisition For Balaju Gardens 54. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Military Campaigns, 1764-69 55. Betal Offerings To Goddess Taleju 56. An Order Of King Dembar Shah Of Gorkha 57. An Inscription Installed During The Reign Of Rajalla-Devi 58. Appointment Of Chief Of Gunpowder Factory In Thimi 59. An Appeal For The Abolition Of Slavery 60. In Inscription Of Queen Bhuwanalaxmi 168 173 171 179 181 189 190 195 196 198 201 209 167 175 200 Contd 4. 5. 61. Bhrikuti And Amshuvarma 62. Punishment For Eating Yak-Meat 63. Yaksha Malla 64. Captain Kinloch's Unsuccessful Expedition 65. An Appeal For The Abolition Of Slavery 66. An Inscription Of King Abhaya Malla 67. Dr. Kooker's Visit To Nepal 68. Rautahat Administrative Regulations 211 215 221 226 236. 239 239 216 (S.B. Maharjan). Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: January 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 1, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. ************* Contents Page ..... 1 ..... 4 ..... 9 ..... 18. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 1. Notes On The History Of Morang District-III 2. Gold Imports From Tibet-II 3. Harisimhadeva 4. Previleges And Obligations Of Chudyaras Notes On The History Of Morang District-III On Basikh Badi 1, 1853 (April 1796), Subba Dhaukal Singh was appointed as Chief district administrator of Morang, succeeding Zorawar Khawas. The following regulations were then issued in his names:- To Subba Dhaukal Singh, We hereby promulgated the following administrative regulations (..........) for the district of Morang with headquarters at Vijayapur. We shall enjoy all actions taken by you in accordance with these regulations:- 1. In case we grant lands as Birta or Jagir or any person after the year 1853 (1796 A.D.), we shall grant remission (in the stipulated amount) ever year to the extent of the first year's income of the basis of a statement signed by the reciepient. 2. In the event of invasion from any quarter, if the military company stationed there is not adequate to repel such invasion, recruit additional troops and defend the territory. Report the matter to us. After the invasion is repulsed, pay salaries to such troops and dismiss them. The necessary expenses shall be remitted. 3. Expiation for offenses committed in that area shall be granted through local Pandits 4. In case any person in guilty of theft, murder, cow slaughter or rebellion, the case shall be heard in the court. The convicted person shall be punished with death or enslavement according to the nature of the offense. The matter shall then be reported to up. 5. Land allotment Pattas and the rates of taxes thereon as confirmed through royal order should be retained. 4. Visiting Englishmen, Nawabs and Rajas and Wakils, Princess and respectable persons from Dharma shall be accorded due hospitality. Reasonable expenses incurred for such purposed will be debited (from the stipulated amount). 7. Escheats and buried treasure shall be appropriated up to Rs 100. The excess shall be transmitted to the palace and one-sixth thereof shall accrue to you. 8. Half of rhinoceros horn and ivory found there shall be transmitted to the palace. Contd..... 2. 9. The Amil shall dismiss any Chaudhari, Kanogoye, Mokaddam, Sairdar or Mahaldar who does not comply with his orders and does not supply provisions. 10. Former Subba and their agents (Amala, Bahidar) shall be allowed to collect arrears of revenue until the year 1852 (1795 A.D.), after checking the accounts with Chaudhari, Kanogoye, Mokaddam, and ryots. 11. Remission in the stipulated amount for Birta lands granted to Kashav Jha in 1852 (1795 A.D.) shall be granted on the basis of records submitted by the appropritate Chaudhari and Kanugoyes. 12. Assessment records relating to the Gadimubarak levy shall be submitted expenditiously. Remissions have been granted at the rates of 1 anna or anna per bigha and collections shall therefore be made accordingly. The levy shall not be collected from tenants (Adhiyars) in case it has already been realized from landowners (Maliks). 13. Remission had been granted to Zorawar for the emoluments of Mokaddam at the rate of 1.25 Kattas of land. The figure has now been fixed at 0.75 Katta (15 dhurs) as in other areas. Remissions to Mokaddam shall be granted accordingly. The total amount thus remitted shall be deducted from the stipulated amount every year. 14. We shall supply gunpowder and connon-bells from here. Purchase 10,000 flints there. While handing over charge, entrust reserves of such ammunition maintained at different forts to the Amil and obtain a receipt. Remissions shall be granted accordingly. Baisakh Badi 1, 1853 (April 1796)., Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 19, PP. 100-103. Notes The regulations make it clear that Subba Dhaukel Singh had been appointed as an Ijaradar, or revenue farmer, although a copy of the letter of appointment is not available. It cannot be known, therefore what amount he had stipulated to pay. The reference to Malik and Adhiyar are interesting. Malik was a term used in India to denote "proprietoers" or Zamindar. According to Infan Contd...... 3. Habib,1 " The synonym for Zamindar used more often than any [..........] Sone documents, a Zamindar is called Malik."2 An Adhiyar, in the adjoining district of Paurnea in India, was a tenant. According to Francis Buchanan:3 A man who has stock sufficient to keep a plough, but has no land and cultivates that if others for a share of the crop, is here also (i.e. Purnea) called Adhiyar, and is much on the same footing as in Dinajpur and Ronggour. In general, however, Their reward is higher, as they do not reap the share of the crop that goes to the proprietor of the land; or if they do, are paid for their trouble. They either, however, furnish the seed, or if they borrow it as almost always happens, they repay it with inte- rest at the rate of 100 per cent. They pay all other expenses at cultivation, and take a half of the crop. Their condition is very generally admitted to be better than that of hired servants or daily laborers. They are chiefly employed by the high castes, by Tradesmen who hire land, and by the proprietors Who reserve land to cultivate land on their own Account. The regulations thus mention Zamindars, Adhiyar tenants and one other class of cultivators-those who held include small cultivators who were allotted waste lands for cultivation, and were thus distinct from the traditional landowning community represented by the Zamindar. The following observations of B.H. Bade-Pawell with regard to such Patta holders may be of interest in this context.4 But for the bulk of the raiyats (leaving aside But for the bulk of the raiyats (leaving aside Zamindars and holders of independent estates), many of whom were old "resident" village landholders, nothing was thought of but to require that each should get a "Pottal" (Potta) specifying the area, as well as the terms and conditions of his holding. _________________________________________ 1. Irfan Habid, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, Bombay, Asia Publishing House, 1963, P. 111 2. Ibid, PP. 128-129. 3. Francis Buchaman, Purnea Report, Patna: Bihar And Orissa Research Society, 1928, P. 443. 4. B.H. Baden-Powell, A Short Account Of The Land Revenue And Its Administration In British India, With a Sketch of The Land Tenures, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913, P. 163. 4. Gold Imports From Tibet-II 1. From King Prithvi Narayan Shah,1 To Haridev Pandit. Greetings. If the Tibetans are prepared to deliver the gold immediately without making anything with it, make an offer of 18 Mahendramalis. But do so only in they allow it to be tested by crushing or melting. Merchant have come here from India (Madhesh) with money. We intend to mint coins this time. Accordingly, make an offers of much as Rs 18. We on our part will not mix any impurity. The Tibetans may agree today. Ascertain this well. But finish the work soon. You will understand everything from Shrinandu's letter. What more to wise people? Monday, Chaitra Sudi 2, Madi, Capital of Nuwakot. 2. From King Prithvi Narayan Shah, To Haridev Pandit. Greetings. All is well here and we wish the same there. This will make us useful very happy. The news here is good. Go immediately and finalize the matter early. We have granted ("Bato Ko 3" --- unclear).Bring gold quickly with the money which is lying at Kuti. Procure additional golf from Tibet. Do everything quickly. Do not make any delay. Be quick. What more to wise people? Thursday, Shrawan Badi 13, Capital of Nuwakot. Notes These four letters were sent by King Prithvi Narayan Shah to Haridev Pandit, his envoy in Tibet. Calculations reveal that the first 3 letters were sent in t1813 Vikrama (1756 A.D.) and the fourth letter in 1814 (1757 A.D.). These letters show that King Prithvi Narayan Shah was a in hurry remit money to Tibet and procure gold from there. ___________________________________________ 1. Najaraj Pant (ct.al.), Shri 5 Prithvinarayan Shah Ko Upadesh Teachings of King Prithvi Narayan Shah), Lalitur: Jagadamba Prakash, n. d., Part III, PP. 969-972. Contd 5. 14 or 15 years had passed since Prithvi Narayan Shah had started moving towards the east. But his gains had still not been significant. Accordingly, with the objective of occupying Nepal Valley, Prithvi Narayan Shah tried impose an economic blockade on it. This necessitated the recruitment of additional troops, for which money was required. Prithvi Narayan Shah, therefore, appears to have been in a hungry to remit money to Tibet and procure gold from there so as to make profits and increase his influence. Merchants from India (Madhesh) had then come to Nuwakot to purchase gold. Prithvi Narayan Shah planned to exchange gold procured from Tibet with the silver that they brought, or to mint coins for circulation in Tibet. He was a hungry because he was afraid lest the Indian merchants should go back. He was therefore prepated even t pay the price of Rs 18 per tola. The total amount required to buy 15,000 tola of gold was Rs 270,000. This was not an insignificant amount at that time. Haridev Pandit was therefore instructed to be very careful in examining the weight and purity of the gold. The letter Malla Kings or Nepal Valley, because of their weak financial condition, minted silver coins with coppers or other alloy. Large quantities of these debased coins had reached Tibet. This practice encouraged counterfeiting, which would have led to an increase in prices and thus hardship for the people. Prithvi Narayan Shah, therefore, followed the policy of minting pure coins. This shows that Prithvi Narayan Shah had already anticipated a deterioration in relations with Tibet over the issued of debased coins. These letters show that Prithvi Narayan Shah's coins had started circulating not only in Kuti but elsewhere in Tibet as well. Life-Long Pledge Of Chhowang Panjor Dhewa, Nuwa Dhewa, Fuijo Raytan, Siehhitundo and Si Banju To King Prithvi Narayan Shah.2 We hereby confirm the price of gold or fixed by RinjinChhibi Lama last year. We shall not charge more or less. In the future, the price of gold shall not be fixed here. Cold against the money sent by you will be supplied the very next day, or within four days. 2. Ibid, PP. 956-959. Contd 6. If the price of gold is reduced, or payment held up, may the evil eyes of Shri Kamini, Shri Bhairavi, Shri Lamaju, Shri Simbhu Chhetra and Shri Baudha fall in us. If the price of gold is confirmed at the rate previously fixed by the Lama, and if payment is not held up, may their gracious eyes fall on us. If the price of the gold is increased or reduced may we incur the sin of demolishing the monasteries of Shri Baudh and Shri Simbhu Chhetra. This argument has been signed for gold in Kuti. As regard gold and silver from outside Kuti, these shall be melted. (?). Friday, Poush Sudi 14, 1812 Vikrama. Notes This pledge was signed in favor of Prithvi Narayan Shah by the Tibetan authorities of the Kuti region in 1812 Vikrama (1755 A.D.). This indicates how Prithvi Narayan Shah was trying to strengthen his financial position. He always tried to consolidate his administrative and economic hold in the territories he had conquered. He wanted to develop trade with Tibet and other countries as this would bring in profit and enrich his subjects. It is easier to trade with one's own coins. Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore minted his own silver coins, and, like the Malla Kings, tried to introduce them for circulations in Tibet. The letter shows that Prithvi Narayan Shah finalized an agreement regarding the price of gold with the Tibetan Lama in 1811 Vikrama (1754 A.D.) and then obtained the pledge from some Tibetan authorities. We do not know when Prithvi Narayan Shah first minted coins. A large number of his coins dated the Shaka year 1676 (1811 Vikrama or 1754 A.D.) have been discovered. This letter shows that Prithvi Narayan Shah had started trying to introduce his coins for circulation in Tibet during the very year. It is difficult to mint silver coins. Since silver was not minted in Nepal. The letters written by Prithvi Narayan Shah to Haridev Pandir show how he procured silver for purposes of minting. This pledge related of gold only inside Kuti. This shows the Prithvi Narayan Shah's coins at that time circulated only in Kuti, not throughout Tibet. Contd....... 7. Baburam Acharya writes:3 Large quantited of gold entered into the principality of Kantipur during the period of 175 years (1641-1715 A.D.) fro King Pratap Malla to King Bhaskar Malla. This gold was used to gild the roofs of temples and status of kings and queens made of copper mined in the territories of the principality of Lalitpur. In 1746 A.D., Prithvi Narayan Shah occupied the route leading from Kathmandu to Khasa through Kuti and gave it to the King of Bhaktapur. Along with the traders of Bhaktapur, he started trading in gold procured from Kuti. For this, Prithvi Narayan Shah used the coins of Bhaktapur and obtained the helped of the Sanyasi disciples of Kamal Ban and Kshmiri Muslim merchants. By 1754, Prithvi Narayan Shah had occupied Sindhupalchok, Kabhrepalanchok and Dolakha also. He thus controlled the gold trade that passed through these areas and appointed Haridev Pandit, trade agent of the King of Bhaktapur, as his own agent. Prithvi Narayan Shah meanwhile minted his coins with pure silver, as he realized that trade could not go on satisfactorily with the debased coins of King Jaya Prakash Malla of Kantpur. Even then, the authorities of Kuti did not permit trade in gold, because Chinese Ambas had been stationed in Lhasa since 1716 A.D. These Ambans did not interfere in the administration of the Dalai Lama of Tibet, but only gave him appropriate advice. On their advice, the governemt of the Dalai Lama had imposed restrictions on the export of gold to Tibet. This resulted in a progressive decline in Nepal's gold imports since the time of King Jagajjaya Malla of Kantipur, until that time, coins minted by the King of Kantipur used to circulate in Tibet. But trade in general had started declining because these coins were debased. In t1757 A.D., after the first battle of Kantipur, the Kings of Kantipur and Gorkha forgot their mutual hostility and signed a commercial treaty stipulating that they would both mint only pure silver coins and conduct trade jointly. But soon Jaya Prakash Malla violated treaty and created a situation in which no reconciliation was possible After King Prithvi Narayan Shah conquered the principality of Kantipur in 1768 A.D., he withdraw Kantipur's debased coins and introduced pure silver coins. He planned to mint coins with inscriptions in the Tibetan script circulation in that country, on the ground that Kantipur had already been conquered by him and so the use of its coins in Tibet should stop. For this, Prithvi Narayan Shah required pure silver. The Mughal coins of that period were of pure silver. After Prithvi Narayan Shah conquered territories in the Tarai, he introduced his pure silver coins there, withdraw Mughal coins ___________________________________________ 3. Baburam Acharya, Shri-5 Badamaharajadhiraj Prithvinarayan Shah (The Great King Prithvi Narayan Shah), Kathmandu: His Majesty's Press Secretariat, Royal Palace, 2026 (1969), Part 4, PP. 689-691. Contd 8. which used to circulate there and converted them into Nepal coins at the Kathmandu Mint. He thus attempted to introduce a uniform system of coinage in all parts of the Kingdom. But the influx of Mughal coins through the Tarai exceeded minting requirements, and so Prithvi Narayan Shah wanted to use these Mughal coins for minting coins for Tibet with inscription in the Tibetan script. He therefore appears to have decided to send a delegation under Raj Giri to Tibet with these proposals. But various obstacles stood in the way of gold imports from Tibet. Before the Raj Giri delegation could leave Nuwakot, Prithvi Narayan Shah died. It does not appear that gold procured from Kuto was meant to be stored in the treasury. The objective was to make profits by reselling this gold to foreign merchants. But since these profits too were credited to the account of the treasury, gold imports from Tibet were viewed as a source of revenue. (Continued) 9. Harisimhadva1 By Surya Bikram Gnyawali. There is evidence that Harisimhadeva, King of Mithila and descendant of Nanyadeva, entered into Nepal from Simreungadh around the beginning of the fourteenth century. Sthiti Mall and his Malla succeessors have described themselves as descendants of Harisimhadeva of the Karnata dynasty. Harisimhadeva, therefore, occupies a leading place in the history of Nepal. We have already described how Nanyadeva established his Kingdom in Simraungadh in 1097 A.D. His successors ruled over Mithila for more than two conturies with Simraungadh as their capital. They then suffered a Muslim invasion. The Malla successors of Jayasthiti Malla, who claimed to belonge to the Karnata dynasty, have mentioned the successors of Nanyadeva in their Vamshavalis. These names are not very important for the history of Nepal during this period. But mention them because they occur in Nepal writings. Different versions of the names of Nanyadeva's successors are as follows:- Pratap Mall's Inscription 1. Nanyadeva 2. Gangadeva 3. Nrisimha 4. Ramasimha 5. Shaktisimha 6. Bhupalasimha 7. Harisimha Muditakuvalayashwa Nanyadeva Gangadeva Nurasimhadeva Bhavasimhadeva Karmasimha Kirkpatrick Hamilton Nanyadeva Nanyadeva Kanakadeva Ramasimha Bhadasimha Karnasimha Harisimha Harisimha Gangadeva Narasimha Ramasimha Shaktisimha Harisimha 1. Surya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihas (Medieval History of Nepal Valley), Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter 5: "Harisimhadeva", PP. 54-68 Contd..... 10. It is nor necessary to dwell on the successors of Nanyadeva because this relates to the history of Mithila. According to the drama "Muditakuvalayashwa", Karma Simha was the father of Harisimhadeva. According to the inscription of Pratap Malla, Harisimhadeva's father was named Bhupalasimha. On the other hand, Hamilton has given his name as Shakta (Shakti ?). In view of these different versions of the names of Harisimhadeva's father, it appears that the Malla Kings of Kathmandu Valley claimed dynasty links with Mithila in order to prove their own ancient origin. Whatever may be the case, it is possible that the relationship between the Malla Kings of Kathmandu Valley and the dynasty of Harisimhadeva was a very distant one. By the time of Harisimhadeva, Muslim domination had already been established in India. According to Indian history, Ghiyasuddin Tughlak Shah conquered Mithila on his way back after invading Bengal. As soon as he reached Delhi, he was murdered in the beginning of 135 A.D. This shows the he conquered Tirhut or Mithila in 1324 A.D. There is evidence that Harisimhadeva left Simraungadh had entered into the hill regions in the some year. This is proved by a verse which occurs in the Vamshavalis of both Nepal and Mithila with slight variations. According to this verse Harisimhadeva left Simraungadh in 1325 Shaka or 1323 A.D. Since the month when he did so was Poush, it is possible that the year 1324 A.D. had already commenced. According to another verse current in Mithila, Harisimhadeva entered into the hill region or into Nepal on the 10th day of the bright half of the moon in the month of Poush in 1248 Shaka. It may be that the last figure, 8, is really 5. alternatively, it is possible that after being defeated by the Muslim in 1324 A.D., Harisimhadeva lived in hiding for some years in the hill areas north to Simrajgadh, waiting for a favorable opportunity to get his Kingdom back. Otherwise, it is difficult to understand the discrepancy between the two dates, 1245 and 1245 Shaka. According to Nepal Vamshavalis, Harisimhadeva entered into Nepal in 444 Nepal Era (1245 Shaka, 1323 A.D.).2 In the Hanumandhoka inscription, Pratap Malla has described how Harisimhadeva came to Ashmanagar or Panauti after leaving Simraungadh, and that he came to Nepal from there.3 A similar account is contained in the Pashupati inscription in the year 778 Nepal era of Pratap Malla. However, according to the Itihas Samsodhan (No. 7-39), Harisimhadeva fled from Simraungadh to Dolakha, where he died. 2. Wright, P. 175 3. Sanskrit Sandesh, Year 1, No. 2. Contd 11. Harisimhadeva's entry into Nepal during the beginning of the 14th century recalls the similar entry of other Kshatriya Princes from India into the western hill regions of Nepal during the same period, or 1 or 2 centuries earlier for similar reasons. The entry of a number in Indian Princes, including Harisimhadeva, into Nepal is an important event in History. They did not come here with aggressive intentions. The people of Nepal Valley or of western Nepal did not regard their arrival as an invasion. Even before this, Budhist Bhikshu and scholars had entered into Nepal along with their valuable manuscripts during the initial invasions of the Muslims. The number of such refugees was small in western Nepal, but quite large in Nepal Valley. The local people heartily welcomed these Bhikshus and scholars. The new immigrants who came in after a few centuries received a similar affectionate treatment. This gives evidence of the large heart of the Nepali people. The doors of this country were always of culture and civilization. Everybody who came there was accorded a very warm hospitality. This is a very bright chapter in the history of Nepal. One important consequences of this generous attitude of the Nepali people was that the immigrants and the local people exchanged each other's religion language and culture and soon became one. No differences remained between them. The Nepali nation became strong, talented and prosperous. It became capable of safeguarding its independence for long, even though the flame may have been dim. The people of Nepal should never forget this glorious chapter in their history. Harisimhadeva thus entered into Nepal after he sustained a defeat at the hands of the Muslims. His visit should not be regarded as an invasion. He was not an aggressor. He entered into Nepal to protect himself from aggressors, with faith in the goodwill of the local people. We should regard his visit to Nepal from this viewpoint. Only then can we make a proper evaluation of his arrival. We shall later discuss how he or his successors ruled in Bhadgaun or some adjoining area, how they attained a respectful place in Nepal, and why the Malla Kings of Kathmandu Valley traced their origin from his dynasty. According to a popular legend of Mithila, Harisimhadeva, after being defeated by the Muslims, went to his protectors, Pandit Kameshwar Thakur, for advice. At that time, Kameshwar was living in the village of Sugauna. Harisimhadeva asked him where the Sanatansa religion would remain safe, and cows and Brahmans would be protected even during the Kali age. Kameshwar Thakur moved his hand towards the north. According to this advice Harisimhadeva entered into Nepal. This Legend sheds considerable light on the reason why Harisimhadeva came into Nepal. It also gives evidence of his real status as a refugee. Contd 12. We have already seen how the internal strife in Nepal helped Harisimhadeva to remain here. One consequences of Harisimhadeva's entry into Nepal was that the cult of Tulajadevi spread here. After Harisimhadeva brought this goddess to Nepal, the royal family of Nepal adopted her as their tutelary deity. They continued to do so until the 18th century. Irrespective of whether they remained united or divided. After the division of Nepal Valley, the Kings of Kathmandu too constructed a temple of the goddess and made arrangements to have religious functions performed there. It was easy for Harisimhadeva to become popular in Nepal because he has brought goddess Tulajadevi here. Later Kings too obtained the help of the goddess in their political maneuvers and duped their religious-minded subjects. It is possible that Tulajadevi was not a goddess of the people. Her temple was constructed within the precincts of the royal palace. She was the tutelary deity of the King himself. Religious functions at the temple too were performed in sacred. It is therefore possible that Tulajadevi was not a goddess of the people but one of the royal dynasty. The Vamshavalis mention a number of castes who accompanied Harisimhadeva to Nepal. These were Brahman, Bhandel, Achar, Jaisi, Vaidya, Rajaka and Khadgi. In other words, this shows that these castes entered into Nepal from Mithila. These castes still exist in Nepal in some form or other. These are no Rajakas or Dhobis (washermen) in the eastern or western hill areas. It is possible that in Nepal too, as in the hill areas, there were no Dhobis until the 14th century, and that this caste appeared only with Harisihadeva. This shows that public life in Nepal had acquired civic characteristics a long time ago. Chandeshwar, a Minister of Harisimhadeva, had written a work entitled Krityachintamani. In this, he was described himself as a conquerer of the Kings of Nepal; who had made religious gifts on the banks of the Bagmati river. This may mean that before Harisimhadeva had entered into Nepal in 1326 A.D., his Minister, Chandeshwar, had come here. Despite his claims of having conquered the Kings of Nepal and made religious gifts on the banks of the Bagmati river, however, it is not possible to believe that he visited Nepal as a conqueror at a time when his King, Harisimhadeva, was apprehending an invasion from the Muslims. We will be unable to understand the truth in case we regard the visit of Chandeshwar or Harisimhadeva, or other persons from Mithila before them, as aggressors or conquerors. We must therefore regard these events from another viewpoint. Muslim conquerors had already started conquering different parts of Nepal in the 12th century. Around the beginning of this century, Muhama[..] Khilji, son of Bakhtiyar, had already conquered Bengal. The later Muslim rulers of Bengal did not want to remain under Delhi. They therefore declared themselves independent. The Sultans of Delhi did not like this and therefore used to invade Bengal. Ordinary Hindu subjects naturally had to undergo Contd................. 13. considerable difficulty as a result of such invasions. There is evidence that these Hindus entered into different parts of the moderns Kingdom of Nepal during the thirteenth century. Since Nepal is situated near north Bihar, it was natural for Maithilis to come here. Those who came in as refugees were welcomed everywhere. Maithilis too came into Nepal as refugees. Maithilis had been immigrating into Nepal even before the visit of Chandeshwar. Chandeshwar visited Nepal during this period. Nepal regarded him as a pilgrim or a refugee. If he had transpressed the rules of stiquette, and committed aggression, the Kings of Nepal and their subjects ignored this. In return for their affectionate treatment, Chandeshwar went back to Mithila and boasted that he had conquered Nepal. Subsequently, Harisimhadeva was defeated by Ghiyasuddhin Tughlak and therefore entered into Nepal. This shows to what extent Chandeshwar's claim of having conquered Nepal is correct. Immigration from India into Nepal is a very important episode in the history of the medieval period. It has had a major impact on the history of Nepal. But the immigrants never came in as conquerors. A study of the reasons why they came here would indicate that they did not have the capacity to come here as conquerors. People who had been harassed by foreign aggression left their hearth and home and tokk shelter in the Himalayan region. They came to the hills and valleys of the Himalayan region, which had a low density of population, and naturally lived here amicably with the local people. In fact, this was the tradition of the ancient Arya or Hindu culture. The inhabitants of the hills regions had realized the calamity undergone by the immigrants. Moreover, the small nmber of the immigrants was not a cause for concern. For this reason, the immigrants were welcomed everywhere. A few years after Chandeshwar went back from Nepal to Mithila, Harisimhadeva was defeated by Ghiyasudhin Tughlak. In 1326 A.D., therefore, he entered into Nepal. King Rudra Malla of Nepal had died in the same year. He had not male heir, but only a daughter. Ari Malla, who had ruled jointly with Rudradeva, naturally wanted to be King himself without sharing his authority with anybody. A faction with Nayak Deva, daughter of Rudra Malla as leader, was opposing Ari Malla. Not much time had passed since an independent Kindom had been established in Bhadgaun. It was natural for the newly-established Kingdom of Bhadgaun too to be involved in some form or other in this internal conflict. A few months after the death of Rudradeva, Harisimhadeva entered into Nepal. Since an internal conflict was going on, it was definite that he would be helped by one faction or the other. Since he had left his country for protecting his religion, after fighting people following another Contd.......... 14. religion, it was natural for the religious-minted people of Nepal of offer him sympathy and assistance. In fact, Harisimhadeva was able to establish his authority over Bhadgaun without any fight. Goddess Tulajadevi, an image of whom he had brought along with him, naturally attracted the devoti of the religious-minded people of Nepal. As a result no particular opposition was offered to Harisimhadeva. It appears that Harisimhadeva was not able to stay ling in Nepal. The internal conflict which had started after the death of Rudra Malla came to an end in 1337 A.D., and Ari Malla had assumed the entire authority of State. Since Ari Malla was the sole King of the whole of Nepal, Harisimhadeva must already have died. This view is supported by the fact that no reference to Harisimhadeva is available during the reign of Ari Malla. Nor did Harisimhadeva go back to Mithila, because after he left Simraungadh the Emperor of Delhi granted the Kingdom of Mithila to Kameshwar Thakur, who established the Sugana dynasty there. The Vamshavalis contain a list of Kings said to have been descendents of Harisimhadeva. The list is as follows:4 1. Harisimhadeva 28 years 2. Matisimhadeva 15 years 3. Shktisimhadeva 22 years 4. Syamsimhadeva 15 years we shall now discuss who these kings were and what was their relationship with Harisimhadeva. Available evidence indicates that these King belonged to the Vardhana family. Matisimha of the Vamshavalis is none else than Madanarama, who has been mentioned in the Itambahal and Pashupati inscriptions. It is difficult to say why his name was mentioned incorrectly in the Vamshavalis. Since the name of the first King was Haarisimha, and that of the third King Shaktisiha, it is possible that the name of Madanarama was given as Matisimha. The total period of the reign of these Kings, according to the Vamshavalis, is 80 years. We have already cited evidence to show that Harisimhadeva entered into Nepal in 1326 A.D. This means that the total period of their reign extended from 1326 A.D. to 1404 A.D. But we have already seen that during the period from 1337 A.D. to circa 1380 A.D., Ari malla, Raj Malla and Arjun Malla were Kings of Nepal Mandala. We are thus faced with the question of where the above-mentioned Kings reigned. 4. Wright, PP. 179-180. Contd 15. According to the manuscript Guhyakatantra,5 it appears that Shaktisimha the King of Palanchok, which is situated to the east of Bhadgaun, in 525 Nepal Era (1405 A.D.). According to the Vamshavali of Wright (P. 180), Shaktisimhadeva moved to Palanchok after abdicating in favor of Shyamasimhadeva. But how did Shaktisimha become King of Palanchok? We have already seen that Jayasimhadeva Vardhana hade helped Sthiti Malla, successor of Arjuna Malla, in hs revolt against the latter. It is possible that Sthiti Malla, as soon as he became King, appointed Jayasimharam as Mahasamanta of Bhadgaun and other areas situated to the east. The common people naturally regarded this as a division of the Kingdom. The colophon of a manuscript entitled Pancharaksha6 mentions two Kingdoms in Nepala Mandala in the year 507 Nepal Era. It is possible that this division took place as soon as Sthiti Malla became King, because the main factor contributing to his success was the assistance provided by Jayasimharama. It is therefore very possible that Jayasimharama was given full authority in the eastern areas. But sicne Jayasimharama was Prime Minister (Mahamantri), and since he had to live I Kathmadu near the King, his brother, Mandanarama, became the actual ruler of Bhadgaun. So far the situation was in line with the traditional system followed in Nepal. We know that during the seventh and eighth centuries, Mahasamantas were more powerfull than the Kings. But it is surprising that the center of administration shifted from Bhadgaun to Palanchok. In 1405 A.D., Shaktisimha was king of Palanchok. It is clear that he had become King of this area much before this date. It appears that Mahanarama died soon or one or two years after the death of Sthiti Malla.it is possible that Shaktisimha shited to Palanchok during this time and became an indendent King. This history of the King dynasty of China contains some account of these so-called descendants of Harisimhadeva. According to the Chinese account: "The Kings of Nepal are Buddhist Bhikshu. In 1384 A.D., Emperor Hung Bu of China sent an envoy to Nepal with a message (Kharita). The King of Nepal called Nadana Lomo, subsequently sent a mission to China with a golden image of the Buddha, 5 norses and other presents. This mission reached the capital of China in 1387 A.D. Three years later, another mission visited China from Nepal. The Chinese Emperor, Yung Lo, then sent an envoy to Nepal. At that time, Sha go Sim Di was king of Nepal. Again, in 1418 A.D. Yung Lo sent a cunuch to Nepal." 5. Catalog, Part II, P. 70. 6. Catalog, Part II, P. 78-79. Contd.......... 16. The King Emperors of China describe the Kings of Nepal as Budhist Bhikshus after the practice followed in Tibet. The political relations which Emperor Hung Bu established in t1384 A.D. with Nepal came to an end after his death in 1402 A.D. This relationship had been established by Madanarama. Subsequently, Sthiti Malla increased his influence, and naturally he did not like relationship. Since if was not considered proper to maintain relations with China as Mahasamanta of Bhadgaun, it was natural for Madanarama's son to establish an independent Kingdom in Palanchok and seek to maintain independent relations with China. This seems to have occurred after the death of Sthiti Malla, even though it is not possible t ascertain the exact date. Sthiti Malla was succeeded by his son, Dharma Malla. Jayasimhadeva was Prime Minister also of Dharma Malla. Shaktisimha then began to rule independently in Palanchok an conduct correspondence with China. According to our Vamshavalis too, Shaktisimhadeva ruled in Palanchok and conducted correspondence with China. The Vamshavalis also state that China sent a seal with the name of Shaktisimha inscribed on it, and also conferred on him the title of Lamo.7 When the envoys of Yung Lo arrived in Nepal, we know from Chinese sources that Sha Go Sim Di, or Shaktisimhadeva, was King of Nepal According to the Vamshavali of Wright, it was in the Chinese year 535 that Shaktisimhadeva received a seal inscribed with his name and the title of Lamo from Chin. But a different system of calculating the date was followed in China at that time, 535 is thus the Nepal year, and not the Chinese year. The auther of the Vamshavali mistakenly regarded this as the Chinese year, since he was confused by the grant of a Chinese title to Shaktisimhadeva. Shaktisimhadeva thus received the seal and the title from China in 1515 A.D. It appears that Dharma Malla adopted a policy of indifference towards the newly-established kingdom of Palanchok. Shaktisimha naturally did not have the strength to invade Nepal. His claim in his correspondence with China that he was King of Nepal, and the seal and title received by him from China, did not have any impact on the politics of Nepal. Dharma, 7. Wright, P. 180 Contd 17. Malla continued to rule his kingdom. In the end, the King [...........] Shaktisimha disappeared. His relationship with China could not safeguard his independent existence.8 The title "Lamo" is the Chinese form of "Rama". Jayasimha's father was named Ramavardhana. It is possible that the term "Rama" was borrowed from his name. But it may also be Raya, as mentioned in the Guhyakatantra. It is thus clear that the Kings who have been described as descendents of Harisimhadeva in the Vamshavalis were actually not so. The goodwill displayed by China towards Nepal during this period resembles that displayed by the Tang emperors. It did not have any political significance. 8. According to the Vamshavalis, Shaktisimha was succeeded by his son, Shyamasimhadeva. During his reign, in Bhadra 528 Nepal Era (1408 A.D.) a big earthquake accurred in Nepal. The temple of Machhendranath and many other building collapsed, and a large nember of people were killed. But it is not true that Shyamasimha was King in 1408. We have already proved that Shaktisimha was ruling until long afterwards. This is the reason why we have said that the Kingdom of Palanchok disappear after the death of Shakrisimha. 18. Previleges And Obligations Of ChudyarasX 1. From King, To the Dware Chhoprak. During the time of our father's sister, regulations regarding the supply of glass bangles under the Walak levy had been promulgated. We hereby reconfirmed these regulations in this year. Utilize the Jagir assignments mentioned below and supply glass bangles in the prescribed installments to the Government. In case anybody tries to harass you, show this order and he shall be punished accordingly. Particulars Of Jagir Assignments Particulars Jagir Khet Glass Bangles To Be Supplied Lands Tij festival Dashain Fagu (In Muris) 1. Newly-reclaimed Khet lands in Lamiteri, Jagir of Shankhare of Bayapani 120 60 60 60 Jhingate(lands), Jagair of Agi Moni 80 40 60 60 Jhingate(lands), Jagair of the Sanyasi of Gaikhur 40 30 30 30 Jhingate(lands), Jagair of Lale of Bhimpur 40 30 30 30 Jhingate(lands), Jagair of Fnimi Sanu 40 30 30 30 Shnkare Chudaryas are a Muslim community of markers of glass bangles in some districts of the wrester hill region of Nepal. Contd...... 19. Khet lands in Daragaun, Jagir of Metajya of Tikagaun 40 30 30 30 Mehelbote homestead (document damaged) - 10 10 10 Khet lands in Harmi 30 30 30 30 __________________________________________________ Total 390 260 260 260 Kartik Badi 12, 1838 (October 1781) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, PP. 618-619. 2. From Kaji Kulaman Singh Basnyat. Greetings to the Huddas and soldiers deputed to exact Jhara services from Mukhiya Sabbu (?) of Churyadagaun. The Churadyas of Churdyagaun have come here to complain that Jhara services are being exacted from them, whereas this had never been done previously. If Jhara services had never exacted from them previously, do not do so now. 2. From Kaji Balanarasingh Kanwar, Greetings to the Huddas and soldiers deputed to exact Jhara services in Churyadagaun. It appears that Jhara services have never been exacted from the Churydas of that area on the ground that they are foreigners (Desi). It also appears that former Bhardars have issued orders to this effect. If Jhara services had been exacted from them previously, do not do so now. Tuesday, Poush Sudi, 1, 1885 (December 1828) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 37, P. 186. Contd..... 20. 4. From Prime Minister Jung Bahadur, To Baroti and other Churyadas of Churyadagaun in Dullu, We have submitted the following petition: "Jhara and Begar services had never been exacted in Churyadagaun in the past. An order to this effect had been issued by your father also. Now we Churyadas are being harassed for Jhara and Begar services." Your petition has been represented to us. it appears that an order exempting you from Jhara and Begar obligations had been issued previously also. We too hereby exempt you from these obligations. Friday, Kartik Sudi 2, 1920 (October 1863) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 37, P. 190. 5. From Lt. Cononel Buddhiman Singh Basnyat. To the Huddasu and soldiers deputed to collect the Rasad levy in the division (Dara) of Majhkhad. The Churyadas of Churyadagaun will transport (supplies collected under the) Rasad levy here. We shall then utilize the sevices of the ryots of Surkhet to transport these supplies there. Sand here the rice they have with them. Make arrangements for the supply of rice from each village as elsewhere. Marga Badi 8, 1923 (November 1866) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 37, P. 190. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: December 31, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 2, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page ..... 21 ..... 24 ..... 28 ..... 33 ..... 36. Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 1. The Muslim Invasion of Nepal 2. Notes On The History Of Morang District-IV 3. Gunpowder Factories In Nepal, 1799 A.D. 4. Revaluation Of Bandha Lands 5. Rana Bahadur Shah's Arrival In Banaras 21. The Muslim Invasion of NepalX By Surya Bikram Gnyawali. ***************** The Muslims entered into India in the beginning of the eighth century. However, this did not have a significant impact on the history of India. The Muslim conquest of Sind was only an episode in India history. The invasion launched by Mahmud of Gazhni in the beginning of the eleventh century acquainted India with the consequences of a Muslim conquest. Muslim rule had already been established in India in the beginning of the thirteenth century. It gave rise to a number of consequences. One of these consequences was that thousands of Hindus came to Nepal from the plains of northern India in order to safeguard their religion. They came into different parts of the modern Kingdom of Nepal. As a result of this influx, Nepali history changed its course. Nepal Valley too could not escape the repercussions of this influx. It was natural for many people to come here from Bihar and Bengal. These people also brought along with them the perverted form of Tantrism prevalent in these areas. Harisimhadeva of Simraungadh had entered into Nepal along with his tutelary deity, in the beginning of the fourteenth century. Even such ancient places in the Himlayan regions as Kashmir, Kangra and Kumaun did not escape the invasion of Muslims. However, the Muslims did not pay much attention to Nepal. The Kingdom of Nepal Valley was poor in comparison to the Kingdoms of India. Moreover, the routes were difficult. Because of these reasons, no prominent Muslim conqueror invaded Nepal. The religious life of Nepal continued as usual until the end of the thirteenth century. Around the middle of the fourteenth century, a Muslim rulers of Bengal invaded Nepal, destroyed a number of well-known temples and created much panic in Nepal. This event may have been a major one for Nepal. But it was very ordinary from the viewpoint of Indian history. Accordingly, the Muslim historians of this period have not made any reference to this invasion. Moreover, this invasion was nothing more than a raid. As much even the people of Nepal forgot it after some time. It is doubtful whether people belonging to the hill areas outside of Kathmandu Valley ever knew that such an invasion XSurya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihasa (Medieval History of Nepal Valley). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter VI: "Nepal Mathi Musalmando Akraman." (The Muslim Invasion of Nepal), PP. 68-72. Contd..... 22. had taken place. This event came to light for the first time in 1956. Before this, the general impression in both India and Nepal was that the Muslims had never invaded Nepal. A verse composed by Motiram Bhatta, according to which Nepal had always remained free from Muslim invasion, was cited evidence in support of this view. The Muslim invasion is not mentioned even in the ordinaruy Vamshavalis of Nepal. Only the Gopal Vamshavali has made some reference to it. According to this Vamshavali, as translated By Yogi Narahari Nath, "Sultan Shamsudin entered into Nepal from the east. He broke the image of Shri Pashupati into three pieces. He set fire to all three towns of Nepal. Panic prevailed among the people. Bhaktapur underwent considerable suffering on Marga Sudi 9, 407." Let us first discuss who Sultan Shamsudin was. Even while Mohammed Tughalak (1325-1351 A.D.) was alive, Bengal had already become free from the Sultans of Delhi. It was at this time that Shamsudin had become ruler of Bengal. In 1345 A.D., he declared himself independent. He died in 1457 A.D. There is evidence any account of his invasion of Nepal. It is therefore possible that he invaded Nepal during his invasion of Tirhut. Yogi Narahar Nath has translated the Gopal Vamshavali account to mean that Sultan Shamsudin invaded Nepal from the east. In my opinion, it may be more correct to translate this passage to mean that the Sultan belonged to the east (Bengal). It is possible that Sultan Shamsudin entered into Nepal through the eastern route which had been previously followed by Harisimhadeva. However, in Nepal he was known as the King of the eastern, or Bengal. Rajadeva was king of Nepal when the invasion took place. He had become King Shrawan 467 Nepal era. The Vamshavalis do not describe that measures he took to check the invasion. It is possible that he was not able to offer any significant resistance. Evidence regarding the Muslim invasion in contained, in addition to the Gopal Vamshavali, also in some inscription of Nepal. Three of these inscriptions have been discovered as the Pashupati temple, and others at Buddhist shrines. The Ashok Chaitya, located to the west of the Pintha Bihar in Patan, had been destroyed by Sultan Shamsudin. This is proved by an inscriptions installed by Mahapatra Maghapal Varma, who renovated the Chaitya, in Chaitra 477 Nepal era (1357 A.D.).2 This inscription confirms the Gopal Vamshavali account that Sultan Shamsudin set fire in the three towns of Nepal 2. Sanskrit Sandesh, Year 1, Nos. 10-12. 23. Another inscription, of the time of Arjuna Malla, bearing the date 492 Nepal era (1372 A.D.) has been discovered at Swayambhu shrine and set fire to it. It also mentions the date of this incident. According to it, the invasion took place on Thursday, Marga Sudi 10, 740 Nepal era (1350 A.D.). This version is confirmed by the Gopal Vamshavali, according to which the people of Bhaktapur had to undergo considerable suffering on Marga Sudi 9, 470 Nepal era. Peace was restored in Nepal only after the invaders went back after indulging in such vandalism. It does not appear that they stayed long in Nepal. Possibly, they left before the local people had time to offer organized resistance. After the invaders left, the people of Nepal gradually started renovating their demolished temples. The Ashok Chaitya was repaired in Chaitra 477 Nepal era (1357 A.D.). In Baisakh, 480 Nepal era (1360 A.D.) Jayasimharama reinstalled the image of Pashupai\ti. The shrine of Swayambhunath was repaired in Aswin 490 Nepal era (1372 A.D.). There is no evidence that this invasion had any significant impact on Nepal. The people of Nepal only witnessed an ordinary incident the like of which was going at several places in India. The invasion thus had no special impact on the ordinary life of the people. It must therefore be regarded as an ordinary incident in the history of Nepal. 3. Ibid. 24. Notes On The History of Morang District_IV 1. Complaint Of Ryots Of Morang Regarding Unlawful Increase In Revenue Assessment From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Subba Zorawar Khawas. The ryots (of Morang district) have came with the following complaint: "Ijaras had been issued for each village in Morang district, according to which any loss or gain in revenue during the 3-year period from 1847 to 1849 (1790 to 1792 A.D.) would belong to the ryots. Accordingly, we [.....] had undertaken to bear liability for any such loss or gain. However, during the third year, the amount of revenue due from each village was unjustly increased." Ascertain whether or not injustice has been committed in this regarding the district and submit a report to us. Monday, Kartik Badi 5, 1851 (October 1794). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 414. 2. Renovation Of Perquisites OF Mandars From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To all the Mandara of Morang district. In 1850 (1793 A.D.), Kaji Bam Shah and Kaji Jagjit Pande had made a revenure settlement in that district. It appears they had confiscated your perquisites in the form of 2 kathas (of land). We hereby restore to you these perquisites. With due assurance, promote land reclamation and settlement. Utilize your tax- free lands after paying a reasonable amount as Salami. Monday, Kartik Badi 5, 1851 (October 1794). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 415. 3. Emigration Of Ryots From Jhapa (a) From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Dayaram Chaudhari and Mandars and ryots of Rajgadhi in Jhapa. We have received reports that because of the oppression of Amil, you have relinquished your lands and are now staying in India (Moglan). Contd........... 25. On receiving reports about the condition of the country, we have changed the Amil. We have also made arrangements regarding the issuance of land allotment Pattas. You are good ryots of our country. With due assurance, come back and reoccupy your holdings and make arrangements for land reclamation and revenue collection. (b) From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Aiman Chaudhari, Kharung Chaudhari, Deunath Mandar and ryots. We have received reports that because of the oppression of the Amil, you have relinquished your lands and now staying in India (Moglan). On receiving reports about the condition of the country, we have changed the Amil. We have also made arrangements regarding land allotment Pattas. You are good ryots of our country. With due assurance, come back and reoccupy your holdings and make arrangements for land reclamation and revenue collection. Kartik Badi 5, 1851 (October 1794). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 416. 4. Appointment Of Dayaram As Chaudhari From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Dayaram Chaudhari. We hereby appoint you as Chaudhari for the entire Parganna of Harichandgadhi in Morang district with effect from the year 1851 (1794 A.D.) under Bunyad tenure. With due loyalty and faithfulness, prepare accurate tax assessment records (Jaabandi) along with the Munsiff and transmit revenues in accordance with these records to the Potakhana office. At the end of the year, submit accounts of revenue an expenditure and obtain clearance. Appropriate one-tenth (of the total area) as Nankar. Collect taxes in accordance with the prescribed schedules (Raibandi) and appropriate your Nisaf share, while transmitting the Salami fee to the Potakhana office. Maximize the revenues of the government and keep the ryots happy. With loyalty, promote land reclamation and settlement. In case you promote settlement, your Bynyad appointment will be corfirmed. Otherwise, it will not be confirmed. Kartik Badi 5, 1851 (October 1794). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 477. Contd...... 26. 5. Collection Of Arrears Of Revenue (a) From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Subba Dhaukal Singh. The statement of arrears of revenue in Morang submitted and the man sent by Ranamardan reache here simultaneously. The contents of your left and hid report are completely different. You have written: "Arrears from the ryots have been......X Chaudharis, Mokaddams, and Mahaldars have been handed over to Ranamardan's agent." But Ranamardan's agent, as well as the personnel of the Taradal Company, have reported that two companies were sent to stop these Chaudharis and Mokaddams and bring them back. Such evasion of responsibility is leading to the lose of revenue amounting to Rs60,000 or Rs 80,000 in the territory itself or at the hands of Amils and Bahidars. Accordingly, have your Fouzdat and Peshkar collect the arrears willingly stipulated by you and make disbursements as directed. We have deputed from here 8 Jamadars ....... and soldiers to a ascertain the reasons for your dispute with the Chaudharis and Mokaddams of Bijuli Padhya, as well as to collect the arrears not stipulated by you. Place the services on one unit (patti) of Jamadars and soldiers of the company stationed there at their disposal and let them make collections. Magh Sudi 14, 1853 (January 1797). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 23, PP. 269-270. (b) From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Subba Dhaukal Singh. We have compiled tax assessment records (Jammabandi) for the year 1852 Vikrama (1795 A.D.). You have handed over defaulting ryots, Chaudharis and Mandars to the agent (Ambala) of Ranamardan, and granted clearance to those who have signed bonds. Since bonds constitute evidence, those signed by defaulters whom you have granted clearance are sent herewith. Collect revenues from assesses who have the means payment. Arrears due to the new Subba. Come here with the receipts. In case you donot so, the amount shall fall on your head. Sunday, Falgun Badi 11, 1854 (February 1798). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 23, P. 291. The official copy used for this translation has been damaged by insects and several words are missing. Contd...... 27. (c) From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To the Chaudharis, Mandars, Sairdars, Jetharaiyats, rtots, Mahaldars and other of Morang district, with headquarters in Vijayapur. In this district, you have held up the payment of a considerable amount of revenue due for the period from 1850 to 1852 (1793-1795 A.D.). In case the agent (Ambala) of Subba Ranamardan comes there to collect the arrears, pay whatever you have. Stipulated payment of the balance to the new Subba. So fat we have tolerated (non-payment of revenue), bearing it in mind that you are our ryots. As soon as you receive this order, present yourself before the agent of Ranamardan, submit a statement of the arrears and complete payment. In case anybody behaves dishonestly in this manner and holds up payment, he shall be punished. Sunday, Falgun Badi 11, 1854 (February 1798). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 23. P. 291. (d) From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Subba Parbhu and Subba Dasharath Khatri. You had gone there after stipulating that you would accept liability for arrears of revenue in Morang. Subba Dhaukal Singh too has gone there to obtain bonds (from defaulters) in respect to such arrears. Ranamardan's agent has gone there for the same purposes. We have deputed an officer (Dittha) to insure that these agents do not quarrel among each other. Accept as arrears (the figure) in respect to which the outgoing agents obtain bonds, and which are regarded as actual by the Dittha. Issue receipt. In case you involve yourself in quarrels, so that he arrears cannot be collected, we shall collect the money from you, as it belongs to us. Falgun Badi 11, 1854 (February 1798). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24. P. 292. 28. Gunpowder Factories In Nepal 1799 A.D. 1. Pyuthan (a) From King Girbana, To Karbir Rana (of Pyuthan). Find out how many villages had been assigned here previously for manufacturing gunpowder. Double the number of such villages now, and arrange for the manufacture of two pathis of gunpowder everyday. Maintain the local fort and headquarters carefully. Continue to manufacture bows and arrows. Do not create any disturbances or encroachment in the border areas from your side. Poush Sudi 5, 1856, Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 29. (b) From King Girbana, To Subba Karbir Rana of Pyuthan. We had previously sent you an order directing that..... pathis of gunpowder should be manufactured there everyday. But this quantity is not sufficient. Accordingly, utilize the sum of Rs 1080 collected as Darshan-Bhet from 4 companies of purchase Sulphur and saltpeter, and make arrangements for the manufacture of 2 pathis of gunpowder every day. We shall every year depute officials to ascertain whether or not this quantity of gunpowder is being manufactured. The Amali who is appointed there shall procure sulphur and saltpeter every year and operate the gunpowder factory. Maintain stocks of gunpowder. In case the Amali does not comply with these instructions, he shall be punished with loss of life and and property. The expenses incurred in manufacturing gunpowder shall be debited from the amount stipulated for payment under the contract. In case there are saltpeter deposits in that area, locate them and extract the saltpeter. Magh Sudi 3, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 82. Contd.......... 29. 2. Chainpur From King Girban, To Balwantju and Nidhirathaju, Amalis of Chainpur. Out of the amount of revenue stipulated from that territory for the year 1856 (1799 A.D.) purchase suplphur and saltpeter worth Rs 1000. out of the amount of revenue stipulated from Baisakh Badi 1, 1857 (April 1800) purchase sulphur and saltpeter worth Rs 2160 and make arrangements for the manufacture of 4 pathis of gunpowder every day. We shall every year deput officials to ascertain in whether or not this quantity of gunpowder is being manufactured. In case the Amali does not comply with these instructions, he shall be punished with loss of life and property. The expenses incurred for payments under the contract. In case there are saltpeter deposits in that area, locate them and extract the saltpeter. Magh Sudi 3, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, pp. 79-80. 3. Morang (a) From King Girbana To Subba Dashrath Khatri and Subba Ranamardan Khawas (of Morang). Your territory is situated on the border. It will therefore be good if a gunpowder factory is established there. Accordingly, establish a gunpowder factoru there to manufacture 5 pathis of gunpowder every day. Make territory property. Send messagers to different areas both inside the country and outside and collect information. Do not create any disturbances or encroachment in the border areas from your side. Poush Sudi 5, 1856. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, p. 30. Contd.......... 30. (b) From King Girnana, To [.................] Khawas and Subba Dashrath Khatri. We had previously sent you an order directing that........... Pathis gunpowder should be manufactured there everyday. But this quantity is not sufficient. Accordingly, utilize the sum of Rs 1080 collected as Darshan-Bhet from 4 companies of purchase Sulphur and saltpeter, and make arrangements for the manufacture of 2 pathis of gunpowder every day. We shall every year depute officials to ascertain whether or not this quantity of gunpowder is being manufactured. The Amali who is appointed there shall procure sulphur and saltpeter every year and operate the gunpowder factory. Maintain stocks of gunpowder. In case the Amali does not comply with these instructions, he shall be punished with loss of life and property. The expenses incurred in manufacturing gunpowder shall be debited from the amount stipulated for payment under the contract. In case there are saltpeter deposits in that area, locate them and extract the saltpeter. Magh Sudi 3, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 82. 4. Doti From King Girbana, To Subba Loknath Pande of Doti. We had previously sent you an order directing that........... Pathis gunpowder should be manufactured in Kumaun every day. But this quantity is not sufficient. Accordingly, purchase sulphur and saltpeter worth Rs ....... and start manufacturing gunpowder quinkly. Out of the amount of Darshanbhat revenue collected from 7 companies, purchase sulphur and saltpeter worth Rs 2,160, and make arrangements for the manufacture of 4 pathis of gunpowder every day. We shall every year depute officials to ascertain whether or not this quantity of gunpowder is being manufactured. The Amali who is appointed there shall procure sulphur and saltpeter every year and operate the gunpowder factory. Maintain stocks of gunpowder. In case the Amali does not comply with these instructions, he shall be punished with loss of life and property. The expenses incurred in manufacturing gunpowder shall be debited from the amount stipulated for payment under the contract. In case there are saltpeter deposits in that area, locate them and extract the saltpeter. Magh Sudi 3, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 80-81. Contd 31. 5. Majhkirat From King Girbana, To Subba Jayant Shahi of Majhkirat. Your territory is situated in the border. It is therefore essential to established a gunpowder factory there. Purchase sulphur and saltpeter from India (Madhesh) worth Rs 1,080 at local prices from the amount of revenue stipulated from Baisakh Badi 1, 1857 (1800 A.D.).Manufacture 2 pathis of gunpowder every day. Treat the matter as urgent. We shall every year deputed officials to ascertain whether or not this quantity of gunpowder is being manufactured. The Amali who is appointed there shall procure sulphur and saltpeter every year and operate the gunpowder factory. Maintain stocks of gunpowder. In case the Amali does not comply with these instructions, he shall be punished with loss of life and property. The expenses incurred in manufacturing gunpowder shall be debited from the amount stipulated for payment under the contract. In case there are saltpeter deposits in that area, locate them and extract the saltpeter. Magh Sudi 3, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 81-82. 6. Kumaun (a) From king Girbana, To Subba Ajav Khawas (of Kumaun). Find out how many villages had been assigned here previously for manufacturing gunpowder. Double the number of such villages now to manufacture 10 pathis of gunpowder every day. Look after the local forts and headquarters property. Send messages to different areas both inside the country and outside and collect information. Assign a suitable village to meet the requirements of the magazine and place it under the jurisdiction of the Sardars. Do not create any disturbances or encroachment in the border areas from your side. Poush Sudi 5, 1856, Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 30-31. Contd 32. (b) From King Girbana, To Subba Ajav Khawas. We had previously sent you an order directing that........... Pathis gunpowder should be manufactured in Kumaun every day. But this quantity is not sufficient. Accordingly, purchase sulphur and saltpeter worth Rs ....... and start manufacturing gunpowder quickly. Out of the amount of revenue stipulated from that territory from Baisakh Badi 1, 1857 (April 1800), purchase sulphur and saltpeter worth Rs 12,420, and make arrangements for the manufacture of 21 pathis of gunpowder every day. We shall every year depute officials to ascertain whether or not this quantity of gunpowder is being manufactured. The Amali who is appointed there shall procure sulphur and saltpeter every year and operate the gunpowder factory. Maintain stocks of gunpowder. In case the Amali does not comply with these instructions, he shall be punished with loss of life and property. The expenses incurred in manufacturing gunpowder shall be debited from the amount stipulated for payment under the contract. In case there are saltpeter deposits in that area, locate them and extract the saltpeter. Magh Sudi 3, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 78. 7. Purchase Of Saltpeter (a) From King Girbana, To Dinanath Upadhyaya, Subba of Saptari and Mahottari We hereby sanction Rs 5,000 from the revenue stipulated by you for the year 1857 (1800 A.Dd.) from that district for the purchase of sulphur required for gunpowder factories in Kantipur and Nuwakot. Purchase the sulphur at rates current in India (Madhesh) and have it delivered at Hitaura. The expenditure shall be debited while auditing the accounts. Chaitra Badi 14, 1856 (March 1799). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, PP. 210-211. (A similar order was sent on the same day to the Subba of Bara and Parsa for the purchase of sulphur worth Rs 500). 33. Revaluation Of Bandha Lands Bandha referred to lands which were mortgaged by the chief of the western hill districts to htier subjects against payments in money. During 1852-53 Vikrama (1795-96 A.D.), the government of Nepal made arrangements to reduce the size of such mortgaged lands, obviously in considerable of the current level of prices. The areas of lands which the Bandha- holder was permitted to retain was fixed at a rate based on the grade. The following example will made this clear. From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Chintamani Padhya Poudyal. Formerly, when the Raja of Tanahu was still on the throne, he obtained Rs 120 from you and granted 40 muris of Paddy- land, including the Mulpani-Khet of 30 muris at Bandipur and the Chhatiwani-Khet of 10 muris at Naubis in addition to the attached homestead and other lands. A royal order indicating the boundaries was issued accordingly for this Bandha grant. You had so far been utilizing these lands. In 1852 Vikrama (1795 A.D.), office (Tharthot) were deputed to scrutinize Bandha lands grants made under the royal seal in areas west of these Chape and Marsyandi rivers. They made a study of the average rates prevalent there and determined the lands to be of Chahar grade. They therefore fixed the rate at Rs 6 per muri of lands. Accordingly, a surplus of 20 muris is hereby taken away and appropriated by the government. The officials have granted what should be granted, taken away what should be taken away and fixed (new) boundaries. In consideration of the previous payment of Rs 120, we hereby confirm as Bandha part of the Mulpani-Khet to the east amounting to 20 muris, along with the lands attatched thereto. Utilize these lands with due assurance. We shall take back the lands whenever we pay the money back. Ashadh Sudi 2, 1853 (June 1796). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 23, P. 7. The following table contains a partial list of royal orders issued on the same day revaluating Bandha lands in Tanahu and elsewhere in the western hill region. Fractions have been ignored in respect to both amounts of money and area of land. Contd...... 34. Money Paid Area of Grade of Land Rate Per Muri Total Surplus Bandha Hold- Now Determined of land Now Area Confis ing Fixed cated Rs (In muris) Rs (In muris) 150 48 Doyam 8 30 400 80 Abal 9 36 117 30 Abal 9 17 950 200 Sim 7 84 200 80 Abal 8 55 226 80 Doyam 8 51 4,066 1,040 Sim 7 459 1,128 292 Doyam 8 150 50 20 Sim 7 12 1,216 Homestead land - - Area needing 8 muris for sowing. 403 170 Doyam 8 119 1,878 570 Doyam 8 335 3,073 790 Doyam 8 405 121 40 Chahar 6 19 720 180 Abal 9 100 60 30 Chahar 6 20 445 113.5 Chahar 6 37 423 80 Doyam 8 27 962 180 Chahar(?) 8 59 Contd...... 35. Lamjung 180 200 ' ' 435 80 ' ' 641 120 ' ' 471 90 ' ' 724 180 ' ' 216 40 ' ' 301 57 ' ' 1,679 60 ' ' 1,502 350 ' ' 574 120 Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 23, PP . 1-23. Abal 88 Sim 8 Abal 9 Sim 7 Doyam 8 Abal 9 Sim 7 Sim 7 Doyam 8 Sim 7 28 48 22 88 16 14 36 162 38 9 36. Rana Bahadur Shah's Arrival In BanarasX 1. Secret Consultation 26th June, 1800, No. 70 Intellengence received from Baaras dated 28th May, 1800 Received 4th June, 1800- Yesterday Rajah Run Bahadur Shah. Rajah of Nipaul, with Bulbrdder Sah and Kudirp, a person of rank, four equipages of females and 50 men, arrived at Banaras. The circumstances that occasioned the Rajah's flight from Nipaul are these-He wanted to resume his seat on the Musnud of Nipaul. But the ministers; the Cauzee, the Rauny, etc, observed to him that he had voluntarily abdicated the Government in favour of another, and that his resumption of it was inadmissible. This incensed the Rajah greatly against the officers of Government, and he gave orders for beating some and putting others to death. They and the body of the people have in consequences of all this denounced him as mad man and declared that he ought to be confined, the Rajah hearing if this quitted Nipaul and repaired to Banaras. Secret Consultation 26 June 1800, No. 71 Translation of an Arzee from Boidinaut Sing Banillee to Mr. Revell, Custom Master at Mangee, and received by that Gentlemen the 22th May 1800 In the preceding year, Rajah Run Bahadur Shah Rajah of Nipaul, about 17 years of age, having abdicated his Government nominated his son as his successor to the Raj and assumed the habit of a Mendicant, reserving to himself the whole authority any power. A short time subsequent to his abdication be sentenced several innocent persons to death and also barbarously blinded others by pouring hot oil into their eyes, and Mutilated others by cutting off their ears and noses; such are the excesses which he carried on for a twelve month. XSource: A Translation of The Documents Contained In Real One of The Microfilms Obtained From the Archives Of India And Preserved In The Tribhuwan University Library, Kirtipur, Prepared By: Ludwing F. Stiller, S. J., 1971. PP. 1-6. Contd........... 37. The consequence is that several of the Principal People and of the lower class in Inhabitants of Nipaul have quitted that country and taken up their Residence at Benaras, and at the foot of PP. 3 the hills. The Principal officers have leagued with the present Rajah (an infant) and the Rannee and having pained over the army to their interests have intimated to the former Rajah that he had abdicated the Raj and appointed his son to succeed him, that their Submission and obedience was alone due to the Person at the head of the Raj; that his conduct had been marked with violence and cruelty and that they would not acknowkedge his authority. The Former Rajah being consequently greatly incensed summoned that part of the army which continued attached to His Interest and prepare to commence hostilities, and Military preparations are in fact carrying on by both Parties; and hostilities are daily expected; should the Former Rajah prove victorious the Nobility will put him to death, and again should victory incline to the other party the present Rajah will be thrown into Confinement; in short the utmost animosity Subsists PP. 3 Between the Parties and it is generally reported among the Subjects of Nipaul that if the Company's government should wish to obtained possession of the country, it might be effected with the greatest facility during these commodities; a Person came to me one day and observed that if the Company's Government would place Confidence in him, he would take such measures with respect to the Road and the assistance which an army would require that the Company's Forces might march with case and safe, for purpose, to the Capital of Nipaul. A True Translation N.B. Edmunston 3. Secret Cunsultation, 26th June, 1800, No. 85 The Governor General Secret Department The Governor General informs the Board that the Rajah of Napaul, having been compelled, apparently in consequence of the revolt of his Contd........... 38. principal Chiefs, to take refuge in the Honble Company's territories, has lately arrived at Benaras. Thi Governor General in being apprized of this occurrence, directed Mr. Vanderheyden his Agent at Benaras, to treat the Rajah of Napaul with the most distinguished attention (PP.2) and Honor The Gevernor General conceiving that this event may lead to the improvement of the connection already subsisting between the two Governments, and being of opinion that it is extremely desirable, with a view in particular to Commercial advantages, to Cultivate that connection by any practicable means, his Lordshp thinks it will be expedient to appoint a person to attend the Rajah, at Benaras, in order to enable his Lordship to avail himself of any incidents which may arise, favorable to the British interests at the Court (PP.3) of Napaul. His Lordship therefore proposes that Captain W.D. Knox, who accompanied Lieutenant Colonel Kirkpatrick, in the Embassy of the latter to Napaul, in the year 1792, be appointed to the situation and that the following letter of instructions be accordingly sent to him...... The Governor General proposes, that Captain Knox's Salary to fixed at 1500 Rupees per month,and that he be allowed to charge upon Honor for such additional Servants and extra Expenses, as the nature of his Employment may render necessary. Secret Consultaion, 26th June, 1800, No. 86 Captain Knox Sir, 1. I have the honor, by direction the most Noble the Governor General in Council to inform you that his Lordship thinking it proper to depute a person to attend the Rajah of Napaul (who has lately taken refuge in the Hon'ble Company's territories) had been pleased to Select you for this purpose. 2. You will therefore proceed with all convenient expedition to Benaras where the Rajah at present resides. The Agent of the Governor General at Benares has been apprized of your appointment. Contd..... 39. 3. I have the honor enclose two Letters from the most Noble the Governor General: one of them to the Rajah of Nipaul, and the other to Gujrauje Misser, the Gooroo, or Spiritual Guide of the Rajah---These Letters (of which copies (PP.3) and translations are enclosed for your information) are in answer to letters lately received by his Lordship from those persons. 4. You are to deliver those letters in person; and you will take this occasion to give the Rajah of Napaul such verbal assurances, on the part of the Governor General, of the friendly disposition of the Company's government towards him, as shall correspond with the Sentiments entertain in his (PP.4) Lordship's Letters. 5. The Governor General is not in possession of any accurate, authentic detail relatives to the late transactions in Napaul, or the causes of the Rajah's fight from there. His Lordship is of opinion that the interests of the British Government do not permit the Governor General to remain in an indifferent Spectator of such events in a State bordering, to so wide an extent, on the possession of the Company (PP.5) and of his Excellency the Vizier, and with which our political as well as Commercial relations are of some magnitude. But until he shall have obtained the respective views and disposition of the exiled Prince and of the ruling power in that Conutry, His Lordship will not be enabled to decide definitely on the measures (PP.6) which it may expedient to pursue in order to improve and consolidate the ennexion already subsisting between the two Governments, 6. You will therefore to procure a full and faithful account of the dissensions which have for some time past agitated the Kingdom of Nepal and you will transmit the same to the Governor General as soon as possible. 7. You will receive (PP.7) with readiness and attention whatever communication or proposals the Rajah of Nepaul may be desirous of conveying through you to the Governor General; but you are to abstain from giving the Rajah any encouragement to expect that the Company will assist in reestablishiding his authority by force, until you shall receive express instructions to that effect. Contd....... 40. 8. If the Rajah should signify a desire to (PP.8) employ the mediation of the British Government with the ruling power in Nepaul for the purposed of accomplishing his peaceable restoration to the Kingdom, you are authorized to received proposals from him to that effect; and to open immediately a correspondence with the principal officers of the actual Government in Nepaul, in order to discover their temper and to ascertain the terms upon which they would be willing, under the guaranted (pp.9) 9. It is not possible that the Chiefs of Nepaul may manifest an early desire of establishing a correspondence with you, In this case you will meet their advances and endeavor to engage them to submit their differences with the Rajah to the arbitration of the British Government. 10. The primary object of the Governor General in Council, is, to be instrumental, by his mediation, in the reestablishement of the Rajah's authority: (PP.10) and by this Service to conciliate the Gratitude of that Prince and to obtain from him in return, such occasions as should be effectually calculated to improve and secure the Commercial Intercourses of the Two Countries. Hithert little or no advantage has resulted to either State from the Commercial Treaty concluded between them in 1792: the Jealousy or the unenlightened Views of the Government of Nepaul having in a great measure counteracted the objects of (PP. 12) reception given to the Rajah of Nepaul, and his Residence under the protection of the Company is likely to excite in the Chiefs of that country. Contd 41. 12. The Governor General thinks it unnecessary to enter into any further explanation of his Views regard to Nepaul until the information which he has required or until fresh circumstances shall enable his Lordship to furnish you with more distinct and detailed Instructions. This directions (PP. 13) contained in the foregoing Paragraphs will suffice for your Guidance in the present stages of your mission. 13. The Governor General has been pleased to fix your Salary (which is to commence from this date) at 1500 Sicca Ruppes per month ; besides which you will be allowed to charge on honor for such additional Servants, and Extra Expenses as the nature of your Employment may render necessary. 14. The Collector of (PP. 14) Benares will be authorized to advance to you any sum not exceeding three Months Salary towards defraying your Expenses. 23rd June, 1800 I have the honor, etc Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: March1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 3, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. ************* Contents Page 1. Imposition of Fines in Gurungs And Lamas, 1810 A.D. ..... 42 2. Purification Ceremonies of Tamangs And Bhotes, 1810 A.D. ..... 44 3. Inspection of Nepal-India Borders, 1810 A.D. ..... 46 4. List of Presents Sent to Chinese General, 1792 A.D. ..... 47 5. Sthiti Malla and His Sons ..... 50 6. Revenue Collection in Bhirkot, 1797 A.D. ..... 60 **************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 42. Imposition of Fines On Gurungs Ans Lamas, 1810 A.D. From King Girban, To Gurungs and Lamas in the region situated westX of the Trishuli-Ganga river. You had requested a royal charter confirming your stipulation to provide men from every household on Jhara basis to accompany Kaji Nayan Singh Thapa to Kangara, revere Brahmans has refrain from taking the flesh of dead cattle in case you were granted exemption from the obligation to supply hides and skins to the Megjin (magazine). (The late King Rana Bahadur) had issued a charter accordingly. Fines have now been imposed on persons who have acted in violation of this charter. We hereby promulgate these regulations for collection such fines. The proceeds of collection shall be transmitted to us through Dittha Bishram Khatri. 1. No fines shall be imposed on persons who have acted in accordance with the previsions of the charter granted in 1862 (1805 A.D.), revere Brahmans and do not take the flesh of dead cattle. 2. Fines shall be imposed on persons who violate these provisions, do not revere Brahmans, take the flesh of dead cattle and do not supply hides and skins to the Megjin. Issue oreder to the effect that Brahmans shall be reversed in the future, and that the flesh of dead cattle shall not be used as food. 3. Fines shall be imposed in persons who used the flesh of dead cattle as food but reverse Brahmans. Issue an order to the effect that those who reverse Brahmans shall not take the flesh of dead cattle. 4. Imposed fines at the following rates on persons who violate the provisions of the charter of 1862 (1805 A.D), and declare that in the future too they will nor reverse Brahmans and will take the flesh of dead cattle. Issue an order to the effect that they have classified as Praja and shall be under obligation to supply hides and skin to the Megjin. XThe same regulations were promulgated for the region situated east of the Trishuli river also on the same date. Regmi Research Collections, vol. 36, PP. 696-697. 43. Class of House-hold Rate of Fine Abal Rs 5 Doyam Rs 3 Sim Rs 2 Chahar Rs 1 5. We hereby sanction the following expenditure on the salaries of the employees deputed for this purposes. Such expenditure shall be met from the income which accrues from (these fines). 1 Tahasidar (Collector) Rs 50 1 Tahabildar (Cashier) Rs 35 1 Bahidar (clerk) Rs 35 6 Pyadas (Peons) Rs 150 Poush Badi 12, 1867 (December 1810) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 38, PP. 699-700. 44. Purificaition Ceremonies Of Tamangs And Bhotes 1810 A.D. From King Girban, To Tamangs and Bhotes in the region situated eastX of the Trishuli-Ganga river. We have received reports that some of you, Tamangs and Bhotes, employ Lama (priests) to perform purification (ceremonies) at births and deaths, while others (perform the purification ceremonies yourself), without employing a Lama (priests). Fines shall be imposed on those who observe two customs (thiti) in the same caste (jat). We hereby promulgate regulations for the collection of these fines. The proceeds of collection shall be transmitted to us through Dittha Bishram Khatri. 1. Fines shall not be imposed on those who perform purification (ceremonies) at births and deaths by employing a Lama. 2. Fines shall be imposed at the following rates on those who perform purification (ceremonies) themselves at births and deaths, without employing a Lama. Issue orders to the effect that they shall employ a Lama to perform purification (ceremonies) at births and deaths. Class Of Household Rate of Fine Abal Rs 3 Doyam Rs 2 Sim Rs 1 Chahar Rs 1 X The same regulations were promulgated for the region situated west of the Trishuli river also on the same date. Regmi Research Collections, vol. 38, PP. 700-702. Contd..... 45. 3. We hereby sanction the following expenditure on the salaries of the employees deputed for this purposes. Such expenditure shall be met from the income which accrues (from these fines). 1 Tahasidar (Collector) ..... Rs 50 1 Tahabildar (Cashier) ..... Rs 35 1 Bahidar (clerk) ..... Rs 35 5 Pyadas (Peons) ..... Rs 150 Poush Badi 12, 1867 (December 1810) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 38, PP. 697-698 46. Inspection Of Nepal-India Borders, 1810 A.D. From King Girban, To the Darogas, Rauts, Mahouts, Chaudharis, Kanugoyes, Jethraiyats and ryots of all districts where elephants offices (Hattisar) have been established. We have deputed Ram Bux Singh to collect information relating to the boundaries. Provide him with all such information that you may have in your knowledge. We have ordered that not a single inch (Bilast) of the territory which had remained under our occupation and where we have been collecting revenues shall be vacated, and that lands which are under our unauthorized occupation shall not be retained. In case attempts are made from India (Muglan) to occupy lands which are under our lawful occupation, and force is used, use force to repulse (such aggression). In case you vacate a single inch of the territory under our occupation, you shall be held to have committed a serious crime. Marga Sudi 1, 1867' (November 1810) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 38, P. 645. 47. List Of Presents Sent To Chinese General, 1792 A.D. List of presents sent to Tung Thwang (Chinese General) on Aswin Sudi 10, 1849 Vikrama (September 1792) through Krishnananda Padhya and Mahidhar Jaisi. Masino rice of Nuwakot White Tauli rice Hakuwa rice Crushed rice (of Masino rice of Nuwakot) Crushed rice (coarse) Cardamom (wated with sugar) Raksi (liquor) Gourds, snake-gourds, cucumbers, etc Laddu and other sweetmeats Other (Darbes) sweetmeats Mango jelly Tomarind jelly Gelding goats Mas lentils Rock salt Turmeric powder Cumin seed 20 muris 40 40 5 " 5 " 6 dharnis ..... 3 muris 50 loads 1 earthen vessel (Ghyampa) 1 earthen vessel (Handi) ..... 1 jar (ghada) ..... 1 jar (matin) ..... 11 15 muris 30 dharnis 10 pathis 10 pathis 48. Cinnamon ..... 2 dharnis Suffron ..... 4 " Almond ..... 5 " Sugar lumps (batasa) ..... 5 " Garlic ..... 30 " Sweetmeats ..... 1 earthen vessel (Ghymapa) Ainthe sweetmears ..... 1 earthen vessel (Handi) Milk cakes (Khiuni) ..... 1 earthen vessel (Handi) Myrobalan jelly ..... 2 jars (ghada) Pickled margo ..... 1 " " Bari made of Lapsi fruit ..... 1 earthen vessel (Handi) Wild boar ..... 2 Male buffaloes ..... 55 Rahar lentils ..... 10 pathis Ghee ..... 55 dharnis Asafoetida ..... 5 " Black pepper ..... 5 " Small cardamom ..... 3 " Coconut ..... 100 " Dates (Chhohara) ..... 7 " Contd 49. Suger Curd Dock's eggs Jeri sweetmeats Canapatibhog sweetmeats Gulsaker jerry Pineapple jerry Jam of rose leaves Pigs Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 25, P. 206. ..... (?) 500 earthen pots (Kahatara) 1 earthen vessel (Ghymapa) 1 earthen vessel (Ghymapa) 1 earthen vessel (Handi) 1 earthen vessel (Handi) 1 earthen vessel (Ghada) 1 earthen vessel (Natia) 25 50. Sthiti Malla And His Sons1 By Surya Bikram Gnyawali. *********** Opinion is divided sharply on the question of which dynasty Sthiti Malla actually belonged to. A list of his predecessors as given in the Vamshavali is given below: According to the Vamshavali, Sthiti Malla was born in the Malla dynasty which had fled to Tirhut after the invasion of Nanyadeva. Shyamsimhadeva, a descendent of Harisimhadedva, had no son. He had given his daughter in marriage to Jayabhadra Malla, who thereby [.....] his heir-apparent. Jayabhadra Malla, belonged to the Malla dynasty referred above. He was succeeded by the following Kings: 1. Naga Malla 2. Jagajagat Malla 3. Nagendra Malla 4. Ugra Malla 5. Ashok Malla 6. Sthiti Malla.2 Jyoti Malla, a descendant of Sthiti Malla, has written a drama entitled Muditakuwalayashwa, which lists his predecessors as follows:- 1. Harisimhadeva 2. Ballarasimha 3. Deva Malla 3. Naga Malla 5. Ashok Malla 6. Sthiti Malla Thus, while the Vamshavali describes Sthiti Mall was the descendent of princess of the dynasty of Harisimhadeva, Jyoti Malla seeks to prove that Sthiti Mall directly descended from the son of Harisimhadeva. ______________________________________ 1. Surya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihas (Medieval History of Nepal Valley). Kathmandy: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962). Chapter VII: "Sthiti Malla Tath Unka Chhoraharu." (Sthiti Malla and His sons), PP. 73-88. 2. Daniel Wright, P. 181. Contd.......... 51. Pratap Malla, Jyoti Malla and other Malla Kings who ruled over divided Nepal during the seventeenth century appear to have tried to write their own Vamshavalis. Jyoti Malla wrote a Vamshavali in which the list of his predecessors began with Nanyadeva, and in which he claimed himself as belonging to the Karnata dynasty. On the other hand, Pratap Malla in his two stone inscriptions, has attempted to trace the origin of his dynasty to Ramachandra and claimed to be a descended to Nanyadeva.3 A study of the above two lists would show that there is nothing in common between them, except that they give the same of Sthiti Malla's father. Pratap Malla and Jyoti Malla were well-known Kings and scholars of divided Nepal. They liked to prove that their dynasty was very ancient and best known. This probably explains why both of them have written spurious Vamshavalis, claiming themselves to be the descendant of Nanyadeva. The Vamshavali describes Sthiti Malla as the descendant of a princess of a royal family belonging to the Karnata dynasty in order to stress the point that he had become King. But this story too does not seem to be reliable. A stone-inscription dating back to 533 Nepal era (January 1413), belonging to Jyoti Malla, second son of Sthiti Malla, has been discovered at the temple of Pashupatinath.4 In this stone inscription, Jyoti Malla has not indicated that he had connections of any kind with the Karnaka dynasty. He simply says that he belonged to the Surya and the Raghu dynasties, and that he was the second son born to Sthiti Malla from Rajalladevi. On the basis of the above-mentioned evidence, it may be assumed that Sthiti Malla had no connections whatever with the Karnata dynasty, and that his descendants had arbitrarily attempted to prove themselves to be of those after deposing Arjuna Malla, the last King in the Malla dynasty through a conspiracy, for the Vamshavalis do not indicate that he had any relationship with Arjuna Malla. However, one puzzling point is that Pratap Malla has not even referred to the name of Sthiti Malla in any of the two genealogies which he had recorded in his stone inscription.5 In one stone inscription, located near the Hanuman Dhoka palace, he has given the name of Yaksha Malla as his predecessor, who, according to him, was born in Harisimhadeva's dynasty. 3. Bhadgaun Lal Indraji, Nos, 18 and 19. 4. Bhadgaun Lal Indraji, No. 16. 5. Bhadgaun Lal Indraji, No. 18. Contd..... 52. In the other stone inscription,6 located at Pashupati, however, he has described Yaksha Malla as the son of Harisimhadeva. It is worth noting why Pratap Malla should have omitted the name of his own illustrious predecessor in his own Vamshavali. It is possible that he had made such an omission in order to prove that there had been no greater King than him in his dynasty, or fat fear lest the mention of Sthiti Malla should create the impression among the people that Sthiti Malla had been a great King in that dynasty. The question then arise as to which dynasty Sthiti Malla really belonged to. A close study would seem to show that he belonged to a Kshetriya community of Nepal whose members had "Malla" as their surname.though he did not belonged to a royal dynasty, he probably came of an influential family. He was born presumably in a family of noblemen. The rule of the real Malla dynasty appears to have been ushered in during his period. By the real Malla dynasty we mean those Kshatriyas who held the surname of Malla. They are numerous in modern Nepal also. Sthiti Malla was married to Rajalladevi, daughter of the daughter of King Rudra Malla of Nepal. He thereby occupied a top position among the prominent persons of Nepal. It was undoubtedly by virtue of this marriage that he had been able to have access to the politics of Nepal. Contemporary records indicate that Sthiti Malla was very proud of being the husband of Rajalladevi. In Manavayayashashtra, writttend in 500 Nepal era (1380 A.D.) that is, some time before Sthiti Malla's ascension to the throne of Nepal, the author deals I detail with the matrimonial relationship Sthiti Malla and Rajalladevi. He play entitled Bhairavananda, which was enacted on the occasion of the wedding of Dharma Malla, the first son of the Sthiti Malla, also depicts the happy conjugal relationship between Sthiti Malla and Rajalladevi. Several other examples can be cited to prove this. Bendall has speculated that Sthiti Malla had obtained his right to rule the country only by virtue of his marriage with Rajalladvi. It was actuall y Rajalladevi who had the birthright to rule over the country, and this was why she got precedence in these manuscripts. There is not reason to disagree with this view if Sthiti Malla had ascended the throne immediately after his marriage with Rajalladevi in 474 Nepal era (1354 A.D.). Rudra Malla, maternal grandfather of Rajalladevi, had also made Ari Malla King and ruled the country jointly with him. This shows that Rudra Malla also did not have sole authority in the State. When the Kings who ruled after Ananta Malla died childless, there was a tussle among their relatives for the throne. Rudra Malla had put an end to that tussle by placing Ari Malla on the throne. He was without a son when he died in 1326 A.D. It was during this year that Harisimhadeva invaded Nepal. There had been an invasion from Aditya Malla also before that year 6. Bhadgaun Lal Indraji, No. 19. Contd........... 53. Taking advantage of this invasion, different political factions in Nepal started comprising for power with the daughter of Rudra Malla as their leader. For sometime, they engaged themselves in civil was. Finally, in 1337 A.D., Ari Malla established his supremacy, defeating all these political factions. Ari Malla was succeeded by Rajadeva, whose successor was Arjuna Malla. It does not appear logical to assume that daughter of the direct heir to the throne. For one thing, she was the daughter of the daughter of Rudra Malla. Secondly, three Kings had already ruled Nepal after the death of Rudra Malla. A full account of the life of Sthiti Malla is still not available. However, available evidence indicates that he had originally been an ordinary person and had later attained an eminent position through his own merits. Sthiti Malla began to enjoy a more exalted and dignified position consequent to his marriage with Rajalladevi. Since his marriage with Rajalladevi had proved to be the cause of his good fortune, contemporary writings must have prominently referred to her name along with his. It is possible that Sthti Malla received princely after his marriage with Rajalladevi. In 1372 A.D., he was Mahasamanta of Kathmandu during the reign of Arjuna Malla, who had ascended the throne some time before 1964, succeeding Rajadeva, his father. Arjuna Malla for carrying on the affairs a week King, who depended much on Sthiti Mall for carrying on the long time, Sthiti Malla had become very powerful. Convinced that Arjuna Malla was a weak king, Sthiti Malla started conspiring against him. In a work entitled Hanavanyayashashtra, written in 150 Nepal era (1380 A.D.), Bhadguan is described as Sthiti Malla's Kingdom. This indicates that Arjuna Malla might have transeferred Sthiti Malla from Kathmandu as Mahasamanta of Bhadgaun. Available evidence indicates that within a short time thereafter, a revolt crupted against Arjuna Malla, who was subsequently either forced to flee or was killed. Sthiti Malla thereupon ascended the throne and the people too gladly accepted him as King. In this context, it is neccesary to know the condition of Nepa during the rule of Sthti Malla. The Newar community at that time was divided into four groups. Those engaged in agriculture were known as Jyapus, while those who occupation was trade were called Udas. The other Newars, who had connections with the royal family, had direct hands in the management of the affairs of the State, or possessed extensive land-holdings, were called Malla, Thakuri, Mulami and Bharo. The most respected among the four groups of Newars were Bauddha Acharyas, who performed priestly functions for Jyapus and Udasas. They followed the Vajrayana Tantra cult, in which meat and wine were freely conxumed by all. Traditional religious practices were also followed. Caste discriminations were confirmed to the upper cases. Contd..... 54. After the emergence of Muslim rule in India, Hindus from North India migrated to the hill regions during the 12th and 13th century. Those who migrated to the western areas reached a sparsely-populated region, while those who reached Nepal Valley arrived in a regions which was populous and had a developed culture. The majority of those who thus migrated to Nepal belonged to Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. According to the Vamshavali, people belonging to Brahman, Bhandel, Achar, Jaisi, Vaidy and Rajaka castes had accomplished Harisimhadeva to Nepal. Naturally, the exodus of people belonging to different castes from the Tarai into a small area gave rise to social and economic disparities. In the social sphere, it created matrimonial problems, which posed the questions of determining the social status of the offspring. In the economic field, a competition ensued between the immigrants and local artisans, thereby hampering the development of architecture in many ways. The immigrants from Madhesh (i.e. India) entered into Nepal with the intention not to return home in view of the political situation prevailing there. They had brought with them their skills and talents. It was therefore natural for the Newar community who had a passion for Knowledge, and were stilled artisans themselves, to develop affectionate relations with the immigrants. There was considerable scope for benefit to the Newars as a result of tier contacts with the immigrants. Sthiti Malla gave top priority to the task of solving the social and economic problems created by the influx or outsiders into Nepal. He formulated new regulations for this purpose, for which he became famous in the history of Nepal. Full particulars of the regulations or arrangements made by Sthiti Malla are not available the following. However, on the basis of the Vamshavalu, it is possible to ascertain the following facts. Sthiti Malla had consulted five scholars which he had invited from north India to formulate his new regulations. They were Kirtinath Upadhyaya, Kanyakuhja, Raghunath Jha Maithili, Shree Nath Bhatta, Mahi Nath Bhatta and Ram Nath Jha. All social reforms were introduced by Sthiti Malla in accordance with their advice. The very names of these scholars suggest that the reforms undertaken by him were based on the principles of Hindu religion. No thought was given to the adverse effect of these reforms on the Buddhist community. Hindu laws were actually imposed on the Buddhist. In ancient India, artisans were a class in themselves. It has been discovered that in big cities artisans were even divided into different classes which lived in different localities. The basis of class division was their skills, not caste status as is the case with the Hindus. People were possibly divided along similar lines during the Lichchhavi rule in Contd.......... 55. Nepal also. According to the Vamshavali, Sthiti Malla had divided all Newari except the Bandya into 64 classes. The basis of this division was class not caste. The artisans immigrating from north India were also divided into different classes according to their respective skills. They were therefore accepted by society. Thus this system worked well, but later these classes were regarded as castes with the result that the evils that characterize the Hindu religion gradually infested these classes. The subsequently introduction of regulations based on the caste system which forstered feelings of superiority and inferiority among different classes affected the Buddhist society which was based on equality. We may cite in this context the four castes of Acharya, Vaidya, Shrestha and Daivajnya. Acharyas were divided into three sub-castes and Vaidyas into four sub-castes. Shresthas too were divided into different sub-castes, among which ten were entitled to wear the sacred thread. All the three sub-castes among the Acharyas and the four sub- castes among the Daivanjnya were allowed to wear the sacred thread. Thus emerged two clases-those wearing the sacred thread and those not wearing it. This system was found to intensify feelings of discrimination among people in course of time. Shudras too were divided into different categories. In the ancient Buddhist society, untouchability existed to some extent of course, but it was not as serious as in Hindu society. But in the kind of set-up evolved by Sthiti Malla, untouchability appears to have been encouraged to a considerable extent. He named regulations prohibiting the upper castes from drinking water touched by such castes as sweepers (Podhes) and leather-workers (Charmakaras). The segregation of different castes was further intensified by framing regulations prescribing the places where they could stay and the apparel and ornaments they could wear. Kasais were not allowed to wear clothes with sleeves. Podhes were probihited from wearing caps, jackects (Mayalpos), shoes and gold ornaments. Kasais, Podhes, and Kulas were not permitted to use tiles on the roof of their houses. They were required to show due respect to persons belonging to upper classes. The inferior status of lower classes was thus legalized. A major obstacle was thus created in the development of society. While this arrangement did not diametrically conflict with the Hindu region, it was not wise to have imposed with the caste system of the Hindus on a society which was relatively free from social discrimination. This reassure led society very backward, even as it endeavored to move ahead on the road to equality. The penal system as it existed in India, in ancient times, was, as in the rest of contemporary world, based on the English proverb. "An eye for an eye, ora tooth for a tooth." In otherwords, the Indian penal system distinguished itself for its stress on the necessity of awarding punishment in the form of computation of limbs. The penal system of of Nepal was also based on this principle. However, opposition to this system subsequently mounted in India as elsewhere in the world. Eventually, provision Contd.......... 56. were made for punishment in the form of fines. Accordingly, Sthiti Malla introduced an elaborate penal code providing for fines and gradually made improvements in it. Sthtiti Malla also introduced agrarian reforms. According to a school of thought current in ancient India, all rights on lands belonged to the King. Accordingly, in Nepal, nobody was then entitled to dispose of Birta land or house obtained by him from the King. But Sthiti Malla enforced regulations permitting transactions in such lands and houses. Even though reforms were effected in the agrarian field in this manner, the authority wielded by the King in a feudal set-up was further consolidated. This is apparent from the regulation under which people to all the four communities were required to accompany the dead body of a King in the funeral procession, as well as from the provision that Dipaka Raga should be played on that occasion. Similarly, the Kana(musical instrument) was required to be played during the funeral rites of persons belonging to the upper class. In ancient times, Nepal Valley was predominantly agricultural, but the development of commerce led to it gradual urbanization and the construction of big house. It was therefore necessary to regulate the construction of houses in urban areas. Rules were accordingly framed classifying houses into 3 categories. Houses situated in towns possibly meant those located in city squares. However, rules stipulating the requirements regarding the measurement of residential sites are not clear. According to these rules, the breadth of the site of a class 1 house was 85 haths, and that of class 2 and class 4 houses 95 haths respectively, the possible reason for prescribing the smallest site for houses situated in the center or square of towns was that the square was narrow and it was necessary or permit the construction of as many small buildings as possible. Similarly, the provision for the construction of bigger houses the other classes in streets and lands respectively cannot be regarded as surprising. Lands too were classified into four grades, each of which was measured in terms of ropani of different sizes. A ropani of land of the first grade measured 95 haths of the second grade 109 haths of the third grade 112 haths, and of the fourth class 125 haths. It would have been appropriate to adopted the same unit of measurement of lands of all grades, while grading them according to their productivity. Bt arrangements to measure different grades of lands according to different units enabled professional land surveyors to make the most of the situation. It is possible that these regulations were framed in consultation with members of Nepal's professional surveyors caste, the Bhandel Contd 57. Previously, the rod used for measuring lands was of 10 haths long, but its length was reduced by Sthiti Malla to 7 haths. This arrangement was probably aimed at augmenting revenue, even though it involved considerable hardships for the people. It is clear that land prices had gone up during Sthiti Malla' time. Since the rod was of 7 haths, the question arose as to whose hand (hath) should be made the basis for measuring land. To settle this question one for all, the hand of the reigning King was adopted as the basis. This system of measurement is still in vogue in Nepal. It is not known whether or not Sthiti Malla had introduced this practice. At the time Sthiti Malla ruled in Nepal, nearly two centuries had passed since the establishment of the feudal regime of Muslims in India. The people of Nepal must have by then been acquainted with the nature of the feudal rule of the Muslims. It appears that Sthiti Malla had evolved a feudal system along the lines prevailing in India. According to Kirkpatrick, who gives the name of Sthiti Malla as Jet Malla, Sthiti Malla had given away Jagirs to soldiers. This meant that persons granted Jagirs by the State were required to supply soldiers in the prescribed number whenever they were ordered to do so. Sthiti Malla had also distributed lands among his subjects and waived the land tax in the case of all those who were in arrears before this assumption of power. In this manner, he created a class of Birta land owners. As these people owed their affluence to Sthiti Malla they were naturally loyal to him. It was necessary for Sthiti Malla to distribute lands among the nobility in this manner. In the conspiracy hatched by him against Arjuna Malla, the afraid that they sided with him in the hope of some rewards. Sthiti Malla was for their collaborations. According to Kirkpatrick, Sthiti Malla, at the closs of his reign, expanded the town of Bhadgaun, where he resided. Sthiti Malla's reign was otherwise uneventful. That is why historical records do not contain detailed reference to his rule. According to the Vamshavali, the idol of Rana, seem at Ramghat on the bank of the Bagmati river, was installed by Sthiti Malla. On May 12, 1392 (512 Nepal era), he built he temple of Kumbheshwar and also a tank called Kumbhatirtha at Patan. Images of several gods and goddess had been discovered in the course of digging for the construction of the tank. Sthiti Malla had these images installed in different parts of the town. The Vamshavali mentions that the idol of Unmatts Bhairav, now located at the temple of Pashupatinath, had been installed by Sthiti Malla. It is not clear now far this claim is correct. Doubts in this regard have arisen because the assertion made in the Vamshavali that the idol had been installed in 542 Nepal era (1422 A.D.) had been found to be inaccurate. 58. Rajalladevi, queen of Sthiti Malla, had died in 508 Nepal era (1388 A.D.), that is long before his death, leaving 3 sons behind. This is confirmed by a stone inscription installed by Sthiti Malla on a water spout near the temple of Jayabagishwari. The stone inscription also names his three sons as Dharma Malla, Jyoti Malla and Kirti Malla. Sthiti Malla was the patron of scholars. This is apparent from the scores of manuscripts written during his reign. The lase manuscript written during his rule and containing his names is dated 514 Nepal era (1394 A.D.). It may be presumed that Sthiti Malla had died some time in 1304 or 1395 A.D., for a manuscript written in 516 Nepal era (1395 or 1396 A.D.) refers to Jayasimharama as Parama Bhattaraka Maharajadhiraj. It is now necessary to discuss who Jayasimharama, who had been described Parama Bhattaraka Maharajadhiraj in 516 Nepal era (1395 or 1396 A.D.), was, as well as how he was given that title. Jayasimhadeva had been appointed as Mahabhattaka of Nepal in 484 Nepal era (1364 A.D.) during the rule of Arjun Malla. This is proved by a manuscript entitled Chanakya Shloka. In this book, he is wrongly called Jayashivarama, instead of Jayasimhadeva. A stone inscription installed by him at Itumbahal in 502 Nepal era (1382 A.D.) indicates that Jayasimharama had collaborated with Sthiti Malla in ousting Arjun Malla. In it Jayasimharama even omits the name of Arjun Malla and declares the Kingdom as under his rule. The meaning of one Sanskrit phrase in this stone inscription is as follows: In the Kingdom looked after by Mahamantri Jayasimharama. The stone inscription located at Itumbahal gives the name of his father as Ramavardhana and that of his mother as Godhana Laxmi. Jayasimharama had also a brother named Madanasimharamavardhana, whose son, Shakisimharamavardhana, is also mentioned in the stone inscription. Jayasimharama had a stone inscription installed at Pashupati during the region of Dharma Malla, son of Sthiti Malla. In this inscription, he describes himself as Mahamantradhiraja. Dharma Malla, the eldest son of Sthiti Malla, was born in 487 Nepal era (1367 A.D.). Jayasimhadeva appears to have become the Prime Minister of Dharma Malla after the death of Sthiti Malla. This possibly explains why the above-mentioned work written in 516 Nepal era (1395-96 A.D.) states that Jayasimharama had been given the title of Parama Bhattaraka Maharajadhiraja. A eulogy of Jayasimharama, which appeared in a work relating to the Mahabharat epic, written during the same year, describes him as "Shrman Bhumahendra". All this shows beyond doubt that Jayasimharama had been a prominent figure among the nobles of Nepal at that time. A number of stone inscription bearing the names of Sthiti Malla's sons lead us to presume that he had proclaimed his sons as Kings of different areas even he was alive. A stone inscription dating back to Ashadh 511 Nepal era (July 1391 A.D.) discovered at Onkuli Bahi at Contd........... 59. Patan, refers to, Kirti Malla as Maharajadhiraja Parameshwara Paramabhattarakshya. Documents dated 521 Nepal era (1401 A.D.) and 522 Nepal era (1402 A.D.), mentioning all the three sons of Sthiti Malla, have also been discovered. The fact that Sthiti Malla had conferred the title of King (Maharahadhiraja) on all of his sons during reign itself is very significant, as it points to the eventual disintegration of the kingdom. A document of 523 Nepal era (1403 A.D.) mentions the name of Dharma Malla only, but is calls him Yuvaraja (Crown Prince). Jayasimharama's stone inscription at Pashupati mentioned above also refers to Dharma Malla as "Rajadhiraja Parameshwara Paramabhattaraka Yuvaraja Shree Jaya Dharma Malla". Although Dharma Mall was vested with the title of "Rajadhiraja Parameshwara Paramabhattaraka", he was usually called Yuvaraja. This shows that he had obtained the title of Yuvaraja while his father was still alive. Bendall had cited a document dated Ashadh 532 Nepal era (1421 A.D.), according to which only Jyoti Malla had become King. This is confirmed by a stone inscription dated Magh 14, 533 Nepal era (January 1413 A.D.), which was installed by Jyoti Malla at Pashupati. According to this stone inscriptions, Jyoti Malla was the only Maharajadhiraja at this time. It may therefore be presumed that Dharma Malla had died around 1411 A.D. He probably had no son or daughter, and consequently might have been succeeded by Jyoti Malla, his brother. Alternatively, it might not have been difficult to Jyoti Malla to become King after the death of Dharma Malla, notwithstanding the presence of the latter's sone, since all the three brothers had been proclaimed as Kings during the life-time of their father, Sthiti Malla. The stone inscription referred to above also sheds some light on Jyoti Malla. In it, he mentions the names of his parents (Sthiti Malla and Rajalladevi), of his elder and younger brothers (Dharma Malla and Kirti Mall) and of his queen (Sansaradevi). He also mentions the name of Jeevaraksha, his daughter and of Bhairava, his son-in-law. The stone inscription then to Yaksha Malla, who is cited as having once relieved the people of Bhadgaun from famine. These references suggest that Yaksha Malla had been vested with powers to administer Bhadgaun during the reign of is father. Yaksha Malla and Jayanta appear to be the first and second sons of Jyoti Malla, the first beings his heir. Jayalaxmi was Yaksha Malla's wife. It seems that Yaksha Malla was the heir-apparent. The stone inscription also indicates that Jyoti Malla had equal faith in Buddhism and Hinduism. It puts on record the fact that he had rebuilt the dilapidated Chaitya of Swayambhu and installed an idol of Dharmadhatubagishwara. Contd 60. Bendall cotes a work bearing the date Nepal era (1426-27 A.D.), written during the rule of Jyoti Malla. A document confirming that he had died shortly thereafter and been succeeded by Yaksha Malla has been discovered. It was written in Ashadh 1350 Shaka era (548 Nepal era or 1428 A.D.) Revenue Collection In Bhirkot, 1797 A.D. From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Birya Rokaya. We hereby appoint you as Subba with jurisdiction over the Aridaman company, succeeding Shatrusal. Collect revenues from the following sources from the entire territory of Bhairkot. Khet lands throughout the principality and other lands attached thereto, homestead taxes (Ghargani), taxes on Pakha lands (Serma), taxes in Chhap lands grants (Mahasul) etc. Do not collect revenues from Birta, Bandha, Fakirana and Guthi lands of temples and roadside shelters, fee payable to the religious authority (Dharmadhikar), buried treasue (Kalyandhan), Saunefagu levis, Walak levies Panchakhat fines, falcons, mines, miscellaneous merchandise (Kirana), buffaloes, cotton, Chaudhari levies, wax and levies collected from Jogis and Sanyasis. With the revenue collected by you, pay the salaries of Subedars, Jamadars, Magars, Ajustants, Kotes, Hawaldars, Ambaldars, Huddedars, Privatess, etc and transmit Rs ........... As stipulated to the treasury (Khajana) every year. Submit accounts at the end of every year and obtain clearance. Miantain not less than 210 musket-bearing troops. Enjoy this as your Jagir. With the Khet lands, village and Khuwa lands of that territory, meet expenses in the emoluments of the army and transmit the stipulated amount every year. If Khet lands prove insufficient, reclaim waste lands and meet expenses on emoluments. Do not trouble the palace with matters concerning such emoluments. If you impose new taxes, indulge in oppression and harass the subjects, and if we received any complaint, we shall hear both sides, obtain a confession and award appropriate punishment to the guilty person. With these emoluments, maintain watch over the military headquarters (Gaunda) assigned to you and undertake construction works. Like other companies, remain in constant attendance during wars and other emergencies and hunting expenditure and also perform duties as guards or sentries. Ashadh Badi, 1854 (June 1797) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 25, PP. 495-496. *************** (S.B.N.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: April 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 4, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. ************* Contents 1. Kumaun Documents-1 2. Yaksha Malla and The division of Nepal 3. The Sithi Fighting 4. Politics and Culture In The Lichchhavi Period 5. Procurement Of Muskets In Bhadgaun 6. Arrangements For Management Of Machchhindranath Temple Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. 71 75. 79 61 74 Page 80 Compiled By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 61. Kumaun Documents-1 1. Appointment Of Nar Shah As Subba From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Nar Shah. We hereby appoint you as Subba on Amanat basis over the plains, hill and Himalayan territories at Kumaun, to succeed Jog Narayan Malla, with effect from 1849 Vikrama (1792 A.D.). Collect all revenues in these territories, including Mal (land tax), Sair (customs and other duties), Jalkar (tax on fish and other river products), Bankar (tax on forest products), Kusahi-Bisahi (tax on Birta lands), Marye-Aputali (escheat property), Panchakhat (fines levied on persons guilty of the five great offenses relating to bribery, smuggling, murder, cow slaughter and assault resulting in bloodshed), Danda-Kunda (judicial fines), Bihadani (levy on marriage), Sagaudha (levy on such communal facilities as pastures and sourcs of water), Khani (mines), Walak (homestead leviesz), Kachho (inron, copper or other ore) and Sirto (tribute from deudatory chiefs, sometimes also homestead levies). Transmit the preceeds of revenue collection every year to the treasury (Khajana). Submit accounts and obtain clearance. Your emoluments as Subba shall consist of one-sixteenth of all revenue collected there, in addition to an assignment of 1,700 muris of paddy lands as Jagir. Make (revenue) on other paddy lands and homesites. We hereby place the Bhawani Bux Company under your jurisdiction. The lands allotted to this company through royal order in Bendipur are withdrawn, and it emoluments have been fixed at the same rates as for the old company. With due assurance, wnjoy your perquisites as Subba and discharge the prescribed functions. Poush Sudi 2, 1849 (December 1792) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 5, PP. 234-234. Contd...... 62. 2. Appointment Of Ajav Khawas As Subba Royal order providing assurance to the respectable people, revenue functionaries and Kamins of Kumaun. From Kin Rana Bahadur Shah, To the Kamins of Chyudi. On reciving reports that Subba Naru Shah had greatlu oppressed the ryots of Kumaun, we have dismissed him from service and appointed Ajav Khawas as Subba opf Kumaun. Represent your weal and woe to (Subba Ajav Khawas). Do not indulge in revolt or treason. We have instructed Subba (Ajav Khawas) thas those who do not shall be beheaded or enslaved, and that those who are loyal to us shall be rewarded. We have received reports military personnel (Tilanga, Dhalet) visit the villages and forcibly collect provisions (Baikar) without making any payment. You need not supply such free provisions to those who come to you withour a written order from the Subba. Bring back those we have gone abroad and let them resettle here. Shrawan Badi 8, 1851 (July 1794) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 183. 3. Exodus Of Ryots Rom Kumaun (a) Appeal to Jagat Bista To Return To Kumaun From Rana Bahadur Shah, To Jagat Bista. After Kumaun came under our occupation, the local Amils oppressed the country and its inhabitants. Accordingly, you have, out of fear, left your hearth and home and gone abroad. This has been reported to us by Subba Prabal Rana. You had proved true to the salt of the former King of that country and acted as a loyal servant. By the grace of God, that territory had now come under our occupation. We require you as our servant. On recievig this royal order, come back to your hearth and home along with relatives and kinsmen. Prove true to your salt as well as to your throne. Remain in constant attendance to perform the functions allotted to you from the Subba. Contd...... 63. If you hadm, willfully, or otherwise, committed any offense during the time of the former King, we hereby grant you pardon as well as succor. With due assurance, be loyal to us and remain in constant attendance at our service. In case you have any harhship or grievance, reports it through the Subba. We shall redress it. Falgun Sudi 15, 1852 (March 1796) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 312. (b) Appeal To Bahadur Jung To Return To Kumaun From King Rana Bahadur, To Bahadur Jung. Formerly, you had, out of loyalty and affection for the former King of this country, served him. This is what a loyal person should do. You are a respectable person of kumaun. You are a servant for us too. By the grace of God, that territory had now come under our occupation. As a servant, you had served (your former King) loyalty. A respectable person should be loyal to throne, not to any individual. Kumaun is your home. Accordingly, as soon as you see this royal order, come back to Kumaun along with relatives and kinsmen. We hereby grant you pardon for any offense you may have committed, willfully or otherwise. With due assurance, be loyal to us and to our throne and remain in constant attendance to perform the functions allotted to you from the Subba in Kumaun. We hereby provide you with succor. In case you have any hardship or grievance, represent it to us through the Subba. We shall redress it. Falgun Sudi 14, 1852 (March 1796) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 313. (c) Appeal To Jimidars To Return To Kumaun From Kingj Rana Bahadur, To Dhamis, Budhas, Panchas and Juwaris You are Jimidars of the State (Dhunga) of Kumaun, wharever you may have done in the past, in the future remain in attendace before the Subba of Kumaun in the same manner as you used to allegiance to the State of Kumaun yesterday, and make necessary arrangements. Represent Contd........... 64. your hardships and Grievances before the Subba, and we shall redress them. In case you commt any irregularity, you shall be awarded punishment. Falgun Sudi 15, 1852 (March 1796) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 314. 4. Appointment Of Bam Shah As Administrator From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Chautariya Bamba Shah. You have submitted the following petition to us:- If the post of Subba in Kumaun in abolished and arrangements are made on Amanat basis, the interests of Your Majesty (Khamind) will be served, and the expenses due on the army here fully met. Moreover, it will be possible to transmit funds to the treasury (Toshakhana). We have heard your petition. We have accordingly dismissed Prabal Rana from the post of Subba and summoned him here. We hereby appoint you to report on conditions (in Kumaun) and look after administrative affairs there. Do whatever is in our interesr and will bring credit to you. Keep the ryots satisfied. Take action to insure that no complaint is received and the country is stabilized. Credit or discredit will belong to you. Understand this, an act accordingly. Magh Badi 14, 1853 (January 1297) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 353. (5) Replacement of Subba Rudravir Shah From King Girban, To Subba Rudravir Shah. We have appointed Rana Kasar Pande as Subba to look after administrative affairs in Kumaun for 1860 Vikrama (1803-4 A.D.). We have deputed. Contd............ 65. Gaj Kesar Pande there. Give him instructions regarding administrative affairs (in Kumaun). Hand over to him the supplies and equipmen procured for the action in Garh(wal) and obtain a receipt from him. Come here with the balance of revenue collections due for the year 1859 Vikrama (1802-3 A.D.). Appointments and dismissals are a routine affair. If you come before us, we shall provide you with livelihood. You have been dismissed now, but you will be reappointed in due course. Dispose of all matters relating to the year 1859 Vikrama (1802-3 A.D.) and come here soon. Chaitra Sudi 15, 1859 (April 1803) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 378. 6. Collection Of Salami Levy From King Girban, To Budhas, Sayanas, Kamins, and Pradhans throughput the terrioty of Kumaun. We have recived reports that you have shifted the burden of the Salamis levy imposed on you after our conquest of that territory ot Chuni ryots. Ryots are storehouses without locks. You must pay the amount of the Salami yourself. In the future, anybody who collects the Salami levy from the ryots shall be liable punishment. Ashadh Badi 9, 1860 (June 1803) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 4, P. 383. 7. Kaji Ritudhwaj Thapa Deputed To Kumaun (a) Order To Dafadari Ramkrishna Joshi From King Girban, To Dafadari Ramkrishna Joshi. We have deputed Kaji Retudhwaj Thapa to scrutinize particulars of revenue collected after that territory came under our authority, inquire into charge of oppression, provide assurance to the ryots, allot lands as Jagri to the Kajis and (military) companies, and thus make comprehension inquiries (Sarbarakam Janchun). Contd.......... 66. we have appointed you in that territory. Complete your own work and join him (Kaji Ritudhwaj Thapa). Have statements recorded accurately, without affection or favorisim, and records (Dafdar) thus prepared. In case you listen to anybody, indulge in maneuvers (Prapanch), recive bribes and suppress (information), and in case we receive reports to this effect from any source, and we are able to obtain a confession from you, we shall award you punishment according to your caste. In case you have accurate statements recorded, and discharge your functiuons promotly accordingly to the regulations, we hall grant you rewards (Rijh) and confirm you in your post. We have issued instructions to this effect to him (Kaji Ritudhwaj Thapa). In case you do not furnish accurate particulars, and this is revealed from anu source, it may not be good for you. Jestha Sudi 5, 1862 (May 1805) Regmi Research Collections,Vol. 5, P. 523. (b) Order To Othe Local Funtionaries From King Girban, To the Fouzdars, Kamins, Budhas, Sayanas, and Pradhans of Kali-Kumaun. We have deputed Kaji Ritudhwaj to conduct comprehensive inquiries (Sarbarakam Janchnu) in that area. Give accurate replies to his questions also inform him what you know about the past, in such way that these may be found correct on subsequent investigation. We hahve issued orders that punishement shall be awarded, including physical punishment, to anybody who colludes with others and takes bribes pr suppressions information relating to any matter or source or revenue, or delays any action. Understand this and provide true information. Jestha Sudi 5, 1862 (May 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, PP. 521-522. (c) Salaries Of Kaji Ritudhwaj Thapa And Other Officials From King Girban, To Kaji Ritudhwah Thapa and Haridatta Jha. With the revenue collected through you from actual sources (Waja Rakam), we hereby sanction salaries and allowances (Bali Bhatta Kharcha) Contd........... 67. are follows. Expenses shall be debited on the basis of receipts [.......] scrutinizing documents relating to revenue collectiots made by you. Allowances (Bhatta) to Kaji Ritudhwaj Thapa To Khardar Haridatta Jha: In lieu of 1100 muris of Khet lands Cash emoluments (Khuwa) In lieu of 200 muris of Manachamal Khet lands Allowance Allowance to Subba Bijay Simha Allowance to Bichari Jaya Narayan Padhya: In Lieu of 600 muris of Khet lands Cash emoluments Allowance Rs 60 Rs 50 Rs 275 Rs 200 Rs 60 Total ..... Rs 200 ..... Rs 150 ..... Rs 200 ..... Rs 45 Rs 586 Total Rs 395 Allowance of Bichari Ramu Rana (as mentioned above) ..... ..... to Bichari Jivan Padhya ..... to Bichari Ram Narayan Jha Allowance to clerk (Lekhnya) Bhavedatta Jaisi: In lieu of Khet lands and cash emolumets Allowance Rs 395 ..... Rs 395 ..... Rs 395 Rs 125 ..... Rs 33 Total ..... Rs 158 Contd 68. Salaries (Talab) and perquisites (Dasturat) of 7 persons including Mukhiya Bhitundas of clerk (Kayasth) and Nausindas to be dis- bursed according to their qualifications (Sorkhat). Allowances: To Bhitundas To 6 Nausindas Saturday, Jestha Sudi 12, 1862 (June 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, PP. 524-525. (d) Appointment of Jivan Padhya As Bichari From King Girban, To Jivan Padhya. We hereby appoint you as Bichari to conduct inquiries in Kumaun. Hear and dispose of cases relating to lands and caste in such a way that justice is assured according to traditional custom. Do nto indulge in injustice, favoritism or bribvery. Appropriate the following emoluments and the customary perquisites: Rs 150 in lieu of 600 muris of paddy lands Rs 200 as Khuwa (cash emoluments). Jestha Sudi 11, 1862 (June 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 539. (e) Passport to Kaji Ritudhwaj Thapa And Other Officials From King Girban, To all collectors of Jagat duties in the regions situated between the Bishnumati river in the east and the Kali river in the west. Contd...... ..... Rs 60 ..... Rs 180 69. Kaji Ritudhwaj, Kharidar Haridatta Pandit, along with Bicharis, Kayasts and Dongols, have been deputed to Kumaun. Examine the persons accompanying them and let them proceed. Make a list of these persons. Jestha Sudi 14, 1862 (June 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 539. 6. Land Surveys In Kumaun From King Girban, To Lachhaman Puri. We hereby sanction Rs 315 from the Tusal revenue for 14 surveyers (Dongols) who have been deputed to conduct surveys in Kumaun, at the rate of 2 annas each per day for a periond of 6 months. The expenditure shall be debited while scrutinizing the accounts. Jestha Sudi 1862 (May 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 6, PP.14-15. 9. Establishment Of Kathmandu-Kumaun Hulak Line From King Girban, To Amalidars, Birta owners, Brahmans, Sanyasis, Jogis, etc in Sataun. We have established Hulak services from Kathmandu to Kumaun. Appoint 8 Hulakis in each post at intervals of 1 kosh fro among the Birta owners, Jogis, Sanyasis, etc. of your area. The Amalis shall keep them in constant readiness day and night. Bitrta owners and others (as mentioned above) shall remain there accordingly. Make arrangements for the transportation mail both wasys without the slightest delay. Exemption from Jhara obligations of other categories has been granted to Hulak porters. Make the above-mentioned arrangements expeditiously. Any person who does not do so will be awarded punishment. Tuesday, Baisakh Badi 7, 1861 (April 1804) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 468 Contd..... 70. (Similar orders were sent on the same date to Amalidars in Pyuthan, Dailekh, Lamjung, Argha, Kumaun, Doti, Salyan, Bhirkot, Nuwakot, Garaun, Kaski, Gulmi and other areas). 10. Confimation Of Birta Grant In Kumaun From King Rana Bahadur Shah, Tp Dwituya Saraswati Bhat. The Raja of Kumaun, Baj Bahadur Chand, had graned paddy fields and homesteads in Barhamandal, Tirkhot, Bipalo- Uchyur and Jajut as Kush Birta Bitalab through a copper inscription, making these (lands and homesteads) fully exempt from all taxes and levies. (Sarba-Anka-Maf). The descendants of Dwitiya Saraswati Bhat handed over this copper plate inscription to Balam Bhatta Payagudya. We hereby confirm this copper plate inscription in favor of Balam Bhatta Payagodya. With due assurance, utilize (these lands and homesteads) as Bitalab Birta and bless us. Ashwin Sudi 9, 1848 (September 1791) Regmi Research Collections, vol. 5, PP. 68-69. 71. Yaksha Mall And The Division of Nepal1 By Surya Bikram Gnyawali Yaksha Mall And The Disintegration Of State Yaksha Malla asceded the throne after the death of his father, Jyoti Malla, in 549 Nepal era (1428-29 A.D.). A Sanskrit work written in 1350 Shaka era (1428 A.D.) proved that Yaksha Malla had become King by that year. It states that it has been written in "a country rule by the great King Yaksha Malla." Jyoti Malla's stone inscription found at Pashupati too indicats that Yaksha Malla ruled over Bhadgaun even during the reign of his father. It describes him as a person who had a charming personality and who had saved the inhabitants of Bhadgaun from a famine. It might therefore be presumed that Yaksha Malla was in charge of the administration of Bhadgaun while he was yet Crown Prince. A manuscript entitled Narapatijayacharya, written around 1536 Shaka era (1614-15 A.D.) on the order of Jagajyoti Malla, a descendant of Yaksha Malla, and King of Bhadgaun, contains an account of the Kings who ruled after Yaksha Malla. The account describes him as a victorious King who had conquered Mithila, visited Magadh and Gaya and left no enemy behind in Nepal after having defeated the kings of the hill states. Yaksha Malla is also said in the same account to have broght under his control areas extending to Banga Desha in the east, to the Ganga river in the south, and as far to the north as can be covered in 7 days. This account of Yaksha Malla's conquests appears to be exaggerated. Which was the Kingdom that Yaksha Malla is supposed to have conquered in the Mithila are? Perhaps he had occupied Simraugadh. This area might have been annexed to Mithila after Harisimhadeva fled to Nepal. It would not therefore be surprising if Nepal had reasserted its authority over Simraungadh during the reing of Yaksha Malla. 1.Surya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihasa (Medieval History of Nepal Valley). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter VIII: "Yaksha Malla Tatha Rajyavibhajan." (Yaksha Malla and The Division of The Kingdom), PP. 89-93. 72. Nepal's contacts with Banga Desha could not have been possible except though the Morang area. This deals us to presume that Yaksha Malla had pobabley conquered Morang well. As far the claim that he southern borders of Yaksha Malla's Kingdom had extended to the Ganga, it seems to be only symbolic. It is claimed that Yaksha Malla had defeated Kings of western hill areas. But there is no evidence that he had vanquished Dravya Shah's dynasty as well, for Dravya Shha had founded his Kingdom in 1559 A.D., that is, long before Yaksha Malla's death. It is possible that Yaksha Malla might have deafeated that Kigng who ruled Gorkha before Dravya Shah. Regarding the claim that Yaksha Malla had extended his control as far to the north as can be covered in 7 days, it probably refers to some of his conquests in the hill areas. According to a stone inscription dated 573 Nepal era (1453 A.D.)/ Yaksha Malla had built a wall and camps around Bhadgaun.2 Military barracks and arms depots were also contructed withi the walled town. People belonging to all castes were forced to contribute volunteer labor for the construction of this wall.it may therefore be assumed that he wall had been contructed hurriedly for insuring the security of Bhadgaun. However, this is pure speculation, for no other Vamahavali mentions the wall. No historical account is available of the Kings of Nuwakot, nor is it known to what extent their Kingdom had expended. But there is evidence that Ratna Malla, son of Yaksha Malla, had fought a war with a Bains Thakuri King of Nuwakot. In this war, the Nuwakot King was defeated and his territory was annexed by Ratan Malla. This leads us to assume that the Thakuri Kings of Nuwakot had enmity towards Nepal. It is also possible that to the east of Nepal as well, the Kiratis might have become stronger under the leaderhip of the same Thakuri Kings and brought pressure to bear on Nepal. The Vamshavali does not contain detailed references to other events which occurred during the rule of Yaksha Malla. The important event occurring during the rule was the encouragement he gave to Newars by inducting them into the temple of Pashupatinath as Bhandares. Previously, Brahmans brought from India had total control of the affairs of the temple. Although Yaksha Malla did not dare end their monopoly, he appointed a number of the residents of Patan and Kathmandu as Bhardares at the greastest temple of Nepal. The temple of Minanath was built during the rule of Yaksha Malla. The temple of Dattatreya at Bhadgaun was contructed by Yaksha Malla and his son, Rajalla Malla. 2. Wright, PP. 188-89. Contd....... 73. A stone inscription dated 491 Nepal era (1371 A.D.), discovered at the temple of Pashupatinath, indicates that Yaksha Malla had 6 sons. It names them as Raya Malla, Ratna Malla, Rama Malla, Ari Malla and Purna Malla, in that order. Of them, only three sons, Raya Malla, Ratna Mall and Rana Malla, are well-known from the historical viewpoint. This seems to explain why the Vamshavalis tell tha Yaksha Malla had three sons. According to the Vamshavalis, Yaksha Malla had sought to abdicate in favor of his eldest son, Raya Malla, after he became old. But the nobles, so the Vamshavalis state, disliked Raya Malla because he was a intemperate person. They wanted Ratna Malla, the second son of Yaksha Malla, to ascend the throne instead. They at first succeeded in prevailing Raya Malla from succeeding his father. This account tands to confirm the view that Raya Malla and Ratna Malla were in conflict with each other during the last das of Yaksha Malla's rule, and that his nobles had been divided into two factions. After the death of Yaksha Malla, the faction supporting Ratna Malla sought to have him enthroned. But in the end their traditional sense of loyalty to the Kigng asserted itself, and Raya Malla finally ascended the throne of Nepal. According to the Vamshavalis, Ratna Malla then shifted to Patan, where he lived for some time and later became King of Kathmandu. After the death of Yaksha Mall, Ratna Malla and Rana Malla were probably appointed as Governor s of Patan and Banepa respectively. They later started ruling as independent Kings, as Raya Malla had proved himself to be incompentent King and become unable to assert his authority over them. Before concluding this chapter on Yaksha Malla, it is necessary to ascertain the year in which he died. According to Wright,Yaksha Malla died in 592 Nepal era (1472 A.D.). A few other Vamshavalis too support this view. But Hitopadesh, awork written in 594 Nepal era (1674 A.D.)shows that Yaksha Malla was alive in that year. A Vamshavali in the author's possession mentions 602 Nepal era (1482 A.D.) as the year of Yaksha Mall's death. 1482 A.D. should therefore be regarded a dthe most probable year of his death. 3. The assumption that Yaksha Malla had three sons is strenghthened also by the work entitled Narapatijayacharya. However, further research is needed to corroborate this point. 74. The Sithi Fighting Daniel Wrigth writes:1 "This (Siti-Jatra) takes place on the 21th of Jestha, on the banks of the Vishnumati, between Kathmandu and Simbhunath. After feasting, the people divided into two partes and hve a match at stone-thowing. Formerly this used to be series matter, and any one who was knocked down, and fell into the hands of the opposite party, was sacrificed to the goddess Kankeshwari, who has temple near the place now-a days, however, the stone-throwing is confined to Children." Prime Minister Jung Badadur encted the following law2 banning this practice:- 1. In the future, nobody shall engage himself in the Sithi-Jujh in the three towns of Nepal Valley. If any person dos so after the enforcement of this law, he shall be fined with 2. In case he does not pay the fine, he shall be imprisonment according to law. 2. (Formerly, people) used to figth at temples (Daumado) and river banks (Ghatwor) in the east, west, south and north, with bows and arrows, swords, stones, brick-bats and slings. In the future, after the promulgation of (this) order, in case anybody engages himself in this fight, he shall be fined with Rs 2. In case he does not pay the fine, he shall be imprisonment for 15 days. ******************* 1. Daniel Wright, History of Nepal, Calcutta, Ranja Gupta, 1966 (Third India Edition), P. 24. 2. Ministry of law and Justice, "Sithi Jujh Ko" (on the Sithi Fighting). Shri 5 Surendra Bikram Shahdevlka Shasan Kalma Baneko Muluki Ain. (Legal Code Enacted During The Reign of King Surendra Bikram Shah Dev). Kathmandu; the Ministry, 2022 (1965), P. 256. 75. Politics And Culture In The Lichchhavi PeriodX By Baburam Acharya. In circa in 540 A.D., there was a revolution in Nepal, and the Abhiras introduced a dictatorial regim after dethroning Vashantadeva, grandson of Manadeva, and installing a Lichchhavi prince on the throne. In circe 550 A.D. Amshuvama, successor of the Mahasamanta of Deupatan, Rupavarma, was born. The inscription of 39 Samvat installed by Amshuvarma at Deupatan, of 69 Samvat installed by Naredradeva at Yangal Tole, and of 159 Samvat installed by Jayadeva at Pashupati prove that this was a Lichchhavi dynasty. It is possible that Rupavarma assumed sovereign powers after removing the Abhiras and installing Shivadeva on the throne. Two different types in inscriptions of Amshuvarma are found. In some, he is shown to be the Commander-in- Chief of the Lichchhavi King Shivedava as well as Mahasamanta. This makes him like Jang Bahadur during the reign of King Surendra Bikram. In others, he is said to be wielding sovereign powers with even the crown on his head, htus replacing the lawful King, Shivadeva. In reality, Amshuvarma inheriated the title of Mahasamanta in 584 A..D. and in 606 A.D. he assumed the Crown and gradually took over power. But Shivadeva was honored with the titilw of Bhattaraka or Maharaja, and like Bishyamitra Sunga, he remained satisfied with the destination of Senapati (Commander-in-Chief) for a couple of years. But in some coins of Amshuvarma himself, as well as in a later inscription, he is designated as Maharajadhiraja. This shows that he had adopted this title in his later years. It is possible that with the adoption of the title of "Maharajadhiraja" by Harshavardhana in North India. Amshvarma too followed suit. XBaburam Acharya, "Lichchhavi Kalin Rananiti Samskrti" (Politics and Culture In The Lichchhavi Period). In: Tribuwan Vishwavidhalaya Samskrit Parishad: Nepal . (A Collection of Articles on Nepal History and Culture), 2023 (1966). Contd 76. An unprecedented-event happened in the history of Nepal, when Amshuvarma hecame Mahasamanta of Rupavarma. In those time, passes in the central Himalyans were snowbound. Tibetans could come down to Kashmir only through the bansk of the river Sindhu, and to Assam through the banks of the Brahmaputra. It is possible tha the Tibetans who had come to Assam had heard about the existence of Nepal. At that time, the barbarous people of Tibat were deeply affected with nationalistic feelings and a new and powerful Kingdom was formed with Srong Tsan Gampo as ruler. In 585 A.D., at the time of Srng Tsan Gampo, the Tibetans cleared the Kerung pass and came to the Kingdom of Nepal. It was natural for the Nepali people to feel surprised when they saw the physical features, dress and language of the Tibetans. One year before the arrival of the Tibetans. It is also possible that he sent Nepalsi to get information about the Tibetans. After the opening of he pass of Kerung on the banks of Trishuli river, the eastern pass on the banks of the Arun-koshi, and the western pass the banks of the Kali-Gandaki were used frequently. To look after these passes, Amshuvarma had to take over the kirat and Magar regions of the Arun-Koshi and the Kali-Gandaki respectively. In this way, the boundaries of the country expanded. As if echoing the enthusiasm of the Tibetans, the Newar of Nepal, under the leadership of Amshuvarma, were successful in creating a bigger Kingdom from the Nepal of the ancient times. So Amshuvarma has a special position in the emergence of Nepal. In 6060 A.D., Harshavardhana, after conquering of the Kingdom of Maukhari, began a new era. in the same manner, Amshuvarma, ending dynasty, put on the royal crown and introduced a new era. This indiacates his independent nature. But no dispute arose between him and Srong Tsan Gampo or Harshavardhana during his life time. Amicable relations with neighbouring countries and progress inside the country indicates his efficiency as a ruler. The different eras are used in the inscriptions of Amshuvarma. Bhagawan Lal and others baselessly maintain that Nepal was under Harshvardhana at that time. Sylvain levi and other similarly maintain that the era used by Amshuvarma is the Tibetans era beginning 595 A.D. Maintaining that the small Kingdom of Nepal could not have remained independent at that time, Bhagawan Lal writes that Amshuvarma was under the suzerainty of Harshavardhana, while Lal unsuccessfully tries to make him a political representative of Sring Tsan Gampo. But according to the inscription at Bhansar Hiti, Amshuvarma was proud of his unbending and independent nature. There is an indirect chellage to Harshavardhana and Srong Tsan Gampo in the assertion of his independent status. Stone inscriptions installed after Amshuvarma inform us of the ascension of Jishnu Gupta to throne. If Nepal had been under Harshavardhana or Srong Tsan Gampo, any revolution of this nature would have been impossible. 77. The marriage of Strong Tsan Gmpo with Bhrikuti, the daughter of Amshuvarma, is not even hined an anywhere in the inscriptions of this period. But on the authority of the Tibetans Puranas, this event has been popularly accepted to be true. In the Tibetans Puranas, it is said that Srong Tsan Gampo had authorized Thonmi (the Tibetan representative) to negotiate his marriage with Bhrikti. Shivedeva was King Nepal at that time. It was natural for the ambitious King to Link himself closely with Amshuvarma who thought it more useful to have relations with a powerful neighbor and sent his daughter Bhrikuti to Tibet for marriage. This indicates him to be a man of vision. The Next year, Srong Tsan Gampo married a Chinese Princesss. The Nepali thus came to know the vast area and civilization of China. Amshuvarma and the people of Nepal were then fillt\ed with pleasure and enthusiasm. Because of her role in the propagation of Buddhism, the Nepali princess is even now honored in Tibet as Haritatara. Shivadeva's capacity of evisioning the future has made Tibet indebted to Nepal for ever for its culture. Amshuvarma was equally proficient in warfare and the scriptures. His period is now one peace, properity and progress. He is even now honored in Nepal history. Many inscriptions of his time have been found and are still being found. But these inscriptions are historically unreliable. The travelogue of Yuan Chwang who visited Nepal 17 years after Amshuvarma's death shows hs merits in true light. Yugang Chwang writes: " Until recent times, there was a king named Amshuvarma in Nepal. He was known for his talent and his grace. He used to respct learned men and had written a book of grammar in Sanskrit. Amshvarma had made Shivedeva a king only in name. but he used to show due respect Shivadeva. Even affer putting on the Crown, Amshuvarma used to address Shivadeva as "Bhattarakapada". He policy was to make the villages of Nepal autonomous, even though the country was a small one. In those times, there were only two villages in Bhaktapur. Thes are the modenn Tulachhe and Golmadi, In 595 A.D. Amshuvarma installed an inscription according to which revenue collectors should visit these villages to collect only three taxes. Judicial authority was vested on the Pradhana of the village. An inscription at Khopasi that except for the yearly levy of a certain amount of Kamero (white earth) for the royal palace (for Kailashakuta Bhawana), the power to collect different taxes should be excercised by the village headmen. This shows that Amshuvarma had granted local powers to the cultured Newar citizes of different villages. The administration was thus decentralized. In one of he several coins of Amshuvarma, we find the imprint of a cow with a calf on the obverse, and the word "Kamadehi", and on the reverse the word "Vaishrava" with the figyre of the King. These imprints Contd 78. indicate that Amshuvarma was "properrous like Kubera" and was a foster-father to his people like a Kamadhenu cow tending her calf. Copper coins of two types were minted during the reign of King Manadeva, 100 years before Amshuvarma. No coins of the intervening period has been found. This clearly indicates that there was economic disorder in the country. But the profusion of copper "Pana" coins and even of "Purana" silver coins minted by Amshuvarma decisively proves that durihg his period there was development of trade and sculpture as well as was economic properity in the country. According to the accounts of Yuan Chwang, Buddhism and the Puranic religion were equally popular in Nepal at that time. There were Buddhis monasteries and other temples in Nepal. Only the cultured Newars had adopted formar religion, while the Kiratis had no religion. Amshuvarma had not adopted Buddhism. He was a follower of the Shaiva Tantric School and belonged to the Pashupati sect. so he was great devotee of Shaiva. But he used to show due respect to the two most popular religions prevalent in the country. The stone-inscription of Handigaun informs us that he had made equal donations to Pashupati, Changunarayan, Guptavihara, Manvihara, Rajavihara, Kharthurikavihara, and Madhyamavihara. Among the regilious ceners mentioned in the inscriptions, most are Budshist monasteries. This shows that Buddhism, although not the state religion, was very popular. Only a short time before Amshuvarma, Tantrism had been introduced in Nepal. The worship of Avalokiteshwara in indicative of the introduction of Buddhist Tantrism. The oldest figure of Avalokiteshwara found in Nepal is located at Lagan Tole, and this was su\culpted only of few years before the reign of Amshuvarma, as indcated in the stone inscription lying near the figure. Amshuvarma had prescribed his daughter Bhrikuti images of Bodhisattwa and Tara. It has been proved that the image of Pashupati, of the Shaiva Tentric Scholl, was installed in 573 A.D. This is the starting point of the Pashupati era. the figure of Bhagawati had already been insaleld at Palanchok during the period of Amshuvarma. This shows that the Shakti cult too had already penetrated into the country. When Tantric cults evolted out of the Puranic religion, the worship of Shakti became more and more plopular and the Shaiva Tantric and Vaishanava Tantric schools became equally popular, the Puranic religion had give importance to Brahmans and Kshyatrias only, while the Shakti cult give equal importance to te Shudras. This shows that during the period of Amshuvarma the sociaol atmosphere of Nepal became more and more liberal. Contd 79. There was no division of castes among the Biddhists. Followers of the Puranic religion had adopted different Tantric cults, but caste distinctions were retained by them. However, marriages might have been possible between people of different faiths. The cultured Newars followed either the Puranic or Bhuddhistic religion of the Aryans, but dovorce and widow marriage, which are prohibited by Arya tradition, were popular with them. Such differences between the Lichchhavis of Northern India and of Nepal were due to ties with the Kiratas. Sanskrit was the literary languae during the perions of Amshuvarma. The language of the stone inscriptions in this periond is sure Sanskrit. Amshuvarma himself was a scholar in Sanskrit. But this language was used only by the cultured people. So literature could not be populat among the common people. The vivid description of the Kailashakuta Bhawana at the time of Amshuvarma's grandsone, Narendradeva, by the Chinese envoy highlights the developed state of the arts. The Chinese travaller had described the murals seen by him in the walls of Nepali houses. The descriptions of Narendradeva's dress show the hall-mark of fashion during this period. Procurement Of Muskets In Bhadgaun From King Girban, To Subedar Dalasur Khawas and Ijaradar Vidya. Purchase muskets (Patherkals Lasker Banduk) from all households of Brahmans, soldiers and traders who prossess them throughout the territory of Bhadgaun, Office a price of one rupee more than the price prevailing in the market. Submit a report to us regarding the number of muskets you are able to collect. We shall then remit funds and procure the muskets. Bhadra Sudi 6, 1862 (September 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 6, P. 389. 80. Arrangements For Management Of Machchhindranath Temple From King Girban, We have received reports that the manangement of the Machchhindranath temple is not being conducted smoothly, and its property is not being looked after property, because a new person has been appointed as Biset. We therefore reinstate the following persons as Biset, (whose families have been functioning in this capacity) from ancient times: Ratan Budha of Ilalakhu and Shiva Narsing of Kwalakhu. Together with Bhaju Narsing Ture of Taudhyal as Dittha, we hereny appoint these three persons as caretakers (Chitaidar) of (the temple of) Sri Machchhindranath and its treasury, responsible for the manangement of the homesteads, Khet lands forests, Bari lands, villages, etc. owned by it. Do not covet the grains, ornaments and other property (of the temple). In case you do so, or conceal or misappropriate it, may th curse of Sri Machchhindranathe fall on you. Appropriatez the customary emoluments (Khangi) allocated for all the three persons, which are as follows: 12 muris of rice, 25 muris of paddy and 12 muris of wheat. Have 12 assistants (Kacha Biset) remain in contant attendance and give them the customary emoluments, which are as follows: 24 muris of rice, 25 muris of Paddy and 12 muris of wheat. Retain those who remain in constant attendance and dismiss those who neglect their duties. Bhardars, Amalidars and revnue collectors (Rakamidar) shall not create any trouble on lands belonging to the god. Do not have Khet lands cultivated through the use of force, or appropriate crops. If force is used, report the matter to us. Perroorm religios functions at the temple according to the customary rites. Deposit surplus revenue to the treasury. Your life and property shall be forfeited or you may be impaled, if the revenues of the temple are defalcated or anry greed or sin committed in this regard. Understand this, preserve your integrity (drama), perform functions at the temple and wish victory to us. Enjoy (your positions) from generation to generation. And person who violates these regulations (Thiti) shall incur the five great sins (Panchamahapataka). Bhadra Sudi 7, 1862 (September 1805) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 6, PP. 394-6. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: May 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 5, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. ************* Contents Page 1. Compulasory Labor Regulations, 1816 2. History of Bhadgaun 3. Kumaun Documents-II 4. The Cultural Heritage of Nepal 5. The Mudad-Bhyadni Payment 4. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Letters To Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana 6. Chronology of Shah Kings *************** Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. ..... 81 ..... 83 ..... 87 ..... 91 ..... 93 ..... 94 ..... 97 Compiled By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 81. Compulsory Labor Regulations, 1916 From King Girban, To Dittha Balabhadra Padhya, Subedar Narasing Basnyat, Najiki Chandrabir Khawas, Bishram Khawas, Dat Khawas and Balu Padhya. We hereby promulgated the following regulations regarding the exaction of Jhara (compulsory and unpaid) labor from members of all four castes and thirty-six sub-castes in areas situated west of the Trishuli river and east of the Seti river. Act according to these regulations without makinmg the slightest delay. 1. Previously, a royal order had been sent to the local authorities, landowners and other personsX of all four castes and thirty-six sub- castes in these to go to the military headquaeters (Gaunda) in Jhara basis. Among those who had not already done so, send all male persons between 15 and 60 years of age Makwanpur on Jhara basis. 2. Persons who go to the front (Muhuda) on Jhara basis from different areas shall be awarded severe punishment according to their caste status if they do not enroll themselves in the attendance records maintained by the officials (Bhardar). 3. Issue orders to the effect that members of castes who can be recruited in the army shall come along with five weapons, others with bows, arrows, hoes, axes and other digging or cutting tools and members f untouchable castes (Paunipat) with appropriate weapons, and that everybody shall bring provisions sufficient to meet his requirements for two months. 4. Upadhyaya Brahmans who have not been employed as mail-carriers (Kulaki) shall be employed to impress Jhara labor. They shall be so deputed along with the Dittha of Jhara laborers. Jhara laborers who go to Makwanpur shall first register their names at the Itachapti office. "Thum thumba ambali dwarya Jethabudha, mukhiya, Gaunkuriya, Talapya Bitalapya, Chhap-Chhapyali, Kipatiya......." 82. 5. Those who work diligently as ordered by the officials at the front shall be granted Jagirs and other emoluments (Bali Kharcha) as well as rewards (rijhi). Issue general notice to this effect. Falgun Sudi 5, 1872 (February 1816) Regmi Research Collections (Misce.). This order was issued for the following areas also on the same date:- (1) From Sanga and Sindhu to the Dudhkoshi river. (2) Bhadgaun and villages and hill areas under its customary jurisdiction. (3) Kathmandu and do. (4) Patan and do. 83. History Of Bhadgaun1 By Surya Bikram Gnyawali ************** Determining Chronological Order of Bhadgaun Jagajyotirmalla, who ruled over Bhadgaun early in the seventeenth century, had written a bokk entitled Narapatijayacharcha (Swarodayadipika) in 1536 Shaka era (1614 A.D.). In fact, he has given an account of his dynasty beginning from Yaksha Malla. It names the Kings of Bhadgaun who ruled after Yaksha Malla as follows:- 1. Raya Malla 2. Bhuwana Malla 3. Prana Malla 4. Bipra Malla 5. Trailodkya Malla 6. Jagajyoti Malla a drama entitled (Muditakuvalayaswa), composed by Jagajyoti Malla in 1628 A.D., also gives a list of the Kings of Bhadgaun starting from Nanyadeva. The names of the kings who ruled after Yaksha Malla, as mentioned in this list, correspond to the list mentioned above. A manuscip of Geetagovinda, written in 616 Nepal era (1496 A.D.), mentions that it was written during the rule of Raya Malla. No other definite date relating to Raya Malla had been found. According to the Vamshavalis, Bhuwana Malla, son of Raya Malla, was also known as Subarna Malla. However, no written record concerning Bhuwana Mall's rule is available, and so no definite dates are known. The only event mentioned in the Vamshavali is that a famine had broken out during his rule around 633 Nepal era (1513 A.D. No information regarding the 1. Surya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihasa (Medieval History of Nepal Valley). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter IX: "Bhadgaun Ko Itihas Ka Kalanirnaya" (Chronology of Bhadgaun) PP. 94-100. Contd 84. your of Bhuwana Malla's death is available. However, it is known that his death was followed by a brief period of duel rule bu Jita Malla and Prana Malla2 Bendall has referred to a stone inscription dated 644 Nepal era (1524 A.D.), which was discovered at Thaiba village. This inscription too proves that Jita Malla and Prana Malla jointly ruled over Bhadgaun. The prefece to Khanda-Khadyatika indicates that this joint rule lasted until 654 Nepal era (1534 A.D.). A work entitled Dravyairnayanama Nighantu tells us that Prana Malla had become the sole King in 658 Nepal era (1538 A.D.). Another manuscript too reveals that Prana Malla ruled during 665 Nepal era (1545 A.D.). Prana Malla was succeeded by Bipra Malla, who was also known as Bishwa Malla. No manuscript mentioning the date of any event occurring during his rule is available. Bipra Malla or Bishwa Malla was succeeded by his son, Trailodya Malla, who was alsp called Tribhuwana Malla. Bendall had cited a stone inscription dated 692 Nepal era (1572), installed by Bipra Malla, which he says he had seen at Balchhe Tol in Bhadgaun. He has also referred tho another stone inscription of 705-6 Nepal era (1585-86 A.D.), seen by him at Thimi. Jagajyoti Malla became King after Trilokya Malla or Tribhuwan Malla. Many inscriptions and manuscript mentioning dates of events which occurred during his reign have been discovered. The most among them is the copper inscription located at the Taleju Templw in Bhadgaun. It is dated Nepal era (1611 A..D.), which may have been the year of Trailokya Malla's accession to the throne. Narapatijiyacharya was written in 1936 Shaka era (1614 A.D.) by Vamshamani Sharma on the order of Jagajyoti Malla. Stotrasarasngraha was written by Jagajyoti Malla himself in 746 Nepal era (1626 A.D.). Sangeetabhaskara was another book written by Bangamani (Vasmshamani?) in 751 Nepal era (1631 A.D.) on the order of Jagajyoti Malla. 2. Lalit Jang Sijapati has cited stone inscription dated 642 Nepal era, installed at the Malalaxmi waterspout in Bhadgaun. It contains the words "during the reign of Rana Malla, Bira Malla and Jita Malla." Hence it can be assumed that a joint rule prevailed in Bhadgaun even before Prana Malla joined it. It is also worth noting that the Vamshavalis describe Bhuwana Malla as having ruled over the country after dividing it into equall villages. Contd.......... 85. 751 Nepal era (1631 A.D.) was the last year of Jagajyoti Malla's rule. This is substantiated by the discovery of a coin dated 750 Nepal era (1632 A.D.) and bearig the name of Jagatprakasha, his son. 752 Nepal era (1632 A.D.) was probably the first year of Jagatprakasha's rule. The Vamshavalis generally refer to Naresh Mall's rule during the interregnum between Jagatjyoti Malla and Jagatprakasha Malla. Bu the evidence cited above does not prove this. The fact that Jagatjyoti Malla had been succeeded immediately by Jagatprakasha Malla itself constitutes evidence that no King by the name of Naresha Malla had ruled at that time in Bhadgaun. It is neccesary to ascertain why Naresha Mall's name is generally referred to in most of the Vamshavalis. A stone iscription dated 679 Nepal era (1649 A.D.), installed by Pratap Malla at Hanumandhoka, contains a sentence3 which is primarily responsible for the erroneous impression that one Naresha Malla ruled over Bhadgaun, this sentence has been interpreted to mean that Nareshal Malla was a King of Bhaktagram. But the actual sarcastic meaning of the phrase Bhaktagramanaresha Mallanripati is "Malla', the King of Bhaktagrama." The Malla Kings are thus depicted here as Kings of just a village. It deliberately omits the name of any King of Bhadgaun, for it was felt that to mention the name of any Kings would be inconsistent with the personal dignity of the author. Jagatprakasha Mall's rule started in 752 Nepal era (1632 A.D.). He appears to have had a long reign. A coin dated 793 Nepal era (1663 A.D.), shows that Jagatprakasha Malla was alive until till that year. One of the stone iscriptions of 787 Nepal era (1667 A.D.), belonging to Jagatprakasha Malla has been cited by Balachandra Sharma in Adikavi Bhanubhkta. A drama entitled Madan Charita, composed by Jagatprakash Malla in 790 Nepal era (1670 A.D.), has been discovered. He must have dies sometime after 790 Nepal era. The exact year in which Jitamitra Malla, had succeeded Jagatprakasha Malla, his father, is not kwon. It is possible that he had become King before 802 Nepal era (1682 A.D.). Manuscripts written by him until 816 Nepal era (1696 A.D.) are available. Coins bearing the name of Bhupatndra Malla, sone of Jagatprakasha Malla, and minted in 816 Nepal era (1696 A.D.), have been discovered. Several manuscripts written during his reign have also been found. The _______________________________________ 3. "Bhaktagramanaresha Mallanripatirdwantebhamenambhia". 86. last of these was a drama entitled Vidyavulapa, which was written by him in 841 Nepal era (1721 A.D.). The first coin minted in 842 Nepal era (1722 A.D.), that is, during the reign of his son, Ranajit Malla, has been discovered. Chronology 1. Raya Malla 2. Bhuwana Malla 3. Joint rule of Rana Malla, Bira Mall and Jita Malla 4. Dynasty of Jita Malla and Prana Malla 5. Prana Malla 6. Vipra Malla or Vishwa Malla 7. Trailokya Malla alies Tribhuwan Malla 8. Jagatjyoti Malla 9. Jagatprakasha Malla 10 Jitamitra Malla 11. Bhupatindra Malla 12. Ranajit Malla 633 642 644 616 Nepal era (1496 A.D.) " " (1513) " " (1522) " " (1524 A.D.) 658 " " (1542 A.D.) (665-1545 A.D.) 1572 Nepal era (1585-86 A.D) 731-751 Nepal era (1611-31 A.D.) 752-800 Nepal era (1532-80 A.D.) 802-542 Nepal era (1682-96 A.D.) 816-842 Nepal era (1696-1722 A.D.) 842-889 Nepal era (1722-69 A.D.) x x x 87. Kumaun Documents-II 1. Ijara Grant To Ranakesar Pande and Gajakesar Pande For Revenue Collection From King Girban, To Subba Ranakesar Pande and Gajakesar Pande. We hereby grant you an Ijara for the collection of all revenues, including the following, in the plains, hills and Himalayn territories of Kumaun, replacing Hastadal Shah and Rudravir Shah, for a 3-year period from Baisakh Badi 1, to Chaitra Sudi 15, 1862 (April 1803 to 1806): Mal (land tax), Sair (customs and other duties), Jalkar (tax on fish and other river products), Bankar (tax on forest products), Kusahi-Bisahi (tax on Birta lands), minting of coins, one-fourth of processds from the sale of elephants, Marye-Aputali (escheat property), Panchakhat (fines levied on persons guilty of the five great offenses relating to bribery, smuggling, murder, cow slaughter and assault resulting in bloodshed), Danda-Kunda (judicial fines), Bihadani (levy on marriages), Sagaudha (levy on such communal facilities as pastures and sources of water), Khani (mines), Walak (homestead levies), Kachho (iron, copper or other ore) and Sirto (tribute from feudatory chiefs, sometimes also homestead levies). Disburse the monthly salaries of the personnel of 7 companies, as well as the allowances and perquisites (Mamuli Kharcha) ot the personnel of the companies, including auxiliaries (Saguta) and the Sardars stationed there, as disbursed by Hastadal Shah and Rudravir Shah theretofore. In addition, transmit Rs 14,001 every year, making a total amount of Rs 42,003 during the 3-year period, to the Toshakhana treasury according to the prescribed installments and obtain clearance. For granting (Jagir land) assignments to the troops, reclaim one thum and 8 khets or land. With due assurance, administer the territory and remain devoted to own services. Act according to the regulations and transmit the stipulated amount. Appropriate whatever surplus amount is left. Ashadh Badi 9, 1860 (June 1803) Regmi Research Collection, Vol. 20, P. 90. Contd........... 88. 2. Kumaun Adminstratative Regulations, 1803 A.D. From Kigng Girban, To Subba Ranakesar Pande. We hereby promulgated the following regulations so that you may go to Kumaun and act in such a manner as to strengthene the State and make it prosperous, promote our interests, bring credit to you, make the country populous and facilitiate the collection of revenue. Go to that territory and act as follows:- 1. Provide sussor and assurance to the ryots of different villages who have fled and make the country populous. 2. Hold consultations with and keep Dafdaris, Budhas Syanas, Kamins, Pradhan, Parsaris and ryots satisfied. Make the territory populous in this manner and collect revenue. 3 In case (the inhabitants of) Byas and other areas in the Himalayan (Bhot) regions do not pay their taxes, and murder the officials deputed there to collect revenue, send troop there and kill those who do so, but not enslave members of htier families. Punish the ryots, bring them under your control, and thus collect revenue. We hereby direct that though appointments and dismissals are made on Baisakh Badi 1 all over the country, these shall be made on Aswin Sudi 1 in Tamakhani and Byas-Bhot. 4. Pay monthly salaries to the personnel of 37 companies at the same rates as had been paid by Hastadal Shah and Rudravir Shah. Dismiss those Subedars and Jamadars who do not obey orders and commit lapses in their official duties, and promote their subordinate sword-bearing (Tarbariya) officials to the vacant posts. Give appropriate rewards to those who are diligent and perform meritorious work. 5. If Jahirdars and the personnel of 4 companies who receve appointments here reach there within 7 months and assume their duties, take action accordinn to the existing rules. But if such persons remain here of their own accord because of any reason, dismiss them. Pay salaries from the account of Rs 14,000.00 to those who are stationed in Kumaun; we shall remit the expenses. In case they leave (Kathmandu) but make a delay on the way and do not reach (Kumaun); dismiss them. (Their) Jagir assignments shall be granted to those who are stationed in Kumaun. Contd 89. 6. In case Birta, Guthi or Jagir land grants are made (in Kumaun) after your appointment is confirmed, or additional Bhardars or troops are deputed from here according to need, other than those currently stationed there, the allowances paid to them, and revenue accruing from lands so granted as Birta, Guthi or Jagir, shall be remitted from the stipulated amount Rs 14,000. 7. Rapair and construct both new and old forts (gadhi, kila), bridges (sanghu) and palaces. The expenses incurred theren shall be scrutinized and remitted from the proceeds of the sale of elephants 8. Confirm lands granted as Birta to Brahmans in the areas situated west of the Bheri river by lawful (tikait) Kings during their reign in case (the beneficiaries) have been in continued possession thereof without any dipute. In case it is proved that (such Birta lands) had been granted by other persons, or are being occupied forcibly, obtain a confession and confiscate and utilize such lands. Raport the matter to us. In case we send a royal order (Lalmohar) granting the land (te the possessor), give him possession. 9. In case any person obtains a royal order without the advice of the Subba in any matter relating to Kumaun, such order shall be compiled with if it does not reduce revenue, is not inconsisitent with the rules and is appropriate. In case such order is not appropriate, keep the royal order in your possession and comply with it. Report the matter to us in detail. 10. In case any Sardar, Subadar or other person commit mistakes in any matter, thereby causing a loss in revenue, such loss shall recovered from him. 11. During 1857 and 1858 (1800 and 1801 A.D.). four annas (in the ruee) had been collected in addition to the amount paid in 1848 (1791 A.D.). the country has beeeeen ruined since this irregular levy (kacha) has been made permanent (Paka). Accordingly, make collections at the rates prevalent personnel shall appropriate (their amoluments) at the same rates. 12. Capture elephants through shares and Khedah operations. Retain those that are suitable for use as Fanait (?) and sell the rest. Transmit the amount of te sales proceeds in excess of Rs 14,000 to us. Expenses incurred on the monthly salaries (of Rs 14,000). During the first year, Contd....... 90. meet these expenses yourself; in subsequent years, do so from the sales proceeds of elephants. The Subba shall appropriate the fees due to the Daroga (of elephants). 13. Transmit to us the proceeds of the Darshan-Bhet levy collected from the personnel of he 7 companies in excess of Rs 14,000. 14. In the event of war or natural calamity, we shall grant remission for reasonable expenses. 15. Rapair and maintain forts and fortresses in areas west of the Bheri river. Keep the troops satisfied. Ascertain the hardship and grievances o the people and maintain order. We hereby grant you authority to dismiss any person who commits any mistakes in affairs of State, after reporting the matter to us. 16. In case any soldier stationed in Kumaun, or any other person in that territory, comits any offense, obtain a confession from him accordigng to the tules of the Court (Kachahari) and sentence him to death, loss of caste or exile, according to the nature of the offense. In case any person commits any sin out of ignorance, have him unerogo expiation according to the scriptures. We shall confirm such action. Ashadh Badi 9, 1860 (June 1803) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 20, PP. 91-94. 91. The Cultural Heritage of NepalX By Baburam Acharya The origin of civilization in Nepal probably dates back to six or seven hundred years prior to the commencement of the Vikrama era. while there is no record to establishe how extensive was the territory of ancient Nepal, there is no doubt that its centers was Kathmandu Valley and that its original inhabitants were the Kirats. The foundation of Nepali nationalism was already laid in the ancient age, when a greoup of Kirati inhabitants of this valley felt the impact of the Aryan civilization which had penetrated into Nepal from India. References to Nepal are found even in ancient Indian literature. Kautiyas's Arthashastra as well as the Mulabarvastibadaviya, referring to Nepal, say that "sandwiched between Tibet and India, Nepal is famous for trade in wool." These references alsos establish the fact that Nepal's relations with India are age-old and also that the impact of the India culture had began to be felt in Nepali culture from ancient times. The Christian era had hardly starded when the Lichchhavis, who were of Indian Aryan stock, migrated to Nepal and intergrated themselves with the Kirats, the original inhabitants. In cours of time, they became rulers of Nepal. They had arrived in Nepal in very small numbers, and so adopted all the social customs, manners and rules of the Kirats. From this fusion of Kirat and Aryan culture emerged a distinct and separate culture. It was a refined and polilshed form of Aryan culture. Thereafter the Aryans of India began to call these Lichchhavis aliens in the ground that they had mixed themselves with the "non-Aryans" of Nepal. As s result, the Nepalis felt determined to remain culturally aloof from India, despite geographical contiguilty. X Baburam Acharya "Nepal Ko Sanskritik Parampara" (The Cultural Heritage of Nepal), Gorkhapatra, Bhardra 15, 2020 (August 31, 1963). Contd..... 92. It is surprising how the snowbound routes of the Himalayas were opened up as early as the medieval age. At this time, King Srong Btsan Gampo of Tibet was expending his empire and Mahasamant Amshuvarma was all in all in Nepal. When the snow- covered routes of Himalayas were opened up, Nepal, which had so far been amitaining relations with one side, now had opportunity to turn another side as well. Now the Nepalis began to travel not only to Tibet but alsoChina. As a result of the establishment of contact between Nepal and Tibet, the Nepali and Tibet cultures began to influence each other. First the Nepalis propragated their civilization and culture in Tibet and then the Tinetan propagated Buddhism among the inhabitants of the northern areas of Nepal. Constituting thus a bridge between the Tibetan and Indian cultures, it was natural for the Nepalis to feel the impact of the Tibetan culture as well. The Nepali culture too underwent a revolutionary change under the impact of the Tibetan culture. Subsequently, the art, dress, manner, etc in Nepal too underwent modifications. However, the heritage of Nepali culture remainded intact. This rise of the Tantrik sect both within the Hindu religion and Buddhism is an important evenr of the medieval period. The Pashupati sect emerged in Nepal during this period. Both these sects had originated from India. But mutual exchanges continued the Shaiva Tantrik an the Buddhism Tantriks in Nepal. Later Bhairav, Tara, and other deities belonging to the Buddhist Tantrik sect were adopted by the Shaiva Tantrik sect as wel. Similarly, the Buddha Tantrik sect adopted Matyendra Nath, belonging the the Shaiva Tantrik sect, worshipping it by the name of Avalokiteshwar. This fact alsos illustrates the cultural synthesis that exists between Hinduism and Buddhism in Nepal. Till the medieval age, art constituted the basic element of the Nepalu culture. This is the reason why the Nepalis were recognized mainly as artist by the Indins and Tibetans at that time. Nepali culture then felt the impact of another culture which led to changes in its form. This new culturer flowed from the west to the east. At the time when it Lichchhhavis had established their rule in Nepal, some Khasas shepherds of Aryans stock, had settled in western Nepal and established the indepenedent state of "Kartripur" which consisted of the present western region of Nepal, Kumaun and Garhwal. In spite of inaccessible hills and forests as well as the obstacle created by the powerful Lichchhavis of Nepal, who tried to prevent the Khawas from advancing to the east, they somehow succeeded in reaching the eastern region of Nepal. Later the boundary of their state extended to Mustang in the hill as well as to the Tarai. Their state which was established in the basis of their distinct culture, survived till the end of the medieval period. 93. During the fourteenth century, many Indians started migrating to western Nepal to escape the Moghul rule in India. As they did not come to Nepal willingly or in a singles big group, they could not propagated their language and culture in Nepal and had therefore to adopte the culture of the original inhabitants, however, the local culture, e.g. Khasa culture, too was affected by the culture of these new-comers. The Khasa culture felt the impact of the Indian culture. The mannars and customs of the local inhabitants began to be influenced by Indian customs and usages. As a result, the Khasa culture too underwent a change in course of time. The mixed culture spread all ove the Gandaki and Kirat regions. Gradually it assumed a martial character. King Prithvi Narayan Shah did not respect the Newari culture alone. He alo aimed at bringing about a fusion in all the various cultures existing in Nepal and thereby bringing about cultural unity in the country. It was on the strength of this cultural untiy that Prithvi Narayan Shah and his successors were able to build modern Nepal. Therefore it is clear that the present Nepali culture was built through fusion and harmony among the various races and cultures in different stages. Today the entire Nepalis are bound by a single culture and this is the culture that sustains the national unity among them. The Mudad-Bhyadni Payment From King Girban, To Ghilungya Dhewa. Your wife was killed by the Mostangi by sorcery (Jadu). The Mosttangi has confessed his guilt and paid a fine. It has been represented to the palace that formarly, during the reign of the Kings of Jumla, in case anybody committed murder by sorcery, payment called Mudad-Bhyadni should be collected from him. Accordingly, as is the custom, we herebt permit you to collected the perquisites which the Mostangi Dhewa used to collect in the Lagu-Khola area of Chherka in consideration of his crime in murdering your wife, and appropriate the proceeds as Mudad-Bhyadni. With due assurance, collect and appropriate these payments in the customary manner and remain constantly at our service. Falgun Bado 30 1867 (February 1811) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 38, PP. 737-738. 94. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Letters To Ramakrishna Kunwar RanaX By Baburam Acharya IN 1927 Vikrama (1880 A.D.) Subba Buddiman Singh, while working for Prime Minister Raniddip Singh, made an index of 15 letters written by King Prithvi Narayan Shah to Ramakrishna Rana and retained a copy for himself. It is possible that he index obly contained summaries of the letters. 20 years age, I was able to get a copy of this index fdrom Subba Buddhiman Singh's nephew, Dittha Shyam Raj Wanta of Khanchok, Gorkha. Three letters summaried in this index are as follows:- 1. When Kalu Pande was killed in Kirtipur, I had felt disheartended thinking that h ahd not been able to conquer the three towns of Nepal. This has now been accomplished through the force of your wisdom and your sword. Were I to give you anything for this achievement, not even half of this Kingdom would be sufficient. I here by grant you Simbhu and the adjoining areas, as well as Dhunlikhel to be enjoyed from generation to gengeration. I felt very grieved when your younger brother was killed in Timal. I now depend upon you to invade the Kirat region. Kirtipur, Wednesday, Aswin Badi 5, 2. We are pleased to receive your letter informing us that you have defeated the enemy, who had entered into Majhuwa, Kulum, and Mahadigle-Pauwa. You have also informed us of the number of those XBaburam Acharya, "Aitihasik Patra Sankhya 2, 3 ra 4: Shri 5 Prithvinarayanshahbata Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana Lai Lekhoka." (Historical Letters Nos. 2, 3, and 4 ritten by King Prithvi Narayan Shah to Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana). Purushartha (Nepali, Monthly), Year I, No. 2, Magh 2006 (January 1950), PP. 52-53. Contd 95. killed and those wounded in the battle. The other day, we had depatched 21 jars of gunpowder and 5,000 shots. Now we are agin sending you 21 jars of gunpowder, 6,825 shots,X pieces of steel and 90 flints. Distribute the same. Kirtipur, Sunday, Magh Badi 5, (This letter was addressed to Amar Singh Thapa). 3. We have learnt from your letter that you have invaded the Kirat region and killed 400 or 500 enemies. You have done very well. I am very pleased with you. In view of your performance in conquering Nepal and the Kirat region, you are hereby designated as chief among the Sardars. In recognition of your work, I have sent 22 suits of cloths and a reward, wear them. Persue the list of recipients and distribute the sits accordingly. 254 guns have also been sent to you. Kantipur, Falgun Badi 9. Explanation Three letters do not mention the Vikram year when they were written. Howeve, it was on Bhadra 13, 1829 Vikrama (August 29, 1772) that Ramakrishna Kunwar had crossed the Dudhakoshi river to invade King Karna Sen's Kingdom of Chaudandi, which comprised the Kirat region and Saptari. It can therefore be assumed that these letters were written in 1829 Vikrama (1772 A.D.). In the first letter, Prithvinarayan Shah praises the wisdom and valor displayed by Ramakrishna Rana during his occupation of Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur, which together comprise Nepal Valley. It also expresses condolences over the death of one of Ramakrishna Kunwar's brothers in the Timal battle. An indexd of a letter, sent by King Rana Bahadur Shah in 1843 Vikrama (1786 A.D.) to Jayakrishna Kunwar, another brother of Ramakrishna Kunwar, has been discovered. This, as also the account of the defeat inflicted by Ramakrishna Kunwar on the army of Makwanpur on Ashwin 8, 1819 Vikrama (1762 A.D.), proves that another of his brothers had been killed in the Timal battle. The name of Ramakrishna Kunwar;'s brother killed in Timal had not yet been, ascertained, much less of the account of his bravery. The words "Tola 45" accur adfte "shots". The meaning is not clear. Contd 96. The second letter shows that Gorkhali troops had fought at various places in the Majhkirat region. It also shows that they had used flint muskets in these battles. The letters refers to the grant of clothes as a reward to 22 Bhardars and officers who had fought gallantly in these battles. The first among them was Ramakrishna Kunwar. Second in order to seniority was Sardar Amar Singh Thapa. Among the recipients of the cloths were Dalapati Khawas. They were Shiva Narayan Khatri, Ranashur Bisht and Dalapati Khawas. The remaining 17 persons might have been Subedars and Jamadars. It was not without purpose that Prithvi Narayan Shah had deputed Ramakrishna Kunwar to occupy Karna Sen's Kingdom. Karma Sen had been trying to help the English to occupy Nepal. Prithvi Narayan Shah had sent Ramakrishna Kunwar to invade Karna Sen's Kingdom primarily with the aim of thwarting him in that attempt. Ramakrishna Kunwar, a religious minded person, offered to lead this figth, with the objectives of eradicating the vices which had been spread in the country at that time by foreigners. Prithvi Narayan Shah used to confer the title of Sardar to military commanders. The emoluments of a Sardar consisted of 8,000 muris of Khet lands, which fetched, on an average, an income of 2,000 muris of paddy annually. The powers of a Sardar at that time were not less than those of he generals of today. Commanders or Sardars worked for the prosperiry of htier country through the training acquired by them in the country itself. 97. Chronology of Shah Kings By Surya Bikram GnyawaliX In an introduction to Gorkha Vamshavali, Yogi Naraharinath gave the total period of the reign of 10 Shah Kings, from Dravya Shah to Narabhupal Shah, as 182 years and 7 months. The breakdown is as follows:- Name of King 1. Drayva Shah 2. Purandar Shah 3. Chhatra Shah 4. Rama Shah 5. Dambar Shah 6. Krishna Shah 7. Rudra Shah 8. Prithvipati Shah 9. Birabhadra Shah 10. Narabhupal Shah Regnal Years Shaka A.D. 1481-92 1559-70 11 years 1492-1527 1570-1605 35 years 1527-28 1605-6 7 months 1528-55 1606-33 27 years 1555-64 1633-42 9 years 1564-75 1642-53 11 years 1575-91 1653-69 16 years 1591-1638 1669-1716 47 years 0 0 1638-64 1716-42 26 years Total X"ShahVanshaka Kehi Rajaharuka Rajyakalka Vishayama Vichar" (Thougths On The Regnal Years Of Some Kings Of The Shah Dynasty), Ancient Nepal, No. 9, October 1969, PP. 33-35. 0 Contd 98. This makes a total periond of 182 years and 7 months. Recent findings make it neccesary to revise this traditional chronology. According to a document published by Yogi Naraharinath in Itihas Prakasha (Book I, P. 40), King Rama Shah had established a monastery in Shrawan 1558 Shaka (1636 A.D.), thus disproving the Vamshavalis's claim that he reigned only until 1555 Shaka (1633 A.D.). We may now conclude that King Rama Shah reigned until 1558 Shaka (1636 A.D.). The regnal years of the four Kings who succeeded King Rama Shah were as follows according to Hodgson and Wrigth:- Name of King 1. Damber Shah 2. Krishna Shah 3. Rudra Shah 4. Prithvipati Shah The Itihasik Patra Sangraha (A Collection Of Historical Letters) contain a bond signed by Rudra Shah, father of Prithvipati shah, in Jestha 1730 Vikrama (1673 A.D.d), (Part II, PP. 10-15). This shows that Rudra Shah was alive in that year. Narabhupal Shah died in 1742 A.D. The interval between these two dates in 69 years. The Vamshavalis are agreered that Narabhupal Shah reigned for 26 years. This means that Prithivipati Shah reigned for 43 years. Since the general view is that Krishna Shah reigned for 16 years. Rudra Shah must have reigned for 12 years. A more accurate chronology of these 10 Kings would therefore be as follows:- Name of King Regnal Years Total Hodgson Wrigth 9 9 16 11 11 16 47 47 Shaka A.D. 1. Drayva Shah 1481-92 1559-70 11 years 2. Purandar Shah 1492-1527 1570-1605 35 years 3. Chhatra Shah 1527-28 1605-6 7 months Contd 99. 4. Rama Shah 5. Dambar Shah 6. Krishna Shah 7. Rudra Shah 8. Prithvipati Shah 9. Birabhadra Shah 10. Narabhupal Shah 1528-58 1606-36 30 years 1558-67 1636-45 9 " 1567-83 1645-61 16 " 1583-95 1661-73 12 " 1595-1638 1673-1716 43 " 0 0 0 1636-64 1716-42 26 years. Total ----------- 182 year and 7 months Jogis In Doti And Achham From King Rajendra, To Machhindranah Jogi. Formarly, the King of Doti had appointed you as Pir of Jogis in Jorayal, Lalan and Bogtan areas of Doti district. You have been occupying this position since then, and so hd received confirmation from the district administrators (Mukhtiyar, Bhardars). We do confirm (your appointment as Pir) accordingly. With due assurance, appropriate the perqusities of Pir and perform daily and ceremonial religious functions at the temple of Bhairava in Jorayal with income accruing from lands which had been previously assigned (to this temple) as Guthi. Wish victory to us. Jestha Sudi 9, 1895 (May 1838) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 9, PP. 583-584. Contd........... 100. From King Rajendra, To Vijayanath Jogi. Your Gosain preceptors have operated Guthi functions for five generations since the time of the King of Pyuthan at the temple of Samasaranatha at Bane-Dare, Simikot in the Pyuthan area. Jogis occupying household in the 7 thans (temple area) and 27 forts in Pyuthan, which has a total of 14,000 houses, have been worshipping at the temple of Saramaranatha from the beginning. We hereby confirm the cash offerings (Bheti) and payments (Dastur) for incense and lamps which (Jogis) have so far been colleting in different areas of both the hill and the Tarai (Madhes) regions (of Pyuthan) and lands endowed as Guthi, as well as lands of different categories occupied by Jogis, aand place all these under your jurisdiction. With the income accruing from lands of different categories occupied by Jogis, as well as of 102 muris of khet lands as listed below, perform daily and ceremonial functions at the temple of Saramanatha in the customary manner. With victory to us and appropriate the surplus. (Particulars of khet lands follow). Jestha Sudi 9, 1895 (May 1838) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 9, PP. 587-588. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: June 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 6, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. ************* Contents Page 1. Guthi Legislation Ind The 1866 Legal Code ..... 101 2. Bhadgaun ` ..... 114 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale or display. 101. Guthi Legislation In The 1866 Legal CodeX Section 1 Ranganath Pandit, who was both Guru and Mukhtiyar, and who had lved lin Kaski for 30 or 40 years, had himself gone there, purchased lands at a cost of Rs 100,000 or 150,000 and constructed Shiva temples and test-houses. But (other persons) put locks on (these temples and rest-houses). The English government did not award any punishment (to the person) who had sold lands in such an irregular manner. Shri 5 Bada Maharaj Rana Bahadur Shah, while he was still King, had endowed lands for a Sadavarta Guthi to perform regular and ceremonial religious functions at the temple of Shri Kedara and to feed pilgrims. But the Englsih confiscated these lands. Our government (Shri 5 Sarkar) then sent a memorandum to the English Resident asking why (the English) had confiscated lands which had been endowed for religious purposes. But the Resident replied: "You can do what you like on lands situated in your territory. We can do whar we like on ours." Guru Vujaya Ran Pandit, with religious motives, gave Rs 10,000 to the Englsih in Kaski and made them stipulate top pay interest at the rate of 5%. Later, (the English) paid interest at the rate of only 4%. The rate will soon be (further reduced to) 3%, and the principal amount too will not be repaid. If one's sons die and no heirs are left, our entitiles daughters, if any, to inherit the property. But in a foreign country, daughters will not be allowed on inhert\it such property, on the ground that there are no heirs. Nor can our King (Shri 5 Maharaj( acquire this property as escheat. Accordingly, suppy loans and exchange currency notes as required for purposes of trade, but do not maintain surplus (funds) and collect interest (in foreign territory). We have our own country, a Hindu Kingdom, where the law prescribed that cows shal not be slaughtered, nor woman and Brahmans sentenced to capital punishment; a hoply land where the Himalayas (Himavat-Khanda), the Basuki-Kshetra, to Arya-Tirtha, the refulgent (Jyotirmaya) Shri-Pashupati-Linge and the Shri-Guhyeshwari Pitha are located. In this Kali age, this is the only country where Hindus rule. In the future, any person who intends to contruct a Shiva templ at a rest-house, or to make a Sadavarta or other Guthis endowment, shall do so at a hopy place inside the Kingdom itself. Nobady, from the King to a ryot, Contd..... 102. shall construct Shiva temples or rest-houses, or make Sadavarta or other Guthi endowments, in a foreign land. In case (Shiva temples and rest-houses) are constructed inside the Kingdom, minor repairs can be undertaken by (the donor's) descendants themselves, andd the country will appear beautiful and prosperous. Discease will disappear from a country where many religious acts are performed. Nor will famine accure there, of momuments are built in one's own country, its artisans will become skilled, and poor people, who get wages, will earn their livelihood. There will be no drain of wealth to foreign countries. If Sadavartas are established in one's own country, its blind. Crippled, lame and old people, one's own descendants or those of one's friends and relatives, guests, visitors, helpless and indigent people from foreing country and those who come to this country in search of livelihood will be maintained. The ancestors and descedants up to the seventh generation of a person who establishes a Sadavarta will get salvation. In case lands ritually gifted with grains of barley and sesame and Kusha grass in the hand in eroded by a stream, the same religious merit will accure from the stream. If the stream again changes its course, the land remains there. In case foolish kings or evil-minded ministers confiscate the land, the religious merit (obtained from the land endowment) will accrue from them. The land too may be restored if (the person who made the endowment) or his descendant is able to please the King or minsters. This law has been enacted in the light of the (teachings of the) scriptures, the tenets of the moral conduct and the experiences of the world. In the future, construct temples, rest-houses, road-side shelters, bridges ferries, water-spouts, wells, tanks, roads, orchards, platforms under trees etc. and establishe Guthis and Sadavarta, only in one's own country. Kings and ministers shall not permit these to be constructed or established in a foreign country declaring that the person who does so harms he world, the people and the state. They shall grant suitable waste Raikar lands in such a manner as not to create difficulties for owners of adjoining lands, to persons who construct or establish these in the country itself. Foolish kings and evil-minded ministers who damage temples, rest-houses, road-side shelters, bridges, water-spouts, tanks, raods wells, orchards, etc. constructee by other, or who confiscate Guthis endowed by others, bluck their way to heaven and pave their way ot hell. They make themselves objects of ridicule in the world. Incapable of tolerating the religious merit acquired by good people, they act against the public interest. Such people will sink in sin. Contd....... 103. Section 2 In case any person has endowed lands for a Sadavarta to feed poor people and mendicants, or a Guthi to perform regular and ceremonial religions functions, and in case he himself or his descendants are convicted of murder or treason, he shall be sentenced to capital punishment for murder, or his property shall be confiscated if so appropriate, or if he is convicted of rape, punishment shall be awarded to law. But (the land endowed by him as) Githi shall not be confiscated. The religious performance shall be performed in the customary manner, and the Guthi shall not be confiscated. If any person issues an order confiscating it, he shall incur the sin accruing therefrom. He shall be regarded to have violated the entire lagal code. Section 3 In case any person has endowed his Birta lands as Guthi after contructing rest-houses, road-side shelters, bridges, water- spouts or tamples, and in case these are damaged or collapse, and his descendants are not capable or renovating them, and any person offers to do so, or to construct a new at the same site, he shall be allowed to do so. But he cannot get Guthi lands endowed with purchased Birta lands. The descendants of the person who made the Guthi endowment shall be entitled to preserve the religious act of their ancestor and appropriate the surplus whether or not they are able to renovate (the damaged resr-houses, road-side shelters, etc.). (But) they shall not be entitled to sell tese. Any person who sells such (Guthis endowments) shallbe fined with an amount equall to one's year's produce on the land. In case he cannor pay the fine, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 4 In case any person endows land as Guthi with the permission of the government after constructing rest- houses, road-side shelters, bridges, water-spouts or tamples, and in case these are damaed or collapse later he himself or his descendants renovates them, they shall be entitled to appropriate (the surplus income) subject to the continued performance of the Guthi functions. In case they cannot do so, and another person does no at the same site, he shall operate the Guthi himself. The descendants of the Guthiyar who had originally constructed these (rest-houses, road-side shelters, etc.) shall not be entitled to utilize the lands, which had been endowed as Guthis with the permission of the Government. Contd...... 104. Section 5 No payment or other fees shall be collected on cases pertaining to lands endowed as Raj Guthi through a ritual gift by reigning kings and queens from the time of King Drayva Shah of Gorkha, even of such cases have been disposed of by government offices or courts. In case such payments or fees have already been collected, these shall be transmitted to the appropriate Guthis and used to made ornaments in the name of the Government for the deity to whom the Guthi has been endowed. Particulars of the income which has been used to make such ornaments shallbe incorporated into the records. Government offices or courts shall not appropriate such income on the plea that they have collected it. Section 6 In case any person claims Raj Guthi, Raj Math (State monastery) or Raj Sadavarta as his own, and in case his claim is nor found valid, he shall be fined with than amount equal to one year's produce on that land. In case he is unable to pay the fine, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 7 In case any person claims lands purchased and endowed by his ancestors, or by himself, for a Guthi or Saravarta, as hi own, and in case the claim is not found valid,he shall be punished with a fine equal to one year's produce on the land. In case he is unable to pay the fine, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 8 In case the ancestors of any person had endowed their Birta lands as Guthi offer constructing rest-houses, road-side shelters, bridges, or water-spouts, and in case another person has been able to appropriate the prodccue of land, claiming to be Guthiyar or forcibly, so that the actual descendant of the person, who had endowed he Guthi has been able to appropriate the produce, the latter shall be entitled thereto. In case the person who had done so by forces has been performing the stipulated Guthi functions, he shall be punished with a fine amounting to the produce on the land for one year. Otherwise, the total amount of the produce appropriated by him by force shall be recovered from him and a fine of an equall amount shall be imposed. In case he is unable to pay, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. The land shall be restored to the descendant of the persons who had made Guthi endowment. No other person shall be entitled to such guthi lands Contd...... 105. Section 9 In case any person which has been endowed by any person as Guthi to maintain a rest-houses or road-side shelter is givern or rent, the proceeds thereof shall be utilized for the repair of such rest-house, temple or other Guthi building, and the balance, if any, shall be collected by theh descendants of the persons who had constructed the same, and utilized for the functions of the Guthis. In case the rest is appropriated by another person, and in case the descedants of the person constructing such rest-house or temple file a complaint to this effect, the total amount of rent so misappropriated shallbe recovered from that person and he shall be punished wih a fine of an equall amount. One-fourth of the fine imposed in this manner shall be collected from the winning party, and the Gurhi endowment shall be restored to the descendants of the person who had made it. Section 10 In case the ancestor of any person, with religious or philanthropic motives, has endowed lands as Guthi throuth a ritual gift made with grains of barely and sesame and Kusha grass in his hand, for the maintenances of temples, rest-houses, road-side shelters, bridges, ghats, water-spouts, etc. or the performance of daily or ceremonial functions, or Sadavarta functions, or the observance of death anniversaries, and affixed his signature on documents testifying to such gift, and in case the descendants of such ancestors are of evil temperament and addicted to gambling or the use of narcotics, and have no occupation, and thius are unable to earn their livelihood, they, along with memers of their families, shall be entitled to get neccesary foof and clothing from the Guthi or Sadavarta endowed by htier ancestors. But they shall ne be permitted t discontinue the prescribed daily and ceremonial religious functions aan spend (the Guthi income) as they like. In case they sell or mortgage (the Guthi lands), the transaction shall be invalid. No creditor shall have been any claim on such lands. Nor shall such lands confiscated even for treason and other offenses. Section 11 Any person may, if he so wishes, evict tenats cultivating the lands endowed by his ancestors as Guthi and reside on or cultivate the land personally stipulating that he will carry on the prescribed religious functions with the rent, while appropriating the cultivators's share of Contd 106. the produce for himself. Tenants may be evicted in this manner during the period from the Tika (Dashain) to the Sithi festival in Nepal (i.e. Kathmandu Valley), and from Tika to the Shripanchami festival in the hill region. Tenants shall not be evicted during any other season. In case any tenant is evicted at any other time, a fine equal to the value of one year's produce on the land shall be imposed. In case any tenant who has been evicted during the prescribed season falsely complains of having been evicted during the off-season, he shall be punished with a fine not exceeding Rs 2.50, or in default imprisoned at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 12 Religiuos functions shall be performed, and priests and other functions aries shall be appointed or dismissed, by the legitimate son of parents or ancerstor who had made the Guthi endowment. If there is no legitimate son this shall be done by an illegitimate son, or in case no ellegitimate son exists, by a daughter if the ancestral prorperty has been gifted to her. Otherwise, (such functions) shall be discharged by the descendents of the same daughter. If such relatives too do not exist, this shall be made by a daughter even if no deed has been executed in her favor. As long as (such sons, daughters or relatives) exist, (the Guthi) shall not belong to distant relatives by whom property mau have been inherited. These functions shall be performed by distant relatives only in case relatives of the categories mentioned above are not available. Section 13 Sadavarta and other Guthis endowed for the performance of religious functions or the observations of death anniversaries by the ancestor of any person belonging to any the four castes and thirty-six sub-castes, or by himself personally, cannot be gifted or donated. Such Guthis shall belong to the descendants of the same grandfather, if any. If sch descedants do not exist, or if they refuse to accept Githi (obligations) when (the ancestral property) has fallen in inheritance to a daughter, if parents die and their (property) accrues according to law do daughters and sons of daughters, they shall be entitled only to perform the religious functions previously performed by their father on the Guthi endowed by their ancestor and appropriate only the share (of the surplus income) previously appropriated by him; such (surplus income cannot be appropriated by relatives to whom ( the property of the deceased person0 accrues. Contd 107. Section 14 In case (foodstuffs) which should be distributed daily according to the copper or stne inscription, royal order or gifted deed of the Guthi are not so distributed even when people come and ask for it, or case the quatity mentioned thereon is reduced, and functionaries and Guthiyars other than the donor and his descedants are held guilty, but are proved to have misappropriated only 1 or 2 muthis, a fine of Rs 5 shall be imposed, and they shall be dismissed from their position. Section 15 In case there has been encroachment on Raikar lands from Raj Guthi or Raj Sadaverta, or land endowed by the common people as guthi or Sadavarta, the areaso encroached upon shall be restored to Raikar, and the offending Guthiyars shall be punished with a fine amounting to the produce thereof during one year. The Guthi or Sadavarta lands shall be confirmed in favor of the institution to which it belongs: no deduction shall be made therefrom. Section 16 In case existing Guthi lands are sold with the objective of replacing them by new lands, this shall be permitted pnly of the income (of the Guthi) remains the same. Such land transactions shall be regarded as valid. If existing Guthi lands are sold, but new lands are not purchased, and the sole proceeds are misappropriated, the existing Guthi lands shallbe restored, and the amount paid for such lands (by the purchaser) shall be recovered from seller. In case he is not able to repay, a fine amounting to the produce on the lands for one year shall be imposed on him, and the deed of sale shall be converted into an unsecured loan bond. In case he does not repay the amount, he shall be imprisoned at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 17 If the land endowed by the ancestor of any person is sold by a descendant of the Guthiyar and purchased by any other person, and if a perusal of the gifted-deed or over document or stone inscription relating to the Guthi reveals that (the lands) is Guthi, the transaction shall be invalidated. Contd 108. The Guthi shall be confirmed for the (continued) performace of the priscribed religious function. The amount obtained by the seller shall be converted into an unsecured loan, and the purchaser shall be asked to deal with him. Guhti lands shall not be seized even if any arrears of payment are due to the government or any transaction relating to private individual is involved. If the purchaser was aware that the land was Guthi, both he and the seller shall each be punished with a fine amounting to the produce thereof during one year. In case the fine is not paid, they shall be imprisoned at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 18 In case any person who has no arrears of payment due or loans repayable to the government or to private individuals has purchased lands with his wealth and endowed such lands or his Birta lands as Guthi, and subsequently, he accumulates arrears of payment or loans due to the government or to private individuals, neither the government nor creditors shall be entitled to seize the land. The Guthi endowment shall remain valid. Neither the government nor private individual shall be entitled to seize it. The arrears of payment or loans shall be recovered from other property. If no such property exists, the (arrears of payment or loans) shall be converted into an unsecured loan. Section 19 In case any person has arrears of payments due or loans repayable to the govetnemt or to private individuals, and thereafter makes a Guthi endowment, such Guthi shall be considered to have been endowed with the object of defrauding the government and creditors. It shall not be held valid. The government or private creditors shall be entitled to recover their dues from the lands endowed as Guthi or collect cash in repayment. Even if a gifted deed has been excuted or a copper inscription installed, it shall be invalid and shall therefore be cancelled by government officers and courts. Section 20 In case a debtor falsely represents Guthi lands ar Birta and uses to pay off his creditor, or sells it, such action shall not be held valid. The land shall be restored to the Guthi and the bond shall be destroyed. Contd...... 109. The amount paid by the creditor shll be recovered from [............] lands and other property of the offender. In case (the debtor) is unable to refun the amount (in his manner), it shall be converted into ansecured loan and a fine equal to one year's produce on the land shall be imposed in him. In case he is able to pay neither the amount of the loan nor the fine, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment at the rate of one month for every Rs 5. Section 21 In case anybody sells or mortgages Guthi land representing it as Birta, the appropriate government office or court shall destroy the bond and restore the land to the Guthi according to law. Te Guthi shall then be handed over to the lawful heirs and relatives, if any, or else the government shall make neccesary arrangements to insure the continued performance of the prescribed religious functions. The purchaser shall not get (the Guthi). He shall be removed, and an honest and religious-minted person shall be chosen to perform the prescribed religious functions. Section 22 Any person who sells Guthi land, representing it to be Birta, shall be fined with an amount equivalent to one year's produce on the land. In case he is not able to pay the fine, he shall be imprisonment at the rate of Rs 5 per month. He shall be released after he completes the term of imprisonment at this rate. Section 23 In case any person has purchased Guthi land as Birta, even th\oygh aware that it is Guthi, he shall not be entitled to claim refundment of the money paid by him. Section 24 In case any person mortgages land which is Birta according to available documentary evidencem but later claims that the lands is Guthi, he shall be deemed to have committed perjury. The mortgagee shall be given possession of the land after scrutinizing the bond and the signature therein. The (mortgager) shall be fined with an amount equal to the value of the transaction for having committed fraud. In case he is not able to pay the fine, he shall be sentenced to imprisonment at the rate of one month for every year Rs 5 Contd 110. Section 25 Lands endowed an pasture shall be confirmed on the basis of documentary evidence if lands purchased with the donor's money or his ancestral Birta lands have been used for this purpose. If the lands had been purchased, the pasture shall be confirmed after scrutinizing the deed the sale and purchase. If the pasture had been endowed with lands obtained from the government, if shall be confirmed after scrutinizing the royal order or copper inscription, or else the copy of the royal order maintained at the Chayangra Kausi Office. If a stone inscription has been installed in the pasture, confirmation shall be granted accordingly. Pastures of these categories shall be confirmed if the person who relieves a grant of them subsequently continues to use them as such. If any person had received any of these categories of pastures as Birta, and if the pastures are found to have been cultivated by another person, the chief of the court shall issue orders to let it revert to waste. The Prime Minister shall grant other lands in exchange. If the chief of the court does not scrutinize the relevant documents relating to such pasture lands, he shall incure sin. If the Primi Minister does not give other in exchange for those which are allowed to revert in this manner, he shall incur sin. Law governing Guthis endowed by the government with the words "Anybody (who takes away lands) granted by him or by others" as well as Birta endowed as Guthi by common people Section 26 In case an ancestor has endowed his Birta lands as Guthi to finance to contruction and repair of temples, test-houses, road- side shelters, bridges, water-spouts, tanks, wells, and roads, or to run charity-kitchens, or supply food, water or sherbet, or the performance or rituals on death anniversaries, or regular an ceremonial religions functionsm, or the chanting of prayers, has inscribed on copper stone or palm-leaf or affixed his signature on a document specifying the lands the income accruing from which are ot be utilized for the performance of the religious or Sadavarta functions specified therein, and has made a ritual donation (of the land to pay person), enjoining on him to perform the prescribed functions and appropriate (the surplus) on a charitable basis, Contd 111. and in case he has fulfilled any one of the following [.....] conditions. Witnessed by (1) god or (2) Man, or put the words: (3) "Any person who confiscates (this endowment) shall incur the five great sins", (4) the verse "Any person(who consficates land) granted by himself or by others..........." 0r (5) "I hereby gift (this land) to you, use it from generation:". then the author of the endowment or his descendants shall not be entitled to claim that they will perform the prescribed functions and appropriate (the surplus) themselves. Nor shall they be entitled to dismiss (the Guthiyar) and give (the land endowed as Guthi) to another person. Neither the government nor its offices or court shall dispossesses (the Guthiyar) of such Guthis and give possession thereof to the descendants of the author of the endowment or to any other person. The beneficiary of the ritual gift and his descendants shall be entitled to appropriate the foodstuffs offered in the course of religious ceremonies and the surplus income subject to the performance of the prescribed functions. Such Birta lands shall be regarded as Guthi. Members of the undivided family of the beneficiary of the ritual gift shall be entitled to appropriate (food offerings and suplus income) by rotation according to law without dividing (the Guthi lands), subject to the performance of the functions specified in the copper, palm leaf or stone inscription or document. In case the beneficiary of the ritual gift or his descendents sell or mortgage (the Guthi land endowed), or appropriate (the surplus) without performing the prescribed functions, thus committing a branch of acts of religioun merit, an unsecured loan bond shall be made to be axecuted in favor of the purchaser or mortagagee, and the Guthi shall be operated only by those among the beneficiary of the ritual gift and their brothers, sons and descendants who have not sold or mortageged (the Guthi land endowed) and have continued to perform the prescribed religious functions. Those who have sold or mortgaged (the Guthi land endowed), or appropriate (the surplus) without performing the prescrined religious functions, and their descedants shall not be entitled to appropriate (the surplus). Even in case the beneficiary dies without leaving any heirs, the descendants of the author of the Guthi endowment shall not be entitled to operate it or give it to others, sice the Guthi endowment has been made through a ritual gift, if shall be regarded as a Raj Guthi and the government shall make arrangemens for the performance of the prescribed functions through the Guthi kachahari Office. Contd....... 112. In case a Birta which has been endowed as Guthi is this manner is granted to another person through royal order or the order of the Prime Minister or any government offices or court while the descendants of the beneficiary are still living, this is an unjust action and therefore the royal order granting the land to another person shall be cancelle, and other orders destroyed, and the land shall be restored to the descendants of the (original) beneficiary. In case any person claims such lands, a fine amounting to 2% of one year's produce thereof shall be imposed on him. Law governing Guthis endowed by the government as well as by other chiefs, common people, etc., after apponting priests and Guthiyars and prescribing the functions which be performed Section 27 In case an ancestor has endowed his Birta lands as Guthi to finance the construction and repair of temples, , rest-houses, road-side shelters, bridges,water-spouts, tanks, walls, and roads, or to run charity kitchens, or supply food, water or shernet or the performance of ritual on death anniversaries, or regular and ceremonial religions functions, or the chanting of prayers, and has appointed functionaries for this purpose, and in case such functionaries, or priests and Guthiyars, do not function properly and the Guthiyars misappropriate the income obtained from the Guthi lands, or sell or mortgage (such lands), or withhold disbursements on the prescribed functions and bequeath (the Guthi property) as inheritance daily or ceremonial religiouns functions in the prescribed manner, the descendant of the ancestor (who has made the Guthi endowment) and his co-perceners may determine the amount of the claim according to the law and have (the offender) punished accordingly. He may replace them by others on the groun that their performance had not been satisfactory, or he may dismiss them evern if they have not committed any offenses. He may also undertake to perform the prescribed functions himself, since the Guthi had been endowed by his ancestor, and appropriate the surplus himself, on condition that he does so along with his co-parceners by rotation. But they shall not be permited to divide the lands and the obligation to perform the stipulated functions among themselves. Contd 113. It shall lie at the discretion of the legal heirs of the ancestor who had made the Guthi endowment whether to dismiss functionaries, priests and Guthiyars who do not perform the prescribed functions and have such functions performed by their own family, or to appoint other funcationaries. However, no person who violates the religious functions stipulated under the Guthi, or sells or mortgages (the lands endowed), or his descendants shall be entitled or appropriate (the surplus income of the Guthi). (Such surplus income) shall be appropriated only those who perform the stipulated religious functions and do not sell the lands, as well as by their descendants, subjects to the continued performance of the prescribed Guthi functions. (Functionaries, priests and Guthiyars) in such Sadavartas and other Dunyn Guthis shall not be appointed or dismissed through royal order or the orders of the Prime Minister or of any court. Even if such an order has been issued it shall not be valid. Royal orders or the orders of the Prime Minister, even if made unwisely or unjustly, shall be cancelled and handed over to the descendants (of the ancestor who had made the Guthi endowment), while other orders shall be destroyed. It shll lie at the discretion of the descendants of the ancestor who had made the Guthi endowment whether to perform the stipulated functions themselves or appont others for this purpose. They themselves know how to unhold the acts of religious merit done their ancestors. In case the functionaries, priests and Guthiyars of such lands submit petition praying for reinstatement, a fine amounting to 2% of the income which each is entitled to appropriate from the lands shall be imposed on him. 114. Bhadgaun1 By Surya Bikram Gnyawali ************** Raya Malla ascended the throne after the death of his father in 602 Nepal era (1482 A.D.). It is not known how many years he actually ruled. But it does not appears that his rule had lasted long. No evidence is available that the ruled beyond 616 Nepal era (1436 A.D.). Raya Malla was secceeded by his son, Sunarna Malla. According to the Vamshavalis, in 633 Nepal era (1513 A.D.) Bhadgaun had been overtaken by a severe famine, which compelled its inhabitants to emigrate. It is now known that Rana Malla, the third son of Yaksha Malla, had established an independent Kingdom of his own in Banepa. A drama entitled "Pandava Vijayaa", written by him, has been discovered. It names his wife as Nathalls Devi and his son as Vijaya Mall. According to the Vamshavali, the State of Banepa merged into Bhadgaun during the rule of Bhuwan Malla. Rana Malla had probably dies durig this period. Rana Malla's son being minor, it was not difficult for Bhuwans Malla to annex Banepa.2 According to the Vamshavalis, Bhuwan Malla had started the custom of staging the Navadurga dance known as Ikhupyakthan in Bhadgaun, in imitation of the various dances introduced in Kathmandu. The Hamalaxmi dance at Bode was also introduced by him. Amara Malla had first introduced religious dances in Kathmandu. Bhuwan Malla'a rule was followed by a diarchy of brothers. The Vamshavalis refer to the fact that Bhuwan Malla had divided the villages of Bhadgaun into two equal parts. This leads us to assume that the country had been divided evenly between two brothers. If this was actually the case, the strength of Bhadgaun must have declined as a result of this pertition. We cannot rule out the possibility that the diarchy that prevailed in Bhadgaun must have started during the rule of Bhuwan Malla himself. 1. Surya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihas" (Medieval History Of Kathmandu Valley, Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter X: "Bhadgaun Ko Itihas" (History of Bhadgaun), PP. 100-112. 2. According to Kirkpatirck, however, Banepa had been annexed to Bhaktapur during the reign of Vishnu Mall. Contd............ 115. According to the Vamshavalis, Bhuwan Malla (or Subarna Malla) was succeeded by Prana Malla. This has been said also by Jagajyoti Malla. However, lapidary evidence shows that Prana Malla hd, before ruling the country singly, administrated it jointly with his brothers. In 642 Nepal era (1522 A.D.), Bhadgaun was ruled jointly by Rana Malla, Bira Malla and Jita Malla. Thus the name of Prana Malla, who had become King at a later stage, does not figure in the list of Kings who had ruled the country jointly. Records show that the diarchy of Jita Malla and Prana Malla lasted from 1524 A.D. to 1534 A.D. There is evidence that Prana Malla had become the sole King of Bhagaun in 1538 A.D None of the Vamshavalis contains any reference to diarchy. Even, then, it is indisputable that there existed a diarchy in Bhadgaun at this time. The absence of any reference to the diarchy explained by the fact that is had not been recognized as legitimate at that time. If this was not the case, there was no reason why the very fact of dyrachy should have been ignored. It is an ancient convention of Nepal to make the eldest son of any King his heir apparent. If, in spite of this time-honored system, the Crown Princes had shared his powers with his brothers, this only points to his weakness. Thejoint rule of Bhadguan can be compared to the triarchy of the three sons of Sthiti Malla, which lasted for a short time in the early sixth century according to the Nepal era. The joint rule of Bhadgan suffered from weakness in the same way as the triarchy of Sthiti Malla's sons. Surya Malla, King of Kathmandu, had detached Sankhu from Bhadguan. It is possible that this development took place during the period when the power of Bhadgaun had begun to decline as a result of the joint rule. It is not definitely known when the exclusive rule of Prana Mall ceased and when his successor, Birpa Malla (or Bishwa Malla) ascended the throne. Probably, Bishwa Malla too was a weak King. According to the Vamshavalis, he had istalled the images of four Narayanas at Pashupati with the permission of the King of Kathmandu. At that time, there was no restriction on any religious function being performed by persons belonging to one State in another State. Even, then, Bishwa Malla asked for some favors from a hostile state to perform a religious function. This indicates nothing but his weakness. The Vamshavalis also refer to the fact that during the rule of Bishwa Malla, a Kanaujia Brahman of Indrachok had installed an imge fo Narayan which had been vrought from the Vishnumati river, whom the temple of Indrachok Narayana was destroyed by landslides. It is not known in which year Bishwa Malla's rule came to an end. Bishwa Malla was succeded by Trailokya Mall or Tribhuwan Malla. Bendall has cited a stone-inscription dated 692 Nepal era (1572 A.D.), which he says he had seen at Olachhe Tol, in Bhadgaun. But there is evidence to show that Trailokya Malla had become King much earlier. According to Contd...... 116. Wright, before building the temple of Taleju in 1563 A.D. Mahendra Malla, King of Kathmandu, used to visit King Trailokya Malla of Bhadgaun and worship Goddess Tulaja. This leads one to assume that Trailokya Malla had become King in or before 1563 A.D. Kirkpatrick writes that the King of Kathmandu had captured Banepa, Chunko, Sanga and Kuti from Bhadgaun. The loss of Kuti, which lies on the route to Tibet, was very damaging for Bhadgaun and a big gain for Kathmandu. Mahendra Malla's occupations of Banepa and Sanga, the main routes to Kuti, also contributed much to the prosperity of Kathmandu. It was Mahendra Mall who first minted silver coins (mohur). Mohur coins must have become neccasary as a result of the development of trade with Tibet. This account indicates that the decline of Bhadgaun, which had started during the rule of Raya Malla, reached its climax during Trailokya Malla's rule. Although a weak King, Trailokya Malla is believed to have ruled for 30 years. Trailokya Malla was successded by Jagajyoti Malla. Jagajyoti Malla was not only a schalor in this own right, also the patron of learned men. He and the schalors enjoying his patronage have written scores of books in music, dancing, astrology, etc. The well-known Bisket festival of Bhadgaun was started by Jagajyoti Malla. As in the case of the Indrajatra festival, which is observed in Kathmandu, a pole is erected in the course of the observanace of the Bisket festival, which is dedicated to God Adi Bhairava. According to the Vamshavali, Jagajyoti Malla had introduced this festival at Thimi also. The Vamshavalis also state that the timber used for the construction of the chariot of Bhairava used to procured from the forest of Pashupati with the permission of the King of Kathmandu. A strange development which took place during the rule of Jagajyoti Malls is mentioned in the Vamshavalis. It is said that a grain of maize was found in a heap of black gram procured from the eastern regions. The inhabitants of Bhadgaun regarded this grain as an aminous portent, and therefore held religious functions and prayers to ward off its evil influene. The grain was sent back to its place of origin. In this context, it is interesting to note that the Newars of Kathmandu Valley naturally did not like to consume maize, because they produced paddy in abundance. The belief that maize is inferior to paddy still persists among some people. To subsist on maize is still considered to be a sign of property. Jagajyoti Malla died in 751 Nepal era (1631 A.D.). He was succeedd by Jagatprakash Malla and dated 752 Nepal era (1632 A.D.) indicates that he had minted coins immediately after ascended the throne of Bhadgaun. At about the time Jagatprakash Malla ascended the throne, Siddhinarasimha Malla had established in independent Kingdom in Patan. In 760 Nepal era (1640 A.D.), Pratap Malla became King of Kathmandu after imprisoning his Contd..... 117. father, Laxminaraimha Malla. Bhadguan had ceased to be strong politically after the establishement of an independent Kingdom in Kathmandu by Ratna Malla. It had in a way become a satellite of Kathmandu. Following the emergence of an independent state in Patan as a result of a cilvil war in Kathmandu, it was natural for Jagatprakash Malla to try to free Bhadguan as well from the stranglehold of Kathmandu.but Pratap Malla took a serious view of Jagat Malla's revolt at a time when Patan had seceded from Kathmandu. He developed a sense of hatred for Jagatprakash Malla. Another reason for his hatred of Jagatprakash Malla was that the latter was no less learned then he was. Pratap Malla was indeed jealous of Jagatprakash Malla's surperiority in the field of learning. That is why he sued the word "Bhaktagrama" ( village called Bhakta), to express his contempt for Bhadgaun. Bhaktagrama later corrupted to Bhadgaun. In this stone-inscription, Jagatprakash Malla did not even mention the name of Jagatprakash Malla. A Jesuite priest named Grueber, whi visited Kathmandu in 1665 A.D. during the rule of Pratap Malla, writes that there existed two separate Kingdoms inside Nepal (i.e. Kathmandu Valley), Kathmandu and Patan. This indicates that Pratap Malla had even kept Grueber ignorant in the existence of Bhadgaun at this time. In his stone-inscription of 769 Nepal era (1649 A.D.), located near Hanuman Dhoka, Pratap Malla proudly claims that the Malla Kings of Bhaktagrama had presented him with an elephant. Soon after ascending the throne Pratap Malla had fougth a war with Siddhinarasimha Malla of Patan. In this war, Jagatpratap Malla sided with Siddhinarasimha malla. But soon Pratap Mall and Siddhinarasimha reached a settlement. So that Jagatprakash Malla was isolated. It was probably at this time that Jagatprakash Malla had presented an elephant to Pratap Malla as a taken of his spology for the mistake committed by him. After the death of Siddhinarasimha Malla, Srinivasa Malla became King of Patan in 1657 A.D. According to the Vamshavalis, in 778 Nepal era (1659 A.D.), Bhadgaudn and Patan entered into an alliance and jointly fougth a war against Kathmandu.3 The Vamshavalis mention that Patap Malla had established friendly relations with Shrinivasa Malla after this war. At the time Pratap Malla had made peace with Shrinivasa Malla, Jagatpratap Malla accepted every dectate of Shrinivasa Malla. To what length Jagatpratap Malla had gone in flattering Shrinivasa Malla in clear from a drama entitled Malayagandhini, in which he describes himself as one who has sought shelter from King Shrinivasa malla. But this flattery was of no avail. Pratap Malla finally succeeded in winnign over Shrinivasa Malla to his side, with the result that Jagatpratap Malla had to face the combined onslaught of Kathmandu and Patan. In the ends, Jagatpratap Malla had to pay tributes in the form of elephants and money to both Pratap Malla and Shrinivasa Malla, who then forgave him. 3. Wright, P. 244. Contd........... 118. A Mohur coin of 783 Nepal era (1633 A.D.), minted during the rule of Jitamitra Malla, sone of Jagatpratap Malla, has been discovered. Since Jagatpratap Malla was alive during the year, it may be supposed that he had handed over to his son Jitamitra Malla after his defeat at the hands of the Kings of Kathmandu and Patan. He probably spent his remaining days in seclusion. A drama entitled Madancharita, composed by Jagatprakash Malla around 760 Nepal era (1660 A.D.), confirms that he had abdicated in favor of his son. Jagatprakash Malla devoted the rest of his life to religiusn functions. In about 782 Nepal era (1660 A.D.), he built a sacred platform called Vimalashcha. In 787 Nepal era (1667 A.D.), he erected a piller bearing the effigy of Garuda in front of the Narayanchok temple. Like Pratap Malla of Kathmandu, Jagatprakash Malla was fond of inscribing hi verses on the temples constructed by himself. In addition to these temples and pillers, Jagatprakash Malla is said in the Vamshavalis to have built two palaces, one at Nakhachhe and the other at Golakwatha. The exact year in which Jagatprakash Malla died in not known. He died probably some time after 790 Nepal era (1670 A.D.). Jagatprakash Malla was succeeded by Jitamitra Malla, manuscripts mentioning his name, and dated 802 Nepal erak (1682 A.D.), are available. According to these manuscripts, Jitamitra Malla had the title of Sumati (which literally means a wise). He did not take aids in the conflict that ensued between Kathmandu and Patan after the death of Pratap Malla. As such, his rule was peaceful. This explains the title of Sumati that was given to Jitamitra Malla. Jitamitra Malla is believed to have died in or just before 816 Nepal era (1696 A.D.), because a Mohur coin bearing the name of his son, Bhutindra Malla, and minted during the same year, has been discovered. A large number of Bhupatindra Mall's coins circulated in Tibet. However, it is not certain that this was the first Nepali coin circulating in Tibet. The people of Tibet called this coin Angaragupa, i.e., a coin bearing the number 6. This was so because it contained the figure of 6 in the year 816 Nepal era. Ranajita Malla, so of Bhupatindra Malla, also transmitted a large number of Mohur coins for circulation in Tibet. The coins were black in color. These were called Nag Tang (i.e. black coins). The silver Mohur coins which were sent Tibet from Nepal (i.e. from Kathmandu and Bhadgaun) were not pure, afte conquering Nepal Valley in 1768 A.D., Prithvinarayan shal started minting pure silver coins. He did not agrre to exchange his pure silver coins for the impure silver coins circulating in Tibet. He had regular correspondence with Tibet this regard. But he died soon. He disputes between Nepal and Tibet over the circulation of Nepal Mohurs resulted in a [..] between the two countries during the rule of King Rana Bahadur Shah. Contd.......... 119. In 803 Nepal era (1683 A.D.),4 Ranajita Malla built a 2-storey rest-house near his palace. A translation of the stone- inscription located at that rest-house is given in Wright's book. According to this stone-inscription, the caretaker of a canal had failed to insure equitable supply of water from the canal. The stone-inscription contains new regulations regarding the supply of water. It also states that the people of the area were required to contribute volunteer labor for the construction of channels before the commencement of the sowing season. Once they contributed such labor, they were granted a token as certificate. They were allowed to use the water of the canal for irrigating their farms after they produced these tokens. Persons who failed to produce these tokens were fined with 3 dams. Water was required to be distributed water on the basis of equality and without any discrimination, he was fined with 6 Mohurs. This system of of 3 dams or 6 Mohurs cannot be understood unless we have a knowledge of the economic condition of the contemporary period. The burden of the fine must naturally have been very high at that time, though it may seem insignificant by present standards. Bhupatindra Malla was greatly interested in building construction. This 55-window palace of Bhadgaun was constructed by him. coins of different types bearing the name of his son Ranajita Malla, which were minted in 842 Nepal era (1733 A.D.) seem to substantiate the view that Bhupatindra Malla had died soon after 841 Nepal era (1721 A.D.). Among his coins which are available, one of the donomination of 25 paisa is very important. One side of this coin contains the words : Sri Sri Jaya Ranajita Malla Deva." On the other side, we read "Baisakh 15 Samvat 842" (Baisakh 15, 842 Nepal era (circe April 30, 1722 A.D.). Probably it was on this day that he had ascended the throne or crowned as King. It appears to have been a practice during the reign of Malla and even Shah Kings to mint 25-paisa coins to commemorate any particular event or mark any particular occasion. It would have been therefore be surprising if the abovementioned 25-paisa coins had been minted on the occasion of the coronation of Ranajita Malla. There could be not other explanation unless the exact date of Ranajit Malla's coronation or if his accession to throne is ascertained. 4. Wright, pp. 192-93. Contd.......... 120. Ranajita Malla, the last rular of Bhadgaun, had a long rule, he ruled over Bhadgaun for 46 years, from 842 Nepal era (1722 A.D.) to 1768 A.D. Prithvi Narayan Shah started his campaign of conquering Nepal Valley from 1742 A.D. However, his attention was directed towards the conquest of Kathmandu and Patan only because he maintained a kind of cordial relationship with Ranajita Malla. For this reason, Ranajita Malla remained aloof from every war fought against Prithvi Narayan Shah. He was only interested to keep his own position secure. According to the Vamshavalis, Biranarasiha Malla, hier apparent of Ranajita Malla, had also entered into bonds of relationship with Prithvi Narayan Shah during his childhood. This probably explains why he had refrainded from any overt act of hostility towards Prithvinarayan Shah. He must have either extended assistance to Prithvinarayan Shah or remained neutral fro reasons of expediency in the latter's prolonged campaigns. Prithvi Narayan Shah invaded Bhadgaun only 8 months after his conquest of Kathmandu and Patan. Both King Jayaprakash Malla of Kathmandu and Kig Tajanarasimha Malla of Patan fled to Bhadgaun and sougth alsylum with Ranajit malla. But evcen after defeating Bhadgaun, Prithvi Narayan Shah entertained cordial feelings toward Ranajita Malla and allowed him to spend the rest of his life at Vanarasi when he expressed a desire to do so. Ranajita Malla died at Vanarasi. Before ending this chapter, we may discuss the role played by Bhadgaun in the politics of divided Nepal. From 1482 A.D., the year when Nepal Valley was divided to 1631 A.D., i.e. until Jatatprakash Malla's accession to the throne, Bhadgaun remained unde the domination of Kathmandu. Bhadgaun had no courage to rise against Kathmandu's overlorship. It was Jagatprakash Malla who first attempted to liberate Bhadgaun from Kathmandu's hegemony. However, his attempt failed, as Shrinivasa Malla, son of Siddhinarasimha Malla of Patan, followed a policy of maintaining amicable relations with Kathmandu. In this context, the title of "Sumati" conferred on Jitamitra Mall, the success or of Jagatprakash Malla, is significant. From the viewpint of Kathmandu, he was certainly a Wiseman, because he did not embark upon a policy of belligerence as his father did. It would not be surprising that Jitamitra Malla had received the titile of "Sumati" from Kathmandu. Ultimately Bhadgaun was compelled to maintain amicable relations with Prithvi Narayan Shah in order to strength its own position. Bhadgaun did not offer any kind of support to Prithvi Narayan Shah's invasion, nor did it come forward to aid Patan. Finally, Bhadgaun was taken over by Prithvi Narayan Shah and Ranajita Malla had to go into exile at Vanarasi ******************** (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: July 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 7, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi ************* Contents Page 1. The Political Unification of Nepal 2. Chronology of Kathmandu 3. Treaty Signed By King Jaya Prakash Malla of Kantipur In Favor of King Prithvi Nayayan Shah 4. Guthi Land Endowment by Sen Kings of Vijayapur 5. Managements of Guthi Lands In Dolakha, 1759 6. Land Grants by King Prithvi Narayan Shah 121 126 132 135 137 138 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 121. The Political Unification of NepalX By Baburam Acharya **************** Prithvi Narayan Shah ascended the trone of Gorkha in 1734 A.D. His father, Narabhupal Shah, had made an attempt at intervention when the three Kingdoms of Nepal Valley were conquering among themselves. However, these attempts proved abortive because the internal situation of Gorkha was not satisfactory. Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore realized the need to set his oen house in order first. He also felt it neccesary to study as first hand the situation prevailing in India as well as the strength of the Chaubisi Kingdoms. Hence during the very year os his accession to the throne, he left for Kashi (i.e. Vanarasi) on the pretext of pilgrimage. Pilgrims from all over India visisted Kashi, as it was not only a center of prigrimage for Hindus but was aljos situated close to the state of Bengal and Outh. While in Kashi, one could then easily acquaint oneself not only with the political situation in Bengal and Bihar, but also with the conditions and systems prevalent in India as a whole. Accordingly, Prithvi Narayan Shah left for Kashi soon afte winter had set in, traveling through Chitaun and Patna. At Vanarasi he met a Naga mendicant, who was renowned as a saint endowed with supernatural powers. Prithvi Narayan Shah desired to gain enlightment from the mendicant and so revealed his desire ti him. The Naga mendicant then gave Prithvi Narayan Shah a sword, telling him that his desires would be fulfilled. Prithvi Narayan Shah was greatly pleased at this. /_the banks of the Gomati River on his way King Hari Shah of Jajarkot too had gone to Kashi at that time. Prithvi Narayan Shah met him there. The two King vowed to maintain mutual friendship. After studying the situation in the course of his short stay at kashi, Prithvi Narayan Shah left for home. Before departing from Kashi, he purchases some muskets and other weapons. When he reached the /_bank home, along with his retinue, the Moghul Nawab's guards who were responsible for the collection of duties attempted t search him. Prithvi Narayan Shah, fearing that the amrs in his possession would be discovered, killed the guards and reached Butaul through Gorakhpur with the help of the Naga mendicant. In Butaul, he XBaburam Acharya, Nepal Ko Samkshipta Vrittants (A Brief Account of Nepal), Kathmandu: Pramod Shamsher and Nir Bikram "Pyasi", 1966, Chapter II "Nepal Ko Ekikaran Ko Pranamabha." (The Beginnin of The political Unification of Nepal), PP. 10-16 Contd.......... 122. met king Gandhara Sen of Palpa, who was his maternal uncle. From Palpa, he preceeded to Tanahu, Lamjung , and other Chaubisi states situated along the Kali-Gandaki river, before returning to Gorkha in the last week of March. During this journey, he studied the situation of Tanahu, Lamjung and other areas situated along the Kali-Gandaki river. On the return of Gorkha, Prithvi Narayan Shah thought it necessary to reorganize the Bhardari and make provisions for the appointment of ministers. Chandraprabha, his eldesr step-moterh, advised him to appoint Kalu Pande, son of Bhim Raj Pande, as minister. Prithvi Narayan Shah agreed to do so on the condition that the public, as well as rulers of the Chaubisi states, also concurred with the move. As Kalu Pande had the support of all, Prithvi Narayan Shah appointed him as Kaji. According to the rules, he had already conferred the titile of Chautariya to his youngest brother, Maheddamkriti Shah. After completing the organization of the Bharadari he reorganized the his army, and then made arrangements for the supply rations etc. to his troops. Prithvi Narayan Shah then started preparations for invading Nuwakot. The Nuwakot area was predominantly inhabited by the Khas and Magar communities. But the chief administraror sent to this area from Kathmandu was a Newar. He was therefore unabe to make proper administrative arrangements in Nuwakot. Consequently, the King of Kathmandu, Jaya Prakash Malla's predecessor, had had to appoint Kashiram Thapa of Palanchok as chief administrator of Nuwakot. Kashiram Thapa was dismissed by Jaya Prakash Malla for disobedience and replaced by Kaji Jayanta Rana, who had been expelled from Gorkha. The appointment of a man who had knowledge of all the secrets of Gorkha posed difficulties before Prithvi Naarayan Shah. He therefore tried his best to win over Jayanta Rana. These efforts proved futile, however. Prithvi Narayan Shah completed his preparations, by the end of rainy season in 1744 A.D., for the invasion of Nuwakot. As a ruse, he ordered his troops to move in the guise of peasant sent to reclaim waste lands in Khinchet. On the auspicious occasion of the Indra Jatra festival, he mobilized his troops and landed in Nuwakot crossing the Trishuli river. On September 26, 1744, he attacked the forces of Jayanta Rana, who had set up a fortress at top of the Mahamendal hill. In the meantime, Jayanta Rana had gone to Kathmandu to bring Jaya Prakash Malla. But because of the Indra Jatra festival, he was stranded in Kathmandu. In his absence, the battle was taken charge of by his son, Shankhamani Rana. But he was defeated and killed. A few days later, Jayanta Rana reached Belkot alone and started mobolising his troops. However, Prithvi Narayan Shah personally came forward and attacked them. When the military situation deteriorated, Kalu Pande followed Prithvi Narayan Shah and handed the situation carefully. He finally captured Jayanta Rana and took him to Nuwakot. There Jayanta Rana was flayed alive and died. At that time, rebels were punished I this manner in the Chaubisi states. Contd............ 123. During this period, the French in India were recruiting Indians in their army and attacking the states of the India Kings with their support. The English followed suit. They were also succeeding in their game of divided and rule among the Indian. This explains why no Gorkhali soldiers dared join the enemy and fingh against his own government for 70 years after King Prithvi Narayaan Shah had inflicted such severe punishment on Jayanta Rana. Prithvi Narayan Shah entertained no personal malice towards Jayanta Rana. After Jayant was killed, Prithvi Narayan Shah allotted lands to his children to enable them to maintain their livelihood. Subsequenly, the Gorkha troops easily reached Patibhanjyang and then accupied the whole of Nuwakot. Jaya Prakash Malla was not a man to lose heart soon. He summoned Ranabhim Thapa, cousin of Kashi Ram Thapa of Palanchok, his erstwhile opponent, and with hisd help, sough to recapture Nuwakot. But Ranabhim Thapa was found to be a weak man. Jaya Prakash therefore invaded Kashiram Thapa to come back to Kathmandu. Kashiram Thapa did not come directly to Kathmandu out of fear of Jaya Prakash. However, he mobilized his trooots and marched towards Nuwakot from Palanchok. In March, on hearing of Kashiram Thapa's advance towards Nuwakot, the Gorkhali troops advanced towards him and encircled his troops. Kashiram Thapa fled back to the east. The Gorkhali troops chased them up to Thapagaun and drove them out of Nuwakot. Kashiram Thapa, who thus suffered a defeat, returned to Palanchok. Jaya Prakash Malla again insisted that Kashiram Thapa should come to Kathmandu. Finally, Kashiram Thapa came to Kathmandu and stayed at the Pashupati temple. Jaya Prakash personally went to Chabahil to bring him. When Kashiram Thapa arrived at Chabahil with presents, including jackfruit and other fruits to have an audience with Jaya Prakash, the latter had him beheaded along with six other courtiers to quench the long-simmring fire of revenge in his heart. After murdering Kashiram Thapa. He returned to Kathmandu. He also ordered the beheading of Dati Pradhan, his younger brother, Taudhik, fled to Lalitpur, where he took after shelter with King Rajya Pradhan. On hearing of the murder of Kashiram Thapa in Kathmandu, Prithvi Narayan Shah summoned his brother, Parshuram Thapa, to Nuwakot. He advised Parashuram Thapa to take revenge for his elder brother's murder. He also proposed that the forces of Gorkha and Bhaktapur should jointly occupy Sankhu and Changu, and that Bhaktapur should be granted two villages, while Gorkha should retain other occupy areas. Parashuram Thapa accepted this proposal and persuaded king Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur also to do so. Contd........... 124. Having thus won over Bhaktapur to this side, Prithvi Narayan Shah, accompanied by Shivaram Simha Basnyat, his commander, marched towards Kathmandu along with his troops. First, he occupied Naldumgadhi, which was under the occupation of Kathmandu. Then he preceeded to Bhaktapur and met Ranajit Malla. Shivaram Simha took over Changu village, which was predominantly inhabited by Khasas. Jaya Prakash personally took over the command of his troops as he had no commander, and founght back the Gorkha troops. However, he was defeated. He took to his heels and returned to the Kathmanddu palace. Taking advantage of the rapid advance of the Gorkhali roops, Taudhik, who had taken asylum in Lalitpur, hatched a conspiracy in collosion with Rajya Prakash. Accordingly, in mid-September, during the Dashain festival, the troops of Lalitpur encircled the palace in Kathmandu, captured Jaya Prakash and took him to Lalitpur. His son, Jyoti Prakash, was installed in the throne of Kathmandu. Later, Taudhik sent a message to Parashuram Thapa, which stated: "I have already taken revenge for the murder of your brother. If even then you continue to take sides with the Gorkhalis, how can we save Bhaktapur?" having received this message, Parashuram Thapa ceased to render active support of the Gorkhalis. He did not cooperate with Shivaram Simha Thapa when the latter was attack by the troops of Taudhik with the support of Lalitpur and Kathmandu. Consequently, Parashuram Thapa had to turn back to Nuwakot via Sankhu. But as he was encamping at Sangachok along with his troops. He was attacked by Taudhik's troops. The Gorkhali forces disintergrated. Parashuram Simha himself was killed. Meanwhile, Prithvi Narayan Shah was staying in Bhaktapur. Immediately in receiving the new of the defeat of Gorkhali troops at Sangashok, he proceeded towards Naldum. On the way, he met Parashuram Thapa and went up to Mahadec Pokhari, which was within the jurisdiction of Bhaktapur. He then returned. Although he as defeated at Sangachok, Prithvi Narayan Shah consoled himself, for Naldum was still under Gorkhali control. He was distressed only the death of Shivaram Thapa Basnyat. In the course of the capture of Naldum, Gorkhali troops had also occupied the Sindhupalchok and Dolakha areas. However, the occupation of these areas militated against the treaty concluded by Prithvi Narayan Shah with the King of Lamjung. Such violation of the treaty could mean inviting the King of Lamjung to invade Gorkha and thereby andangering the gorkhali control of Nuwakot. Hence Prithvi Narayan Shah handed over both the Sindhipalachok and Dolakha areas to King Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur, an ally of Lamjung. It was then that Ranjit Malla and Jaya Prakash Mall began to treat each other as enemies. Prithvi Narayan Shah persuaded King Ranajit Malla to protect the Kabhrepalanchok area, which was under the control of Bhaktapur. He posted some Gorkhali troops at Mahadev Pokhari Gadhi and, afer spending some more days in Bhaktapur, returned to Nuwakot. The Sindhupalchok and Dolakha areas went to Ranajit Malla. He appointed revenues from these Contd...... 125. two areas for himself. However, in view of the cordial relations existing between Gorkha and Bhaktapur, the Gorkhalis were allowed to move freely from the Sindhupalchok area to Khasa, situated on the border between Tibet and Dolakha. The farsingted Prithvi Narayan Shah made these arrangements so that there might be no difficulty for him in reoccupying those areas eventually. The southern border of Nuwakot across the Trishuli stretched to Kumharidanda. To the further south of the Trishuli river lay two extensice river valleys along theKolpu and Mahesh rivers. Between those two valleys was located a long hill, which started from the western border of Kathmandu Valley, bending westwards to Trishuli. The settlement on his hill, together with the two large river valleys, was known as Lamidanda, which was then under the control of Lalitpur. After completing administratve arrangements on Nuwakot, Prithvi Narayana Shah sent a contingent of troops under the command of Kalu Pande to occupy Lamidanda. Seeing that he would noi be able to defeat this area through his own troops, King Rajya Prakasha of Lalitpur sent a letter to Kalu Pande through one of his ministers. The letter implored Kalu Pande not to occupy Lamidanda. Negotiations for a treaty unsued. Finally in August 1747, Kalu Pande took over Lamidanda without a finght, on the condition that the subjects of Lalitpur would be allowed to gather fodder there. With the annexation of the Nuwakot and Lamidanda areas, the territory of Gorkha nearly doubled. In the meantime, Jaya Prakash Malla was living a life of seclusion. He had later started staying at the temple of Guhyeshwari. Taking advantage of Jaya Prakash Malla's absences, Prithvi Narayan Shah consolidated administration arrangements in the areas occupied by him. For 3 years the administration of Kathmandu was run by Jaya Laxmi, mother of infant King Jyoti Prakash Malla. During this period, hooligans were appointed as ministers. They occupied a powerful position in the administration. Jaya Laxmi herself had began to indulge in immoral activities, so that the people of Kathmandu had had call in Jaya Prakash Malla. With the help of his subjects, Jaya Prakash Malla elimine ted all his opponents, and, April 30, 1750, he returned to the palace. However, he conducted the administration of the country for some time as regent for Jyot Prakash Malla, instead becoming King himself. It was only 1753 that he renamed Jyoti Prakash Malla as Jyotirmalla and proclaimed him as Crown Prince, while himself becoming King again. Therafter, Jaya Prakash Malla started building up his military strength with the help of Nagarkotis brought from Kangra with the aim of recapturing Nuwakot, Shindhu-Palanchoki and Dolakha. 126. Chronolgy Of KathmanduX By Inscription No.1 1. Ratna Malla 2. Surya Malla 3. Amar Malla 4. Mahendra Malla 5. Shiva Simha 6. Harihara Simha 7. Laxminrisimha 8. Pratap Malla 9. - 10. - Surya Bikram Gnyawali. Inscription No. 2 Inscription No. 3 Inscription No. 4 Ratna Malla Surya Malla Amar Malla Mahendra Malla Shiva Simha Harihara Simha Laxminrisimha Pratap Malla Mahendra Malla Ratna Malla Surya Malla Amar Malla Mahendra Shiva Simha Harihara Simha Harihara Simha Laxminrisimha Laxminrisimha Pratap Malla Ratna Malla Amar Malla Shiva Simha Malla Pratap Malla Nripendra Malla Prathivendra Malla. Apart from the genealogies contained in Vamshavalis, Pratap Malla, the well-know King of Kathmandu, and his grandson, Parthivendra Malla; have give their genelogy in 4 stone-inscriptions, which are listed below: X. Surya Bikram Gnyawali, Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihasa (Medieval History of Nepal Valley). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter XI: "Kathmandu Ka Itihasko Kalanirnaya" (Chronology of Kathmandu) PP. 112-120. Contd 127. 1. Pratap Malla's stone-inscription of Jestha, 762 Nepal era (May 1643) at the temple of Taleju (Sanskrit Sandesh, Year I, No. 2). 2. Pratap Malla's stone-inscription of Falgun 769 Nepal era (February 1649) at the Pashupatinath temple. 3. Pratap Malla's stone-inscription of Magh 777 Nepal era (January 1657) at the Pashupatinath temple. 4. Parthivendra Malla's stone-inscription of Maga 799 Nepal era (November 1679) at the Pashupatinath temple. In Pratap Malla's stone-inscriptions, there existes only one inconsistency. In this stone-inscription at the Pashupatinath temple, he names Narendra Malla as the successor ot Surya Malla, while in his other two inscriptions, he gives the name of Amar Malla. Hoever, in view of the fact that Pratap Malla mentions the name of Ambar Malla in two inscriptions, while mentioning that of Narendra Malla only once, it may be assumed that Narendra Malla was another name of Amber Mall.X However, Parthivendra Mall's stone-inscription of 1679 presents some difficulties. It mentions Ambar Malla as the sone of Ratna Malla, and does not even refer to the name of Surya Malla, who is mentioned in other stone-inscriptions as the actual successor of Ratna Malla. This is indeed surprising. However, in the absence of further evidence it is diddiculty to express a definite opinion in this matter. According to the Vamshavalis, Mahedra Malla was succeeded by Sadashiva Malla, who was later dethroned and replaced by his brother Shivasimha. But none of the lists given above mentions the name of Sadashiva Malla. Perhaps this might have been due to the prevailing practice of not mentioning the name of a deposed king. Even then, Shivasimha was succeeded by his own son and there was hardly any need to write Sadashiva Malla's name A gold inscription dated Ashadh 632 Nepal era (June 1512) discovered at Maru Sattal in Kathmandu describes, Ratna Malla as the King of Nepal. XLalit Jung Sijapai, author of "Some Famous Kings of Greater Gorkha" (Vishal Gorkha Ka Kehi Prasidha Rajaharu), also expresses the same opinion. Contd..... 128. This proves that Ratna Malla had ruled over Nepal at least till 1512 A.D. Two other authestic dates linked to his rule are specified in the Vamshavalis. The Vamshavalis tell us that Ratna Malla had defeated the Thakuri King of Nuwakot in 611 Nepal era (1491), and that in Magh 621 Nepal era (1502), he had eatablished the temple of Taleju. These accounts indicate that Ratna Malla had becoe King of Kathmandu long before 1491 A.D. No authentic date regarding the rule of Surya Malla, successor of Ratna Malla, is available yet. There is also lack of chronological details regarding the rule of Amar Malla (or Narendra Malla), son of Surya Malla. Bendall has cited a manuscript written in Shrawan 671 Nepal era (July 1552). This book definitely proves that he had ascended to throne in 1552 A.D. Lalit Jung Sijapati has referred to the stone-inscriptions of Amar Malla installed during the perion from 649 Nepal era (1529) to 680 Nepal era (1560). A manuscript, said to be a copy of the original Geeta-Bhashya (contemporary in the Geeta), prepared at the instance of Mukunda Sharma, a Minister of Amar Malla, refers to the Laxman Sen era, which many scholars say had been started in t119 or 1120 A.D. On the basis of the Laxman Sen era refered to in this work, it is possible to establishe that it had been written around 1554 A.D. Amar Malla (or Narandra Malla) was succeeded by Mahendra malla. A manuscript dated Shrawan 686 Nepal era (1566 A.D.), which refers to Mahendra Malla, has been cited by Bendall. According to the Vamshavalis, Mahendra Mall had installed the idol of Taleju in Magh 684 Nepal era (1564). Amar Malla's stone-inscriptions until 680 Nepal era only are available. This indicates that the minmum gap between Amar Malla and Mahendra Malla is 4 years only. Mahendra Malla was succeeded by Sadashiva, his son, Bendall had cited a definite date linked to Sadashiva. That date is 696 Nepal era (1575-57). According to Oldfield, the Mahabauddha shrine was built in 705 Nepal era (1585) during Sadashiva Malla's rule. Sadashisva Malla was succeeded by Shiva Simha, his brother. A number of his works have been discovered. Copies of the stone-inscriptions dated Magh 714 (January 1594) and Baisakh 715 Nepal era (April 1595), both discovered at the Swayambhunath shrine, have been published in Sanskriti Sandesh.X Bendall has also cited a stone-inscription of 720 Nepal era (1600), located near the temple of Naraya at Lagan Tole. According to Brahma Shamsher, Shivasimha had built the temple of Degutale in Patan in 755 Nepal era (1692 vikrama era or 1635 A.D.). But it is hard to express definite opinions about this date, at there existes a wide gap between it and the dates mentioned above. Sanskrit Sandesh, Year 2, Nos. 4-6. Contd...... 129. Shivasimha was succeeded by his son, laxmi Narasimha. On ascending to throne, he minted coins in his name. but these coins do not mention the year in which they had been minted. These coins therefore do not help to determine the period of his rule. A facsimile of Laxmi Narasimha's stone-inscription of Ashadh 761 Nepal era (1641), written in the Nepali languages, has been published in Itihas Prakash, (Vol. 1, P. 61). The first coins bearing the name of his son, Pratap Malla, have been discovered. These were minted in 761 Nepal era. This shows that Laxmi Narasimha Malla's rule had formally ended in 761 Nepal era (1641), although one stone- inscription suggests that Pratap Malla had become King in 760 Nepal era (1640). A number of authentic proofs such as coins, books and stone-inscriptions connected with the rule of Pratap Malla have been discovered. On the basis of this evidence, it may be assumed that Pratap Malla had a long rule. A manuscript entitled Puja Kalpalata, written in 789 Nepal era (1669) states that his rule had been free from internal weakness as well as from external threat, even though he had become old. A silver coin minted in 789 Nepal era (1669), bearing the name of his son, Chakravartindra Malla, has been discovered. But it is not clear whether the coin had been minted in the name of Chakravartindra Malla on the order of his father, or whether he had become an independent King himself. According to the Vamshavalis, Pratap Malla had been succeeded by Nripendra Malla. Coins of 795 Nepal era (1675), bearing the name of Nripendra Malla, have been discovered. These coins, however, are believed to have been minted in his name after the ascended the throne following the death of Pratap Malla. It may therefore be presumed that the death of Pratap Malla occurred in 744 Nepal era (1674). This view is corroborated also by accounts given in some Vamshavalis. On the other hand, Wright writes that Pratap Malla had died in 809 Nepal era (1689 A.D.). According to one Vamshavali in the possession of the author, the year of his death was 797 Nepal era (1677). According to the VamshavaliVamshavali, Pratap Malla had enthroned his sons by turns and minted coins in their names when he was still alive. This may explain the reason for the wide gap between the two years mentioned above. It is probably on the basis of this account that a number of historians have included the reign of Nripendra Malla and Parthivendra Malla, who succeeded Pratap Malla, in total period of the latter's rule. Any way, the Vamshavalis not only contain conflicting accounts regarding the probably year of Pratap Malla's death, but also fail to give details of the rule of Nripendra Malla and Parthivendra Malla. A copy of the stone-inscription of Marga 7986 Nepal era (November 1678) has been published in Sanskrit Sandesh. It indicates that Nripendra Malla's rule had been a very short one. He had probably ruled till the end of the eight century Nepal era. silver coins bearing the name of Parthivendra Malla Contd........... 130. and dated 800 Nepal era (1680) have been discovered. Parthivendra Malla too does not appear to have ruled long. A coin of his son, Bhupalendra Malla, which was minted in 812 Nepal era (1692) proved that Parthivendra Malla had died before that year. The Vamshavalis do not contain any reference to the year in which Parthivendra Malla had died, nor in any other documentary evidence available in this regard. Wirght mentions 809 Nepal era (1689) as the year of Pratap Mall's death. As such, it may be presumed that he had probably died durng this year. A stone-inscription of Kartik 810 Nepal era (October 1689), mentioning the namen of Bhupalendra Malla, son of Parthivendra Malla, has been found. This stone-inscription, installed by Raddhilaxmi Devi, mother of Bhupalendra Malla, proves that he had become King in 1690 A.D. A copy of the copper inscription of 818 Nepal era (1689 A.D.), installed at the main gate of Patan has been published in Sanskrit Sandesh. It mentions the names of 3 contemporary Kings, among whom was Bhupalendra Malla. This shows that he had been King of Kathmandu till 1689 A.D. He appears to have died some time after that year. The definite year of his death is not known, but it is presumed to be 818 Nepal era (1698). A coin (Suki) bearing the name of his son Bhaskar Malla and dated 818 Nepal era (1698) has been discovered. Bhaskar Malla ruled for a long time. He was also the King of Patan. He assumed the name of Mahindra Singh after becoming King of Patan. He dies in 842 Nepal era (1722). A coin of the same year, bearing the name of his successor, Jagajaya Malla, has been discovered. Jagjaya Malla died around 854 Nepal era (1734 A.D.). This is proved by the coin of Pratap Malla, dated 856 Nepal era (1736). Prakash Malla, the last King of Kathmandu was defeated by Prithvinarayan Shah in 1768. List of Malla Kings Nepal Era 1. Ratna Malla 611 or 621 2. Surya Malla 632 3. Amar Mall or Narenda Malla 671 4. Mahenra Malla 686 5. Sadashiva Mallla 696 Contd A.D. 1491-1501 1512 1512 1567 1575-85 131. 6. Shivasimha 7. Laxmi Narasimha 8. Pratap Malla 9. Nripendra Malla 10. Parthivendra Malla 11. Bhaskar Malla 12. Jagajjaya Malla 13. Prakash Malla 714-720 761 761-800 795-800 800-818 818-842 842-856 856-888 1596-1600 1642 1642-1675 1675-1680 1680-1698 1698-1722 1722-36 1736-1768 132. Treaty Signed By King Jaya Prakash Malla Of Kantipur In Favor Of King Prithvi Narayan ShahX I hereby sign this pledge if favor of King Prithvi Narayan Shah Dev. Coins shall be minted in both Kathmandu and Gorkha. No impurity shall be mixed in rupee coins. Both mints shall use the same alloy. The coins of Gorkha shall be accepted by Kathmandu, and vice-versa Coins and goods shall be sent to Tibet in equall amounts or quantities. Envoys (walik) of both Kathmandu and Gorkha shall be stationed in Tibet. Both envoys shall seal consignments of goods and despatche the same. Goods exported or imported without the consent of both envoys shall be confiscated. Half of the goods confiscated by Kathmandu shall be handed over to Gorkha, and vice-versa. In case coins minted by Kathmandu are not accepted by anyone in Gorkha, he shall bepunished. In case anyone in Kathmandu does not accept the oins minted in Gorkha, he shall be punished. Merchants coming through Patan shall be looted, and their possessions shall be confiscated. An envoy (wakil) of Gorkha shall be stationed in Kathmandu, and vise-versa. Consignments of goods shall be opened and inspected with the permission of the Wakil. Trade with Tibet shall be conducted through Nuwakot. Such goods brought from Gorkha as are declared shall not be confiscated by Kathmandu. Only smuggled goods shall be fonfiscated. Goods brought from Kathmandu shall not be confiscated by Gorkha if they are declared, but if such goods are smuggled, these shall be confiscated. Gold and silver brought from Tibet be shared (by Kathmandu and Gorkha) equally. Coins brought from the plains (Madesh) shall also be shared equally. Patan shall be taken over by Gorkha, while Kathmandu shall be assisted to take over Naldum. When Patan is occupied by Gorkha, Kathmandu shall support such occupations. In the event that Kathmandu occupieds Patan, it shall hand Patan over to Gorkha. Gorkha shall hve precedence over Kathmandu in this matter. ________________________________________ XNaya Raj Pant et. al, Sri 4 Prithvinarayan Shahko Upadesh (Teaching of King Prithvi Narayan Shah). Lalitpur: Jagadamba Prakashan, n.d. PP. 973-977. 133. May adherence to this treaty promote religion. In case any side violates this treaty, amy the five great sins fall upon him. Tuesday, Poush Badi 8, 1814 (December 1758). Explanaition:- This pledge was signed by King Jaya Prakash Malla of Kantipur on Poush 23m 1814 (January 6, 1758) in favor of King Prithvi Narayan Shah. It sheds much light on the political and economical conditions prevailing at that time. The salient features of this document are as follows:- (1) Both Kathmandu and Gorkha agreed to mint pure silver coins of uniform mold and the coins of one Kingdom circulated in the territory of the other. (2) Bothe sides agreede to remit money and exports goods to Tibet on a fifty-fifty basisi, station each other's Wakil there, arrange for the export of goods under the supervisions of such Wakils and share the gold procured from Tibet equally. (3) Both sides agreed to conduct trade with Tibet through Nuwakot. (4) Kathmandu and Gorkha agreed to maintain Wakil in each other's territory and develop trade with each other. (5) Both sides agreed to share coins received from Madesh (India) equally. (6) The two sides agreed that Kantipur should accept Gorkha's occupation of Patan. They also agreed that if Kantipur itself occupies Patan, it should eventually hand Patan over to Gorkha. They agreed, in addition, that Merchandise brought from Patan should be confiscated. (7) Gorkha agreed to hand over Naldum to Kathmandu. On Jestha 19, 1814 Vikrama (June 3, 1757) that is 7 months before the conclusion of this treaty, Prithvinarayan Shah had, for the first time, invaded Kirtipur. At that time, Kantipur, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur all considered Gorkha to be their common enemy. The Kings of these three Kingdoms therefore sent their troops to defeat Kirtipur. The Gorkhais sustained a humiliating defeat in this battle of Kirtipur. Jaya Prakash Contd 134. also had played a key ole in the defeat of Gorkha in this battle. He had personally taken part in the Kirtipur battle. However, Kirtipur was a part of the territory of Lalitpur, and so Jaya Prakash Malla did not derive any direct benefit from this battle notwithstanding his victory. The throne of Lalitpur at that time was occupied Rajya Prakash, who was Jaya Prakash Malla's own brother. Rajya Prakash had rebelled against Jaya Prakash and fled from Kantipur and later become King of Lalitpur. Hence the two brothers were never on good term with each other. Jaya Prakash was always planning to harm Lalitpur. Having lost much of its territory extending from Nuwakot to Naldum, Kantipur was suffering considerable losses at that time. Its financial condition was deterioratig on account of the dislocation of its trade with Tibet resulting from the loss of these territories. It was therefore natural that Jaya Prakash Malla should have sougth to find out means to improve the situation. Prithvi Narayan, who was then trying to advance father to the east, wanted to have a foothold in Kathmandu Valley by any means. He won over some people in Kathmandu valley, and, with their help, kept himself abreast of developments in all the three dingdoms comprising it. Given chance, he was prepared to restore to any political maneuver. Jaya Prakash Malla may have concluded this treaty with Prithvi Narayan Shah at a time when he was very angry over the conduct of Lalitpur. This is substantiated also fro the latter he had written to Kau Pande in 1813 Vikrama (1756), in which he had said he intended to figth against Bhadgaun, not against Patan. Jaya Prakash too indulged frequently in diplomatic maneuvers. The conclusion of such a treaty with Prithvi Narayan Shah was not specially advantageous to Jaya Prakash Malla. However, he thought it to be in his interests to do so because it might pave the way for trade relations with Tibet and the western principalities including Gorkha, thereby bringing economic benefits to his Kingdom. In addition, he thought that the treaty would enable him to recove Naldum and settle scores with Lalitpur. To Prithvi Narayan Shah, however, the treaty was particularily advantageous from both the political and economic viewpoints. It helped him much in his long-standing efforts to strength position of his Kingdom. The provision made in the treaty for Kathmandu's support for Gorkha's occupation of Patan constitutd a political gain for Prithvi Narayan Shah. 135. It is not known whether the treaty was ever infocred, or how long it remained in force. Anyway, the treaty reveals the political acumen of Prithvi Narayan Shah, who succeeded in winning over one of his bitter foes, and persuading him to sign it. Guthi Land Endowment By Sen Kings Of Vijayapur 1. From King Hari Narayan Sen, (Royal Titles). We hereby endow the following 3 villages (mouja) of Nolgaon and Majhigaon in the Nongaon area of the riparian region (ghat) of Morong for propitiating Goddess Pindeshwari. The Jangam Gosain shall take charge of these lands, reclaim and cultivate them and use the produce thereof to perform religious functions at the Pindeshwari temple as well as at the monastery. Falgun Badi 14, 1786 Vijayapur (March 1730 A.D.) Regmi Research Collections, 2. From King Hari Narayan Sen, Royal Titles). We hereby endow the village of Dumariya in the Bariyarpur revenue division (tappa) of Morang to Goddess Pindeshwari. We also hereby entrust charge of this endowment to Mahant Tilanayak Saiva of he same village. Consider (this village) to be under your charge and promote reclamation and settlement. Use the produce thereof to meet the requirements of the Pindeshwari temple and bless us. Jestha Sudi 4, 1786 Vijayapur Attested By: (June 1729 A.D.) Regmi Research Collections, Dewan Pratap Singh Rai. Vol. I, P. 457 Attested By: Dewan Pratap Singh Rai. 136. 3. From King Hari Narayan Sen, (Royal Titles). We hereby endow (the village of) Guabari in the Chawkibari area for performing religious ceremonies at the temple of Pindeshwari The Jangam Gosain shall take charge of this village, and, reclaim and cultivate it. He shall use the produce thereof to perform religious ceremonies and offer lamps at the temple. Magh Badi 5, 1785 Vijayapur (January 1729 A.D.) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. I, P. 456 4. From King Kamadatta Sen, (Royal Titles). We hereby endow the following 3 villages (mouja) of Goarpara in Morang as Birta for financing religious functions at the templ (asthan) of.......... With due assurance, reclaim and cultivate this village, regarding it as Bitalab exempt from all taxes and levies (Sarba Anka Abwab). Utilize the produce thereof from offering insence, lamps and eatables at the temple. Pray for our prosperity, and serve and propitiate (the god). Ashadh Badi 1810 Bikrama Vijayapur (June 1753 A.D.) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. I, P. 453 Attested By: Dewan Pratap Singh Rai. Attested By: Dewan Pratap Singh Rai. 137. Management Of Guthi Lands In Gorkha, 1759X From King Prithvi Narayan Shah, To Dhana Datta, Rauasbir Sim and Simdev Thakur. You are hereby entruted with the responsibility of looking after the following khet lands endowed as Guthi as follows:- 25 muris of Khet lands known as Dhulpu endowed as Guthi to Shri Narayana. 25 muris of Khet lands known as Guthibu endowed as Guthi to Shri Bhairava. 12 muris of Khet lands known as Khoj endowed as Guthi to Shri Bhimasena. We hereby make a donation (Bakas) of these lands to you. Dhandatta and Ratna Sim shall look after (these lands) and construct temples, rest-house and roadside shelters. Wednesday, Jestha Sudi 4, 1816 (Jestha 19, 1758) (June 1, 1759). Explanation: Prithvi Narayan Shah had adopted the policy of confirming Guthi land endowments made for the maintenance of temples, rest-houses, and roadside shelters. This letter shows that he had confirmed the Guthi lands belonging to the temple of Dolakha Narayan after his coquest of Dolakha. It gives an idea of the policy followed by Prithvi Narayan Shah towards land endowments. Prithvi Narayan Shah was finding it hard to conquer Kirtipur. He could not weaken Kirtipur from within with the help of local agents. That was the reason why he had had to use force to conquer Kirtipur. He had the nose of several people of kirtipur cut off in order jto teach them a lesson and insure that they did not revolt later. But in spite of what the poelpe of Kirtipur had done, Prithvi Narayan Shah had, on conquering Kirtipur, made Guthi endowments for the performance of religious functions at local temples. Naya Raj Pant, op., cit., PP. 981-983. Contd 138. This shows the policy followed by King Prithvi Narayan Shah for consolidating his hold on conquered territories. Land Grants By King Prithvi Narayan Shah 1. From Prithvi Narayan Shah,X To Indramani Jaishi. We hereby grant you the following lands belonging to you as Bandha-Bitalab-Bakas:- Designation of Land Area Puranu-Sero ..... 60 muris Anubote ..... 120 miris Nibuwabote ..... 80 muris Talle-Arubote ..... 80 muris Upallo-Barrabote ..... 20 muris Gahiri-Khet ..... 60 muris Khola-khet ..... 110 muris Dhabyn-Katuwa ..... 20 muris A tract of [.......] land situated at a high altitude occupied by punya Darbug. Hillside land situated between two streams below your homestead. A tract of uneven land and a pond situated above your homestead. Ibid, PP. 983-985. 139. These lands have been granted to you along with the attached homesteads, Pakho and other lands, as well as the Simle and Dumari hills, the Nasingtar Pakho lands and the high lands used to raise seedings. The Umra shall have no jurisdiction over the holding of Indramani. We have received Rs 2,950 (from Indramani Jaishi). Whatever we shall repay this money, we shall resume the lands. Sunday, Jestha Sudi 4, 1817 (Jestha 9, 1817) (May 12, 1760) Explanation; In 1817 Vikrama (1760 A.D.), Prithvi Narayan Shah had received ab amount of Rs 2950.00 from Indramani Jaishi. According to this document, he granted tax exemptions to Indramani Jaishi on both his old and new lands. It it not known who Indramani Jaishi was, or where he lived. But it may be surmised that he was a wealthy person with extensive land holding. This explains why he was to pay a sum of Rs 2950.00 to Prithvi Narayan Shah for having his old land confirmed, purchasing new lands and having them exempted from taxation. Prithvi Narayan Shah always needed money to finance his military campaigns. He had to devise various means for collection money. At the time, sall and mortgage of land were important sources of revenue. Numerous documents issued by Kings in consideration of payments made in the course of such transactions have been discovered. Prithvi Narayan Shah too appears to have issued the above documents to Indramani Jaishi after receiving maony from him to meet his needs. 2. From King Prithvi Narayan Shah,X we have accepted a present of Rs 125 from Birabhadra Khajanchi in consideration of the purchase of Birta lands at Manthali from a Khas. We hereby confirm the lands as Birta and grant exemption (from taxes). Utilize the lands with due assurance. Jestha 1821 (May 1764). Ibid, PP. 1002-1003. Contd...... 140. Explanaion:- Prithvi Narayan Shah issued this document confirming Birta lands in Manthali after receiving a sum of Rs 125.00 in Jestha 1821 Vikrama. Manthali is situated on the bankd of the Tamakoshi river to the south of Dolakha district. We a Kingdom changed hands, the rights of people over their lands were not considered secure unless these were confirmed by the new ruler. It was therefore for a landowner to try to have his lands confirmed by the new King. King Prithvi Narayan Shah used to confirm the lands of some people without any charge and of others on payment of fees, taking the situation into consideration. He confiscated the lands of those who oppoed him. He had taken the situation into account while issuing this document confirming Birta lands in Manthali. This document mentions only the year and the month, not the date. It is therefore not possible to calculate the exact date on whch it was written. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: August 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 8, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. Contents Page 1. The Campaign of Political Unification ..... 141 2. Letter From King Prithvi Narayan Shah to Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana ..... 146 3. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Letters To Nilakantha Joshi ..... 147 4. Propety Transactions In Kathmandu, 1794 ..... 149 5. Land Reclamation In The Eastern Hill Region, 1799 ..... 150 6. Dullu-Dailekh, 1798-1802 ..... 150 7. An Inscription of Aditya Malla, 1321 A.D. ..... 155 8. A Study In Nepali Economic History, 1768-1846 ..... 160 ************* Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Katmandu, Nepal. Compilted By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 141. The Campaign Of Politicaal UnificationX By Baburam Acharya *********** For the rulers of Tanaahu, Lamidanda was as stretegical located as Nuwakjot was for Gorkha. During the regime of King Kamarajadatta Sen, Tanahu had occupied a small area named Jogimar in the Lamidanda region. His son, King Trivikrama Sen, was a contemporary of Prithvi Narayan Shah. He was feeling perturbed over the conquest of Lamidanda by the Gorkhalis. However, Prithvi Narayan Shah made no attempt to occupy Jogimara. He had set ujp an army outpost at Deurali for the defeansse of that area. Prithvi Narayan Shah wanted to occupy the fort of Dahachok, gateway to Kathmandu Valley, which belonged to Lalitpur, and was protected by Lalitpur's army. But King Trivikrama Sen always made effortd to resist him. By chance, a concubine of Prithvi Narayan Shah, whom he had brought from Bhaktapur, was suffering from tuberculosis. Since she wished to pass the last days of her life in Kashi. He sent her there via Devghat. Trivikrama Sen, who was in Jogimara, opened the palanquin, looked at her and then let the palanquin pass. When Prithvi Narayan Shah hear this news, he became furious, but controlled himself, and sent Narayan Pandit, nephew of the teacher of Narabhupal Shah, to the palace of King Trivikrama Sen to summon him by any means to discuss affairs of state at Jyamirgat, situated in the left bank of the Marsyandhi river in Gorkha. His army, which was hiding there in disguise, arrested Trivikrama Sen, who was then imprisoned in the palace. At this, the rulers of Kathmandu, Lamjung and kaski became furious with Prithvi Narayan Shah. Prithvi Narayan Shah then released Trivikrama Sen lest the situation should become more critical. Trivikrama Sen, who was badly humiliated, returned to Tanahu after his release (1753 A.D.). Prithvi Narayan Shah sent a small force, let by Kaji Ram Pande, to occupy Dahachok fort withour caring for this incident. On the same occasion, Jaya Prakash Malla sent a force under the command of Kaji Chikuti Masko and occupied the forts of Nadum and Mahadevpokhari. The defenders of Naldum. Chautara Jahangir Shah and Sardar Mannu Shahi, ascaped, Najiki XBaburam Acharya, Nepal Ko Samkshipta Vrittanta ( A Concise Account of Nepal). Kathmandu: Pramod Shamsher and Bir Bikram "Pyasi", 2022(1966). Chapter III: "Ekikran Karyama Sangharsha" The Campaign of Unifiacation), PP> 17-23. Contd 142. Devarhis Upadhyaya defender of Mahdevpokhari fort, was killed in the battle, while Umrao Ashajit Bhandari escaped. Most of the troops of both forts were killed (1754 A.D). Altough Prithvi Narayan Shah felt distressed when the heard this new, he was not discouraged. The troops let by Tula Ram Pande occupied Dalachok fort and drove out the defenders belonging to Lalitpur (1754 A.D.). When the army of Jaya Prakash Malla occupied the forts of Naldum and Mahadevapokhari, King Ranajit Malla felt very frightened. Jayaprakash Malla, was then prepared to reoccupy Nuwakot. But Prithvi Narayan Shah was not at all frustrated. He sent a force led by Kalu Pande, reoccupied the forts of Naldum and Mahadevapokhari, killed the Nagarkoti troops there or drove them out (August 1, 1754). Tula Ram Pande reached Dolakha via Sinddhipalchok to occupy it. Dolakha was occupied by the Gorkhalis witiout blookshed. There was now opne opposition between the King of Lamjung and said to Ranajit Malla, "Since you are not capable of holding Sinddhupalchok and Dolakha, I will keep them under my control. I will also protect your territory, Kabhrepalanchok, which has remained under your control for a long time and for this, I will retain the fort of Mahadevpokahri." Ranjit Malla agreed to this proposal. (1754 A.D.). Prithvi Narayan Shah knew that the King of Lamjung was planning to invade Gorkha with the help of the kings of Tanahu, Kaski and Parbat. Generally, the King of Lamjung and Parbat used to raid Kaski jointly and thus harass King Siddhi Narayan Shah. Therefore, Prithvi Narayan Shah, with the intention of dividing them, andd winning over the king of Kaski to his side, sent an envoy to Kaski. But when a man from Kaski came to Mahadevpokhari and told Prithvi Narayan Shah that the King of Kaski was not likely to be won over, he left for Nuwakot after bidding good-bye to King Ranajit Malla. When he arrived in Nuwakot, he was informed that the amry of the Chaubisi Kingdoms, including Lamjung, had attacked the fort of Siranchok belonging to Gorkha during the last week of May and occupied it. The army led by Kalu Pande there fled to Gorkha, and Prithvi Narayan Shah also reached there subsequently. Kaji Rana Rudra Shahi, who had been deputed to protect Gorkha, was reorganizing the forces of Gorkha. When Kalu Pande reached there, the Gorkhali armu\y invade Sinranchok. The battle continued all the day long, and many senior afficers of both sides were killed, and their soldiers suffered heavy casualties. In the end, the Gorkhalis secured a victory and Kalu Pande captured son of senior officers of the enemy and brought them to Gorkha. The troops of the Chaubisi Kingdoms, who were persued had been driven by the Gorkhalis, fell into the Chepe river and were drowned, since boats were not available. This decisive battle proved that he Kingdom of Gorkha could not be defeated even through the combined efforts of the Chaubisi Kingdoms. Contd..... 143. After gaining victory over Siranchok, Prithvi Narayan Shah engaged himself in administrative reforms for one year. During this time, there were intrigues between King Jaya Prakash Malla of Kathmandu and Minister Kali Das. of Lalitpur. Prithvi Narayan Shah deputed Kalu Pande with troops to occupy the territories of Lalitpur. Kalu Pande moved from Chitlang and occupied Pharping without a fight. He stopped in Pharping when he was requested by King Jaya Prakash not to move towards Lalitpur, but to figth with Bhaktapur. After Pharping was occupied, the Kingdom of Gorkha extended to Kulekhani, Ipa and Malta, and the souther broder of Gorkha adjoined the northern broder of Makwanpur. Towards the end of September, a secred agent of Jayaprakash Malla killed Minister Kalidas at his residence. Due to this shock, King Rajya Prakash Malla also (of Lalitpur) died. Towards the beginning if October, the ministers enthroned a young. Thakuri, Bishwajit Malla, who had been brought up at the royal palace. (1756A.D.). Prithvi Narayan Shah then planned tto infiltrate into the interior areas of Lalitpur via Dahalchok. For this, it was neccesary to occupy Kirtipur, the main settlement of this area. In the course of discussions with generals and advisors, Hari Bamsha Upadhyaya, who was in charge of Dahalchok fort advised that it was not the appropriate time to invade Kirtipur, for the people of Kathmandu Valley were united, although there was a split among the 3 rulers. Kalu Pande also expressed the same opnion. But some of the courtiers advised Prithvi Narayan Shah to invade Kirtipur, realizing that this was what he wanted to do. The discussions were prolonged. When King Jaya Prakash recived information about the place of Prithvi Narayan Shah, he grasped the opportunity to organize the youthful subjects, and so did Bishwajit Malla of Lalitpur. In Bhaktapur, King Ranajit Malla had no desire to follow his neighbors. But the youoths of Bhaktapur were determined (to resist the invasion of Prithvi Narayan Shah). In Nuwakot preparations were made for the invasion of Kirtipur. But Kalu Pande remained firm in his opinion to the last. But when Prithvi Narayan Shah told him: "You are afraid of being killed", he was touched to the quick and joined the troops with Prithvi Narayan Shah. Prithvi Narayan Shah arrived in Dahalchok with 1,200 troops and shifted his camp to Jhamsikhel on the day preceding the date of attack. The inhabitantas of Kirtipur closed the gates of the town. The news of the arrival of the Gorkhali troops in Kirtipur spread very fast in all 3 capitals of Kathmandu Valley and the adjoining villages. From the next morning, the youths of all three Kingdoms started gathering at the respective capitals. The battle started immediately after King Jaya Prakash Malla arrived Kirtipur, leading the youths of Kathmandu, at 10:00 A.M. The youths of Kirtipur also joined them. In the afternoon, King Bishwajit Malla aong with the youths of Lalitpur, arrived there. But King Ranajit Malla did not come. His generals, along with the youths of Bhaktapur, joined the allied troops, whose numbers was approximately 3,000. 144. A fierce battle started. The Malla troops did not have good weapons, nor were they properly trained. Although they outnumbered the Gorkhalis, the later pressed hard under the command of an able general. In the meantime, an arrow of the enemy hit Kalu Pande, and he fell down. The Malla troops showered arrows on him and thus killed him. A brave capable soldier thus passed awany. The Gorkhali troops felt discouraged and began to disperse. Dusk was approaching. Prithvi Narayan Shah witnessed the battle from a distance. He orderd his army to return, since he dis not expect to secure victory. The Gorkhali troops returned to Dahachok following Prithvi Narayan Shah in the night. The tired Malla troops could not chase the Gorkhalis. The Malla troops also incurred no less loss. Half of the troops both sides were killed in this battle. King Jaya Prakash had ordered that the wounded soldiers should be taken back. The next day, Prithvi Narayan Shah was shocked to see his wounded soldiers. The death of Kalu Pande had caused an incurable wound in his heart. Approximately one month after this battle on June 23, General Robert Clive of the East India Company laid the foundation of British rule over India by securing victory over the battle of Plassey. The Buddhist tradesrs of Kathmandu had been amassing money by conducting trane in goods from Tibets as well as those reaching Tibet from Bihar and Bengal. Both the traders and the King of Kathmandu derived benefits from this trade, for it yielded a large sum of money as customes revenue. The passes of Kuti and Kerung were thin under Kathmandu. But both the traders and the King of Kathmandu were deprived of these profits when these passes were occupied by Bhaktapur. When the King of Bhaktapur occupied the pass of Kuti, he was able to monopolize trade with Tibet. He was thus able to construct a huge palace with the customs revenue of seven years. Prithvi Narayan Shah also had tried to conduct such trade via Kerung, but he was not successful, since the Gorkhalis were not skilled in trade. He could not even make profit by stationing a consul in Khasa, when he occupied Shindhupalchok and Dolakha, to purchase gold that came from Tibet and sell it to Indiaa traders. Therefore, he felt it neccesary to obtain cooperation from the Buddhisht Newar traders of Kathmndu for Jaya Prakash Malla and Bishwajit Malla had quarreled with each after the battle of Kirtipur, and King Ranajit Malla too did nit have good relations with Kathmandu. Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore proposed to Jaya Prakash Malla that the routes of both Kuti and Kerung should remain open, that that traders of Gorkha and Kathmandu should conduct trade with Tibet jointly and share the profits equally, that should station consuls in Lhass for this purpose, and that Gorkha should appoint a consul Kathmandu, and Kathmandu in Nuwakot, htus maintaining cordial relatioins between them. Jaya Prakash Malla agreed to these proposals and a treaty was concluded accordingly (January 3, 1758). Jaya Prakash Malla, who had become furios with Bishwajit Malla, proposed that Prithvi Narayan Shah should Contd..... 145. take over the Kingdom of Lalitpur, and return Sindhupalchok and Dolakha to Kathmandu. Prithvi Narayan Shah recuctanly incoprporated this proposaling the treaty, as he wanded to conduct trade (with Tibet). Kaji Tula Ram Pande, consul of Prithvi Narayan Shah, arrived in Kathmandu. But there were several difficulties and time passed. Tula Ram Pande was, in fact, deputed to spread the influence of Gorkha in Kathmandu and he was busy doing so. Jaya Parakasha Malla, who did not norice any possibility of conducting trade, and regarded the stay of Tula Ram Pande as only a means to spread the Gorkhali influence, detained him on the charge of being a spy beheaded two of his assistants. Tule Ram Pande then fled from Kathmandu and reached Nuwakot to report the matter to Prithvi Narayan Shah (April, 1759) Prithvi Narayan Shah became annoyed by the betrayal of Jaya Prakash Malla. He occupied a fort of Kathmandu on the Shivapuri hill, situated on the border between Kathmandu and Nuwakot, in order to break relations between the King and the people of Kathmandu. (July 1759). Prithvi Narayan Shah's relationship or ritual father with Ranajit Malla was also broken, for Ranajit Malla had fought against him in the battle of Kirtipur. Prithvi Narayan Shah then withdrew to Gorkha troops stationed at the fort of Mahadevpokhari. Ranajit Malla had appointed Parashu Ram Thapa, an opponent of Prithvi Narayan Shah, as general. He venovated the forts of Kabhre and Palanchok and stationed the troops of Bhaktapur in both forts. Prithvi Narayan Shah then sent troops led by Bhim Simha Thapa. "Tiger of Siranhok," to occupy both of these forts. Bhim Simha Thapa attacked the fort of Palanchok, but was killed. His colleague, Ramkrishna Kunwar, led the Gorkhali troops and occupied the fort (January 1760). The defenders of Kabhre fort (belonging to Bhaktapur) fled from there afte hearing the occupation of Palanchok by the Gorkhalis. Thus, both forts were occupied by the army led by Ramkrishna Kunwar, who then became the administrator of that area and settled in Bhanwarkot. When King Bishwajit Malla to Lalitpur was killed by the husband of a women whom he had sedeced, the Pradhans invited King Jaya Prakash Malla inside and crowned him King (October 1760). Since King Bishwajit Malla was killed inside old royal palace, it was considered inauspicious and a new palace with one countryard was constructed for King Jaya Prakash Malla. But the ministers of Lalitpur used to exercise all powers themselves and have the King perform religious ceremonies only. When Jaya Prakash Malla tried to interfere in th affairs of the state, conflict ensued and a minister named Bhinkhuwal Dhan dethroned him and made Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur King of Lalitpur also (May 1762). [..] 146. Letter From King Prithvi Narayan Shah To Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana (Summary). On Wednesday, Magh 2 (January 15), the troops of the Hakim (i.e. Nawab Mir Kasim of Bengal) besieged Makwanpur. But the siege affected Daduwa-Thana only. Our communications with other outposts continue. We have received reports that the Nawab's troops have reached Harinamadhi. It is now neccesary for us to attack. Impress the services of all inhabitants of your area on Jhara basis and remain ready. Proceed to the place directed bu us later. Magh Sudi 1. Explanation This letter was written by King Prithvi Narayan Shah to Ramakrishna Kunwar on Magh 5, 1819 (January 18, 1763). It refers to the attack of the troops of Mir Kasim on Makwapur. After Prithvi Narayan Shah's occupation of Dolakha and nearly areas, it beasme easier for him to encircle Nepal (i.e., Kathmandu) Valley fom the western, northern and eastern directions. To besiege valley from the southen direction; it was neccesary to occupy Makwanpur. King H amakarna Sen of Makwanpur, who was the father-in-law of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, had died in 1816 Vikrama. King Prithvi Narayan Shah was not on godd terms with Digbandhan Sen, his wife's elder brother. Digbandhan Sen had actually joined the enemy camp. Therefore, on Bhadra 8, 1819 Vikrama, the Gorkhali troops invaded Makwanpur. They scored victory in this battle. In Ashwain 22, i.e. 45 days after the defeat of Makwanpur, the Gorkhalis took over Hariharpur, situated to the south of Makwanpur. Nawab Mir Kasim of Bengal was seeking to occupy as much territory as possible. He sent troops to attack Makwanpur on hearing that it had been occupied by King Prithvi Narayan Shah. When he was informed that the troops of Mir Kasim had besieged Makwanpur, Prithvi Narayan Shah wrote this letter directing Ramakrishna Kunwar to remain ready to resist the invasion. On Magh 10, 1819 Vikrama, i.e. 5 days after this letter was wriiten, Gorkhali troops made a lighting attack on the troops of Mir Kasim, who thereupon fled. Among the Gorkhali nobels spearheadidng this attack was Ramakrishna Kunwar Rana. Contd.......... 147. The Gorkhalis had been figting continually for 20 years. But this was the first time that they had fight against a large foreign army. Having defeated the enemy in this battle as well, the Gorkhalis were able to derive double advantage. In the first place, they were able to seize weapons in large quantities, and secondly, their prestige went up, both at home and abroad. Source: Naya Raj Pant et. al., Sri 5 Prithvianarayan Shah Ko Upadesh (Teaching of King Prithvi Narayan Shah). Lalitpur Jagadamba Prakashan, n.d. Pp. 986-988. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Letters To Nilakatha Joshi 1. From King Prithvi Narayan Shah, To Nilakantha Joshi. We hereby grant you exemption from (the obligation to provide) Jhara (labor) Friday, Chaitra Badi 9, 1815 (March 1758). From King Prithvi Narayan Shah, To Nilakatha Joshi. Greetings. All is well here and we want the same there. This will give us great pleasure. Wer have received your letter and noted its contents. We hereby grant you exemption from payment of Kuashi-Bisahi levies. We have sent the royal order in this regard to the Chautara and the Kaji. Utilize the Birta lands owned by you. What more to learned people. The oral message communicated by the bearer of this letter is confirmed. Contd.......... 148. Explanation Those two letters were written by Prithvi Narayan Shah to Nilakantha Joshi. In this frirst letter, the Vikrama year 1815 is mentioned, while the second one does not mention any date. It has been calculated that the second letter was written in 1816 Vikrama. The two letters arre given side by side here, since the contents of both are similar. Nilakantha Joshi was a resident of Bhaktapur. The above letter indicates that Prithvi Narayan Shah had managed to look after his interests in the Bhaktapur area with the help of Nilakantha Joshi. Prithvi Narayan Shah followed the policy of bestorig favors on those who joined him. Accordingly, he had granted Nilakantha Joshi exemption from Jhara and the Kuasahi-Bisahi levy, and allowed him to retain his Birta lands. Jhara meant unpaid labor contributed by lthe people on a compulsory basis to meet the special requirements of the government, particularly during war. This system continued for a long time. It was physically arduous to work under this system, hence Prithvi Narayan Shah used to grant exemption from Jhara to persons, particularly, Brahmans, who rendered special services. Later, all Upadhyaya Brahmans were exemption frm Jhara. This is proved by contemporary documents. On of them which refers to the construction of a fort in Butaul during the Anglo-Nepal war, is given below:- From His Majesty....... To people belonging to all the 4 castes and 36 sun-castes residing in areas west of the Marsyangdi river:- "Cononel Ujir Simgh Thapa has been ordered to contruct a fort in Butaul. All Amalis other than Upadhayay Brahmans, belonging to all the 4 castes and 36 sub-castes, shall reach Butaul bu Poush 5, carring with them aexs ans spedes, Khukuris and other tools as well as 4 months rations and work as directed by Colonel (Ujir Singh Thapa) promotly. Any any who fail to contribute Jhara labor, or any Amalis who fails to supply Jhara laborers, shall be punished." There are scores in cases in which Prithvi Narayan Shah had bestowed favors as part of statecraft. However, he carefully evaluated the performance of those upon whom he intended to bestow favors. This is substantiated also by the above the letters written by Prithvi Narayan Shah to Nilakantha Joshi. He had exempted Nilakantha Joshi from the Kusahi-Bisaji- levy and confirmed his Birta holdings only year after granting exemption from the obligation to contribute Jhara labor Sorces: Ibid, PP. 978-981. 149. Property Transactions In Kathmandu, 1794 (Royal orders confirming these transactions issued on Monday, Kartik Badi 5, 1851 (November 1794). 1. Madhava Sing Udas, of Ngat Tol in Kathmandu, sold 16 ropanis of Khet lands in Dhalpodol. Balakrishna, Newar, also of Ngat Tol, prushased the same for Rs 328. Baksauni fee: Rs 4. 2. Jaya Bhakta Sing, Bhuwan Pati, Dharma and Ratna Pati, brothers of Tamagu Tol in Kathmandu, sold 4 ropanis of Khet lands called Helswat, as well as 2 ropanis of lands in ........... These lands were purchased by ...... For Rs 72/8. Baksauni fee: Rs . 3. Narayan, Balabhadra, Bhajudhan, Dhanju, Balakrishnadhan, brothers, of Nagal Tol Brahmapuri in Kathmandu town, sold 19 ropanis of Khet lands in Khijol to Dharma Singh of Ekul-Bahal, Ngat Tol, for Rs 343/8. Baksauni fee: Rs 4/12. 4. Jium Sing Jyapu of Pude-Bahal in Kathmandu town, is childless: one-sixth of the value of (his lands) was therforr offered to the government, and 2 ropanis of Khet lands were purchased by Dhanajaya of Kwabahal Tol for Rs 12. Baksauni: Rs -/10 5. Gandharva Sing Newar of Chaswadol, Makha Tol, in Kathmandu town, sold 2.12 ropanis of Khet lands in Dhubahal for Rs 90/8. These lands were purchases by Rajendra Newar of Saivva Tol. Baksauni fee: Rs -/8. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, PP. 453-454. 150. Land Reclamation In The Eastenr Hill Region, 1799 1. From King Girban, To prithvidhar Padhya and Siddhikarna Padhya Ghimire. We hereby grant you authority rto reclaim waste and virgin lands, ,as well as to construct and operate irrigation channels, in the Syamban and adjoining areas across the Arun river. Settle people on the lands thus reclaimed and irrigated. Submit an annual statement of the total area of rice fields thus reclaimed, after an intial period of ....... years. We hereby decree that such lands shall be utilized subjects to local customs, and that eviction shall not be made as long as (rents are paid) on Adhiya basis an in the rest of the country. In case you do not construct irrigation channels or reclaim rice lands, you shall be held guilty. With due assurance, enjoy the lands after an intial period (of tax exemption). Poush Sudi 5, 1856 (January 1800). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 34. (Such order were issued on the same date also to Bharath Padhya for the Mewa area east of the Arun river, and to Balabhadra Padhya in the Yangsok area on the banks of the Tamor river.). *************** Dullu-Dailekha, 1798-1802 1. Appointment of Subedar From King Rana Bahadur Shah, To Abhiman Karki. We hereby appoint you as Subedar, (with jurisdiction over) 159 personnel, including 125 musket-bearing troops, who hve been newly recruited under the Jwaladal Company at Simta (Dara) in Dulu-Dailekh. (Revenue) from the three Bhardars (monopolies and revenue collection centre ets), Panchakhat fines, Mandali levies Saunefagu and Kalyandhan (buried treasures), as well as from lead, copper and cinnabar (Sobhita) mines, are hereby reserved. Contd............ 151. With revenues collected from Khuwa villages and Raikar Khet lands throughout the territory of Simta, provide land assignment and pay salaries at following rates military personnel. Do not incrase rates of taxation in that territory. Procure ryots from different areas and promote settlement there. Construct irrigation channels where possible, and reclaim rice-fields. After fields are reclaimed in this manner, assign them to te military. Keep the soldiers satisfied. Do not represent complaints relating to lands assignments to the palace. Along with other companies, guard the military headquartes (Gaunda) assingned to you. Insure the regular attandence of the soldiers under your command in the course of royal tours, hunting expenditures and war, as well as in sentry duties, parades, etc. enjoy this position as your Jagir. Any person who exchanges, accepts or gives away the good mukets of the company shall be punished. List Of Personnel And Land Assignmnts Designation Number Land Assignment (Column left blank). Subedar 1 Jamadar 4 Major Kote 1 1 Adjustant Front ensign Rear ensign Rawaldar 1 8 1 1 Soldiers 109 Pipa-Jamadar Pipa (porters) Drummer 1 1 16 Contd..... 152. Tasya 2 Marfya 2 Bariwal 2 (Incomplete) Shrwan Badi 3, 1855 (June 1798) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 663-664. 2. Excessive Taxation And Depopulation From King Girban, To the Subba and Sudedar stationed in ....... Dullu. You have collected taxes in excess of the rate prescribed by the Chautariya on....... lands situataed along main routes, with the result that these have all become depopulated. It has become difficult even to fine lodgings for troops. Accordingly, you shall be held guilty if you do not observe the assignments mentioned in the royal order. Construct roads every year in the territories under your jurisdiction. At all places where exist rest-houses (Pauwa), assign 20 muris of rice lands each. Construct rest-houses where there are none. Ashwin Sudi 15, 1859 (September 1802). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 619. 3. Judicial Customs And Taxation (1) From King Girban, To the ryots of Simta-Dara in Dullu-Dailekh. You have represented to us that regulations have not been enacted for you. Accordingly, with effect from the year 1859 (Vikrama) (1802), we conform existing arrangements as follows:- Contd....... 153. A house-hold with one Hal (one yoke of oxen) shall pay Rs 1/- A house-hold with only one ox shall pay 8 annas. A Kodale holding shall pay 4 annas. Everny Chak-Chakui (adultery not involving persons of high caste) offenses, there shall be not enslavement. Rates of Chak-Chakui fines shall be as follows:- Khas ..... Rs 10 Kami, Sarki ..... Rs 7 Damai ..... Rs 5/4 Bhafi, Khatri ..... Rs 5 A Chak (adulterer) who elopes (with thewoman) shall be fined Rs 30. half of this shall be appropriated by tha Amali, and the other half by the aggrieved husband. Unpaid porterage services shall be provided for governmental requirements, as well as for sick people, but not for other purposes. The Amali shall summon both the plaintiff and the defendant and give them a hearing. He shall not impose punishement or collect fees (Jitauri) from the winning side on an ex-parte basis. Goats and other provisions (Mejwani) shall not be collected from every village. Only one goat shall be obtatined where neccesary We hereby promulgate these regulations. Comply with them with due assurance. Ashadh Badi 12, 1859 (June 1802). Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 24, P. 551. Contd.......... 154. (2) From Kingt Girban, To the Amalis of Dullu and Dailekh. The following arrangements, introdced by Chauttariya Bam Shah in Dullu and Dailekh, shall be followed:- A household with one yoke of oxen of high quality (Upallo) shall pay Rs 1/8. A household with one yoke of oxen of low quality (Tallo) shall pay Rs 1/- A Kodale holding of superior grade (Upallo) shall pay 8 annas. A Kodale holding of inferior grade (Tallo) shall pay 4 annas. Saunefagu levy shall be collected at the rate of 1 anna from every household. In case a Khas woman elopes with a man of lower caste, Rs 15 shall be obtained (from him). The woman shall not be taken back (by the husband). In case she has eloped with a man of equivalent caste, only Rs 5 shall be taken, not more. No punishment shall be awarded of (a girl) elopes with a man of equivalent caste without performing the rites of marriage. We hereby confirm these arrangements. In case any person acts in contraventions of these arrangements and casuse depopulation, he shall be punished. Shrawan Badi 1, 1859 (July 1802). Regmi Research Collectionsm Vol. 24, P. 559. 155. An Inscription Of Aditya Malla, 1321 A.D.1 By Mohan Prasad Khanal. At Rigaun situated in the Atharasaya-Khola area at the foot of the Larka-Himal in Gorkhas district, there is a well-known monastery (Gumba) called Tagbhai. According to the local Lamas, this monastery is 1,000 years old, and it had a rich collection of antiques. Under the 1959 Nepal-China Boundary Agreement, the Tagbhai monastery was included in Chinese territory. Following this agreement, the Chinese have taken away the antiques in the possession of the monastery. Before the conclusion of the Nepal-China Boundary Agreement, areas stretching up to 30 miles to the north of the monastery were located in Nepali territory. Most of the land endowments made in favor of the monastery are now situated in Chinese territory. Some of such lands are located also at Samdugaun within the Luiloyo Village Panchayat in Gorkha district. Hence a small monastery has been built there. Some ancient idols and historicals materials have been brought from the Tagbhai monastery and kept at Samdugaun. These include a copper plate inscription issued by King Aditya Malla of the Karnali region in favor of the Tagbhai monastery. The inscription is written in an old form of the Nepali language as well as in the Tibetan language. A translation of the inscription is given below:- The piou King Aditya Malla hereby issues the following order to minsters, district administrators, soldiers deputed to the eastern region, and to all the subjects of the country. Nobody shall casuse any suffering to Lamas residing nn the Tagbhai and other subordinate monasteries we perform religious functions according to the scriptures. They shall be permitted to carry on their religious functions frome generation to gene- ration. Nobody shall expel them or deprive them of anything. 1. "Vikram Samvat 1378 Ko Karnali Pradeshka Raja Aidtyamalla Ko Abhilekh-l." (An Inscription of King Aditya Malla of The Karnali Region Dated 1321 A.D.). Samiksha Weekly, June 24, 1972 Contd...... 156. Future Kings and subjects too shall not expel these Lamas, who heve been traditionall per- forming religious functions, or deprive them of anything. Any one who does not comply with this order shall be punished with a fine of Sun Sang (?) and religious physical torture shall be inflicted him. The King has issued this order on the Dashmi day in the month of Shrawan of the Year of the Rat for the information of all. Aditya Malla was the son of Jitari Malla. Like his forefathers, Aditya Malla gradually expenaded his kingdom. His forefathers had extended his dominatios to the north-western region. But none of them, except Jitari Malla, had been able to expand eastward. In 1344 Vikrama, Jitari Malla first invaded Kathmandu Valley. A fierce battle broke out near the Swayambhu hills, in which about 800 Khas troops of Jitari Malla were killed. Notwithstanding the heavy casualties suffered by him, Jitari Malla continued to advance, so that all the inhabitanats of Kathmandu Valley were forced to take shelter in forest in forest forts, concealing all available stocks of foodgrains. Unable to get any food, Jitari Malla returned to his country along with his troops. 14 months later, Jitari Malla again invaded Kathmandu Valley. This attack was more ferocious than the first one. The khas troops set several villages on fire in order to occupy forts. Jitari Malla then performed religious ceremonies at famous temples in the Valley and returned home. In 1346 Vikrama, that is, exactly one year later, Jitari Malla attack Kathmandu Valley for the third time. However, the author of the Gopal Vamshavali is silent one how Jitari Malla fared in this attack. It may be presumed that this expedition was as successful as his earlier ones. However, in PP. 27-29 of Karnali Pradesh, Dhanavajra Bajracharya has a different story to tell. He writes:- Contd 157. "Who succeeded Jitari Malla? The piller-inscritption of Prithvi Malla is somewhat vague about the time of succession. It sheds light mainly on the genealogy of two brothers. But the inscription shows that Jitari Mall has been succeeded by his nephew, Ripu Malla, for it puts the name of Ripu Malla after Aditya Malla in order of precedence. The only point of boudt concerns the date of Ripu Malla's rule. The known year relating to Ripu Malla's ruel is 1369 Vikrama. This was the year during which he had visited Kathmandu Valley. This is also confirmed by the inscription discovered at Niglihawa. It is therefore definite that Ripu Malla had been ruling durig that year. But a small inscription dated 1356 Vikrama, discovered at the temple of Jwalaji in Dullu, describes Aditya Malla as king ..... ..... Aditya Malla had invaded Kathmandu Valley in 1384 Vikrama. Hence a there is no room for doubt that Aditya Malla had been ruling durning that year. The apparent conclusion to be drawn from this is that Jitari Malla's son and nephew had ruled separately..........The above-mentioned inscription of 1356 Vikrama does not belong to Aditya Malla, but was installed by Srinatha Raut, a servant of Aditya Malla. He thus might have referred to this master as "Raja"(King), even though Ripu Malla wa the reigning King." But having said all this, Dhanavajra Bajracharya, also states, "Any way, I feel this is a matter on which historians must conduct further research." He has thus adopted a vague and evasive stand. In Karnali Vamshavali (Vol. 1), Satya Mohan Joshi makes a similar claim, and adds. "These inscriptions show that Ripu Malla had faith in Buddhism, and also that he had expended his dominations." .......It is not clear who succeeded Ripu Malla. The fact that Sangrama Malla's name is inscribed along with that of his father, Ripu Malla, in the Ashoka Pillar at Lumbini indicates that Ripu Malla had either sent his son on an inspection tour or taken him along with him on pilgrimage. However, no account is available to show that Sangrama Malla actually succeeded Ripu Malla. On the other hand, the Gopal Vamshavali substantiates the view that Ripu Malla was succeeded by Aditya Malla, who was the second son of Jitari Malla, his elder uncle. It appears that King Aditya Malla was junior to Ripu Malla." Satya Mohan Joshi thus tries to give color to his book by citing some interesting facts such as those mentioned above. When Satya Mohan Joshi, who had conducted historical researches at different places in the Karnali Zone himself writes such things, the points referred to by Dhanavajra Bajracharya, who tries to write the history of the Karnali region in Kathmandu on the basis of a curspry study of the maternals collected and published by others with difficulty, are not at all surprising. Now let met give an account of the rule of King Aditya Malla and Ripu Malla. Contd............ 158. Aditya Malla probably became King at any time between 1346 and 1356 Vikrama after the death of Jitari Malla. Like his father, Aditya Malla had territorial ambitions. But Ripu Malla, who was the son of his uncle, assisted him considerably in running the affairs of the State. This is the reason why in 1369 Vikrama King Aditya Malla had dispatched some Khas troops to Kathmandu Valley under the command of Ripu Malla and his son Sangrama Malla. But it appears that this army returned home through Lumbini withiur putting up any fight in Kathmandu Valley. While returning from Kathmandu Valley, Ripu Malla paid a pilgrimage to Lumbini, birthplace of the Buddha, and left some of his inscription there. The author of the Gopal Vamshavali describes Ripu Malla as a Khas King. The inscription at Kapilavastu contains the words "Long Live Ripu Malla, 1234 Vikrama" while the Ashoka Pillar bears the words "Long Live Ripu Malla, victory to Sangrama Malla." (Itihas Prakash, Vol. 2, P. 81). One book entitled Abhisamayalankar, discovered at a Tibetan monasterym referes to him as "Rajrajeshwar Lokeshwar Ripu Malla" (Petech, Medieva Nepal, PP. 108-9). All these writings create the impression that Ripu Malla as actually King. But Aditya Malla, not Ripu Malla, was the actual reigning King. There is no doubt about this. A close study of the history of Kathmandu Valley show that close relatives of the King, who rendered cooperations to him in running the affairs of the State, were treated as if they were Kings and given royal titiles For example, the reference made to Bira Malla in a document in the possession of the National Library create the impression that he was the real King of Bhaktapur during 624 Samvat. But there is no dispute over the fact that Bhuwan Malla and not Bira Malla was the real deigning King of Bhaktapur at that time, a fact which is confirmed by the inscription found at Changu. A stone inscription cited in (D. R. Regmi's) Medieval Nepal, Vol. 3, P. 95, proves that Bira Malla was married during the reign of King Bhuwan Malla. It is a different matter if one is to regard Bira Malla as King only because the inscription addresses him by royal titles. Of course, the inscription of 1580 Vikrama, discivered at Dhalachhe Tole in Bhaktapur, contains the words, "the Kingdom of Rana Malla, Bhima Malla and Jita Malla." Contd..... 159. This creates the impression that Bhaktapur was ruled joinly by these three persons. But the actual position is that Bhaktapur was ruled by Raya Malla, Bhuwan Malla and Prana Malla, in that order. Yet another example is the treaty concluded by the Kings of Bhaktpur, Kantipur and Lalitpur in 1605 Vikrama. It mentions the names of Bira Malla, Narendra Malla, Krishna Malla, Kalyana Malla, Prabhu Malla, Govinda Malla and Prana Malla, along with their royal titles. Of them, Narendra Malla and Prana Malla, were the actual King of Bhaktapur and Kantipur respectively, while the rest were members of the royal families of Kathmandu and Patan. Similarly, Ripu Malla was not a real King himself. He was thought to be a King only because he was also vested with a few royal titles. Moreover, Ripu malla's inscriptions of 1369 and 1370 Vikrama donot offer any evidence to show that he had really become King. On the other hand, conclusing evidence if available to show that Aditya Malla was the real King. King Prithvi Malla's gold plate inscription of 1413 Vikrama states that his predecessors, King Aditya Malla and King Punya Malla, had made a ritual gift of lands on the auspicious occastions of solar and lunar eclipses. Misunderstanding has arisen about Aditya Malla because of the failure to study properly the available evidence about him. Inscriptions dealing with the 28 years long rule (1356-1384 Vikrama) of Aditya Malla have been discovered. Of these inscription, the one dated 1378 Vikrama as cited in the beginning the this article, should help to dispel the wrong notions about Aditya Malla. This copper plate inscription was issue by King Aditya Malla of the Karnali region in favor of the Lamas of the Tagbhai monastery in 1378 Vikrama 91321 A.D.). It was during that year that his troops invaded Kathmandu Valley. At this inscription also refers to the ministers and officers assigned to the eastern front, it appears that Aditya Malla was making efforts to occupy territories situated in the eastern region. According to the Gopal Vamshavali, he had occupied Nuwakot after some time. This is an indication that the Karnali empire strentched upto Gorkha, across the Trishuli (modern Dhading district). Anyway, this copper place inscription is of considerable importance in the history not only of the Nepali language but also of the Karnali region. 160. A STUDY IN NEPAL ECONOMIC HISTORY 1768-1846 By Mahesh C. Regmi. Published in the Bibliotheca Himalayica Serie by Manjusri Publishing House, Kumar Gallery, 11 Sunder Nagar Market, New Delhi, 1971. 235 PP. Library ed: Rs 39.00; Deluxe ed: Rs 54.00 (Indian currency). Contents Chapter I: Political Unification: Economic Aspects And Consequences. Chapter II: The Economic Background. Chapter III: The Extension of State Control Over The Land. Chapter IV: Revenue And Taxation. Chapter V: The Peasant And The Land. Chapter VI: Forced Labor And Slavery. Chapter VII: Revenue Administration: Impact on Agrarian Conditions. Chapter VIII: General Economic Politics And Programs. Chapter IX: A Retrospect. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: September 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 9, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi Contents Page 1. General Bhimsen Thapa And The Samar Jung Company ..... 161 2. Mustang Rajya ..... 167 3. Fouzdars And Munsiffs In Saptari And Mahottari ..... 168 4. Kumaun Adminstrative Regulations In Western Nepal ..... 173 5. Conquest Of Makwanpur And Economic Blokade Of Kathamnd Valley ..... 175 7. From Ratna Malla To Narasimha Malla ..... 179 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 161. General Bhimsen Thapa And The Samar Jung CompanyX Baburam Acharya. Companies of Gorkhali troops had begun to be created along the lines of British Companies after the emergence of Prithvi Narayan Shah's rule in Nepal. In the beginning, the troops of Prithvi Narayan Shah were armed mainly with bows and errows. However, he always carried a Khukuri, which has since remained the national weapon of Nepal. Archers continued to be retained in the Gorkhali army from the time of Prithvi Narayan Shah up to the Prime Ministership of Badadur Shah. With the increase in the number of companies, however, the strength of archers in the army gradually diminished. By the end of Bahadur Shah's Premiership, the number of comapanied had reached about 100. the discipline under which the soldiers of these companies remained had been admired also by Captain Kirkpatrick, who had then arrived in Kathmandu as the first British Resident in Nepal. He was also impressed by the sturdy build and rosy checks of these soldoers. Their uniform consisted of a shirt, trousers and a turban, all black in color, with a white waistband. Their uniforms were made of indigenous homespun cloth. The shoes worn by them were also locally manufactured as well as the leather belt and Toshdan to be wrapped around the waist. Even guns were manufactured in Nepal. But cannon, which were not manufactured in Nepal, were purchased, that too with great difficulty, from mechanics in India. No person other than officers and privates was permitted to ued belts, Toshdan and turbans. In 1796, King Rana Bahadur Shah established a company of troops known as Samar Jung Company, to take up sentry duties inside the Royal Palace. He provided the officers and men of this company with higher salaries and allowances then those paid to belonging to other companies. As the officers and men of the Samar Jung Company werer invested with Chapras, (a special badge), they were called Chaprasis. This badge, which was roundshaped, also contained the name of King Rana Bahadur Shah. The Chapras used by privates was made of silver, while that of Subedar was gold-plated. The Chapras provided to Sardars was made of pure gold. This bedge was tucked to a leather band, and worn on the chest. X"Janaral Bhim Sen Thapa Ko Parakram Ra Unle Samarjang Kampani Lai Diyeko Denda." Arati (Nepal, Weekly), Baisakh, 2024 (April, 1967) Contd..... 162. When King Rana Bahadur Shah abdicated in favor of Girban Yuddha Bikram Shah, the strength of the Samar Jung Company was increased. Therefore, the bedges worn by some of the personnel of the this company also contained the name of King Girban Yuddah Bikram Shah. Among the Bhardars appointed in the Royal Palace after the return of Rana Bahadur Shah from his exile at Benaras were two Wakils, 4 Chautariyas and 5 Kajis. Bhimsen Thapa wa the most powerful among these courtiers. Since Swami Rana Bahadur Shah was virtually under his influence, and since King Girban Yuddha Bikram Shah was then a minor, Bhimsen Thapa wielded virtually unchallenged authorirty. For 21 months after May, 1804, Bhimsen Thapa held sway all over the Kingdom of Nepal, which then extended from Sikkim and Darjeeling in the east to the Shatarudra river in the west. In 1806, Bhimsen Thapa had the Swami Maharaj appointed a Mukhtiyar (Prime Minister) of King Girban Yuddha Bikram Shah as part of a plot to engineer a meddacre of all his opponents. Swami Rana Bahadur Shah too gladly accepted the Prime Ministership. After having persuaded Rana Bahadur Shah to come back to Kathmandu from Benaras, Bhimsen Thapa sought the secret assistance of the British Political Agent in Nepal in an attempt to eliminate Kaji Damodar Pande and others, thereby unsurping all powers for himself. These men were finally assassinated on March 13, 1804. Bhimsen Thapa then put the senior Queen of Rana Bahadur Shah behind bars. On year later, Bhimsen Thap had the eyes removed of three wel-known members of the Shah family- Bhimarudra Shah, Bhimpratap Shah and Birabhadra Shah-with the sole intention of taking away from them a magnificent palace then located in the vicinity of Tundikhel in Kathmandu, as well as the large farm they owned along the banks of the Bagmati river. Having blinded these three innocent people, Bhimsen Thapa imprisoned them in a remote village in the Gandaki region, and begun to use the palace as his private residence, renaming it as "Jarneli Bag." In March, 1805, Bhimsen Thapa poured poisoned milk inti the eyes of Kulachandra Shah, nephew of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who was then only 10 years old, with the aim of taking over his house at Indrachok, which Bhimsen Thapa wanted to offer as a reward to Pandit Ranga Nath, his colleague. Kulachandra Shah was then imprisoned. As pointed out earlier, Bhimsen Thapa had managed to get Swami Rana Bahadur Shah appointed as Mikhtoyar on February 26, 1806, as part of a plot to organize the great Bhandarkhal massacre. On April 24, 1806, at 9:00 P.M., while the court was in session at the residence of Kaji Tribhuwan Khawas, Chautariya Sher Bahadur assassinated the Swami Maharaj under the very nose of Bhimsen Thapa and other courtiers. The great massacre that occurred at Bhandarkhal and at Bishnumati as a result of this assassination was too horrible to be described here. Contd...... 163. A few days before tha Bhandarkhal massacre, the Swami Maharaj, who was hen 30 years old, had, on the insistence of Bhimsent Thapa, married a 12-years old gild named Tripurasundari. This girl was made Regent and Queen mother of Girban Yuddha Bikram Shah, who was then 9 years of age. Immediately after the assassination of Swami Rana Bahadur Shah, Tripurasundari was given the title of Queen Lalita Tripurasundari, and silver coins bearing her name wire issued. With the Bhandarkhal massacre, the Council of Bhardars at the Royal Palace ceased to function, and the entire teins of administration passed into the hands of Bhimsen Thapa. Since Lalita Tripurasundari herself was a monir, though being Regent, Bhimsen Thapa assigned the Samar Jung Company to guard the Royal Palace. Bakktwar Singh Thapa, his younger brother, was appointed as Commander of this Company. The troops of this company were posted inside the camp of the Royal Palace itself. Bhimsen Thapa had dispatched a conttigent of troops commanded by Kaji Ambar Singh Thapa to attack Kangra. But these troops could not capture that area even after three years of finghting, and, instead, received a severe beating at the hands of Ranjit Singh's troops, so that they were compelled to retreat from the Satarudra river. It was probably to forget the shock of this defeat that Bhimsen Thapa appropriated for himself the title of General and had his name and title inscribed in all official correspondence. As King Girban Yuddha Bikram Shah had Queen Lalita Tripurasundari grew up, Kaji Bakhtawar Singh Thapa, who had assumed the responsibility of protecting them, begun to enjoy their confidence. In the meantime, the British Gorvernment of India, whom Bhimsen Thapa regarded as a relaibel friend, launched an invasion of Nepal. Bhimsen Thapa only cared for pomp and show. The law and order situation was fast deteriorating all over the country. Bhardars and the other government servants looked only their selfish interests, and in the process, the State treasury had become virtually empty. That is why Nepal had had to face a defeat in the war with British India, and been compelled to sign the Treaty of Sugauli. Kahi Bakhtwar Singh Thapa himself had to kneel down before Sir David Ochterlony at the lattter's Hitaura camp and hand over the original copy of the treaty retified by Nepal. Under the terms of he treaty, Nepal had to relinquish possession not only the the entire area across the Mahakali river and the hill regions of Sikkim and Darjeeling in the east, but also of he plains running from the Churia range to Saptari district in return for an annual subsidy of Rs 200,000.00. Nonetheless, Bhimsen Thapa subsequently ventured to inform the Chinese representatives in Lhasa of an imminent aggression by British troops against Tibet. The Chinese Emperor then dispatched Sai Contd 164. Tsyan-jun, to inquire into the reported British plan. Sai Tsyan-jun, on arriving in Tibet, invited Bhimsen Thapa to Lhasa for talks. Bhimsen Thapa, however, did not himself go there, but sent Colonel Ranabir Singh Thapa with the approval of Sir Edward Gardner, who had just arrived in Kathmandu as British Resident. Ranabir Singh Thapa had a meeting with Sai Tsyan-jun at Digarcha, in the couse of which he sought Chinese assistance against the British. But he was told that Nepal already signed a peace treaty with the British. Ranabir Singh Thapa had thus to return empty-handed. The British Government had stipulated that the British annual subsidy of the Rs 200,000.00 would be paid not directly to the government, but to the Bhardars designated by it. Bhimsen Thapa had deliberately allowed one year's subsidy to lapse, as he feared that such an arrangement might lead to increased contacts between Nepali Bhardars and the British Resident, thereby affecting his own interests. He was thinking of some other way of receiving this subsidy. By that time, King Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah had attained the age of 10 years. Bakhtwar Singh Thapa had gained the confidence of both the King and the Regent Queen. It was the custom to hand back powers to a King when he attained the age of 18 years. But Bhimsen Thapa still retained full powers, though he had lost a considerable portion of the territory of Nepal in the war. King Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah naturally did not like this. Bakhtwar Singh Thapa was continuing his attempts to depose Bhimsen Thapa and himself becomes Prime Minister. Lalita Tripurasundari, however, wanted the reins of administration to be retained in the hands of Bhimsen Thapa, who had enabled her to be appointed as Regent Queen. The Queen of Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah, who had also come of age, hsf begun to feel tired of remaining under the continued overlordship of Tripurasundari, their mother-in-law. They therefore naturally supported Bakhtwar Singh Thapa. In the midst of such a suffocating political situation, a serious small-pox epidemic occurred in Kathmandu. King Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah eventually fell a victim to this scourage. Bhimsen Thapa and Lalita Tripurasundari had kept him confined in a room inside the Royal Palace itself. Had they sought a British or an Indian doctor to variolate him in time, the British Resident would have promptly brought one from India. But this was not done, and finally King Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah died on November 20, 1873. His son, Rajendra Bikram Shah, was then only three years old. According to tradition, the Crown Prince should have been coronated on the 13th day of the death of his father. Bhimsen Thapa had learnt from Lalita Tripurasundari that the queens of Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah were in collusion with Bakhtwar Singh Thapa. Hence, on the advice of Pandit Ranga Nath, he persuaded the Senior Queen, Siddhi Rajyalaxmi, to become a Sati, even though the scriptures prohibited a widow with infact children Contd 165. from doing so. But he did not succeed in eliminating the senior queen, Gorakshy Rajyalaxmi, mother of the infant Prince Rajendra Bikram Shah. But it is significant that he too died in the fourteenth day of the death of her husband. People who had known the cruel temperament of Bhimsen Thapa therefore naturally made a lot of adverse comments about him, although no one could rule out the possibility that she might have died due to natural causes. In any case, the death of both the King and his own Queens shattered all the hopes of Bakhtwar Singh Thapa.] since the junior Queen had died soon after the official mourning period of 13 days had ended, he conoration of Rajendra Bikram Shah had to be postponed for another 13 days. Meantime, Lord Moira, Governor General of India, had drawn up a paln to annex the kingdim of Poona. He thought it neccesary to placate the Nepal government in order to insure the smooth exeution of this ambitious plan. Accordingly, he instructed Sir Gardner to inform Nepal of the intention of the Britisha Governor General to restor to Nepal six occupied districts from Saptari to Parsa, as well as four Tappas (sub-divisions) of Butaul and Sheoraj districts in the Tarai region. He urged on Bhimsen Thapa to arrange for the presence of the king as early as possible in a ceremony ty to wait for 13 full days for the conoration ceremony. So, on the sixth day of the mourning, Bhimsent Thapa arranged the conoration of Rajedra Bikrama Shah,a nd held a State ceremony, at which the message conveying the British Governor General's proposal to hand back some of the lost Tarai areas to Nepal, and the royal message accepting the British offer, were read out. The British had offered to return only part of the occupied Tarai territory of Nepal, and not Banke, Bardiya Kailali and Kanchampur districts, which had already been sold by them to the Nawab of Oudh. But Bhimsent Thapa wisely agreed to accept the offer, thinking that something was better than nothing. It would definitely not have been wise on his part if he had refused to accept the offer and instead opposed a power which could not be defeated. Some historians of Nepal have argued that Bhimsen Thapa had made major efforts to oust the British power from Asia. They have portrayed him as a nationalist and a patriot. The British had invaded Nepal withour any provocations in order to facilitate British settlement on the Barha-Thakuri area, seize the Tarai region of Nepal and open up a route to Tibet for direct trade with that country. In these circumstances, no self-respecting Nepali could have permitted the loss of any part of Nepal withour putting up a fight against th British. That is why Bhimsen Thapa too was relentlessly waging a war against the British until Nepal was totally defeated. He had even made abortive attempts to bring Ranajit Singh, the Sikh ruler of the Punjab, and Daulat Rao Scindia of Gwalior, over to his side during. Contd.......... 166. this war. These rulers, while not wishing the defeat of the Gorkhali troops, did not want to cimmit themselves to a losing side, and therefore rejected Bhimsen Thapa's overtures. Although Bhimsen Thapa had sent messangers several times to Lhasa to infor the representative of the Chinese emperor of a British plan to attack Tibet after overrunning Nepal, and to solicit Chinese assistance in the war with Britain, there is no evidence to suggest that he had entered into similar correspodance with the other countries of Asia as well before or after the war with Britisha India. Although no one can say that Bhimsen Thapa was not a nationalist, or that he did not want to defend his country, yet he placed his personal interests above those of the nation. While the territory of the Kingdom was diminishing as a result of defeats, he continued to acquire more and more big Birta lands for his family. The British in India had already pointed to the need for a legal Code to insure the progress of the country, yet Bhimsen Thapa remained silent in the matter. He did not open a single public school or a dispensary even in Kathmandu,the capital of Nepal, not to speak of other districts. Now let us turn back to the position of Kai\ji Bakhtwar Singh Thapa. After the death of King Girban Yuddha Bikram Shah and his two wives, there was none left but his mother to look after his welfare. After the end of the war with the British; Bhimsen Thapa began to suspect that Bakhtwar Singh Thapa had joined the ranks of his enemies. He was therefore awaiting for an opportunity to punish yougger brother. After accepting the proposal of the British Governor General for the return of the Tarai territory to Nepal, Bhimsen Thapa paid greater attention to the issue of bringing Bakhtwar Singh Thapa to his Knees. Bakhtwar Singh Thapa still not demanded his share of the ancestral property from his elder brother, and was living in the same undivided family. However, in response to the pleas of his mother, Bhimsen Thapa contented himself with awarding a light punishment to Bakhtwar Singh Thapa. He dismissed and imprisoned Bakhtwar Singh thapa in Nuwakot. Owing to his antipathy towards Bakhtwar SinghThapa, Bhimsen Thapa could not but view with disfavor the Samar Jung Company which the former had commanded. So he punished the personnel of this company too. Some of them were assigned the duty of guarding jails, instead of the Royal Palace. Some were employed in the task of supervising the constructiong of roads in which ordinary convicts were engaged.It thus became the company of convicts. Men of all other companies were given a weekly holiday on Saturdays, but the Samar Jung Comapany was denied his privilege. Even its flag, known as "Devata" was not spared, and was treated in an indignified manner. The flag-bearers who were called Nishans, used to raise the flag above their shoulders, and install it on the ground when neccesary. Contd.......... 167. Bhimsen Thapa enforced rules requiring the flag of this company to ne carried on the shoulders in a low position, instead of being raised, and to be thrown on the fround as occasion demands. Although these rules were merely oral orders, and not written ones, officers and men of the Samar Jung Comapany who were familiar with the cruel termperament of Bhimsen Thapa could not disobey them. These rules were strickly followed even by the Rana rulers and remained in force till democracy was proclaimed in Nepal. *************** Mustang RajyaX From Kaji Shiv Narayan Khatri and Sardar Prabal Rana to Wangyal Dorje, Raja of Mustang. We hereby confirm your old territories situated east of Bandarphatka and bounded in the north by the Bhero-Khola, the Taraha-Khola, the Laghu-Khola and Chharkagaun, which had beeb annexed by the Jumla but granted to you by royal order. Enjoy it faithfully and remain engaged in serives. As regard some areas which are still left, we shall represent the matter to the government and (restore) them to you. Kartik Sudi 1, 1846, Chhinasim. X(Yogi Naraharinath: Sandhipatra Sangrah (A Collection of Treaties and Documents), P. 55. Also see Regmi Research Series, Year 2, No. 4; April 1, 1970, P. 99. 168. Fouzdars And Munsiffs In Saptari And Mahotari (Abstract Translation) 1. Regulation For Fouzdars And Munsiffs In Saptari And Mahotari (These regulations were issued in the name of Fouzdars Abhaya Singh Khawas and Garbhu Khawas) 1. Essential expenditure incurred from Mal-Wajbi collection shall be approved. 2. Expenditure incurred on respectable persons who visit the areas from anywhere, but not relatives of the Amali, shall be approved. 3. Complaints against the Amali made by Chaudharis, Kanugoyes, Mokaddams and ryot shall be disposed of after hearing both sides. 4. Expenditure icurred on the maintence of forts and the procurement of ammunition shall be approved. 5. Impartial persons shall be appointed as Chaudharis, Kanugoyes, Mokaddams etc. The government shall issue orders in any matter for Saptari-Mahottari district only in consultaion with the Fouzdar. 6. Reasonable expenditure incurred on the construction of irrigation facilities for promoting cultivation shall be appoved. 7. The Fouzdars and the Munsiffs shall discharge the functions pertaining to their appropriate offices. 8. Expenditure incurred in recruiting additional troops in the event of aggression shall be approved. 9. Appintment or confirmation of Chaudharis, Kangoyes, Mokaddams, Mandars, etc. shall be made by the government. Salami and other payments collected from them shall be transmitted to the government. Expenditure in granting them rewards shall be approved. 10. Chaudharis, Kangoyes, Mokaddams, and ryots who have fled to the Moglan shall be persuaded to come back. Partial remission may be made in arrears of revenue due from them. Contd..... 169. 11. Tax concessions granted for promoting reclamation and settlement of waste lands shall be approved. Bhota payments made to settlers shall be approved if repayable within one year. Magh Sudi 4, 1837. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 596. 2A. Regulations Fro Munsiff In Saptari And Mahotari (These regulations were issued in the name of Munsiffs Manik Raj Khawas and Biru Padhya). 1. Jammabadhi records shall be prepared in consultation with the Fouzdar, not otherwise. 2. If the Fouzdar accepts any suggestions which will increase revenue, this is good. If not, the government will approved the Jammabandi prepared by the Munsiff. 3. The Fouzdar shall appoint or dismiss Chaudharis, Kanugoyes, Sairdars etc. Only in consultation with the Munsiff. 4. Land revenue (Wajbi), fines on persons guilty of rape with minor girls (Singarhat), Farruwar and other revenues shall be transmitted in consulatation with the Munsiff. 5. In case The Amali had fixed land revenue at a low rate on lands which are being cultivated every year, such lands may be measured if revenue will thereby increase. 6. Complaints against the Munsiff shall be disposed of after hearing both sides. 7. The Fouzdars shall discharge the functions pertaining to hisoffices and the Munsiff to his. Ashadh Sudi 15, 1838. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 608. Contd 170. 2B. Regulation For Munsiff In Saptari and Mahottari (These regulations were issued in the name of Munsiff Mani Raj Khawas). 1. Tax exemption grnanted to ryots for 2 or 3 years for the reclamation of waste lands shall be approved. 2. Chaudhaaris, Konugoyes and Mokaddams who do not comply with reasonable orders to reclaim waste lands shall be dismissed in consultation with the Fouzdars. Other persons who can underake such reclamation shall be appinted to replace them. 3. Any person who creats obstruction in the demarcation of Jagir, Birta, Nankar, Ijara and Khalisa shall be punished. 4. Complaints shall be disposed of only after hearing both sides. Falgun Sudi 1, 1838. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 635. 171. Kumaun Administrative Regulations (Abstact Translation) (These regulations were issued in the name of Naru Shah, who replaced Jog Narayan Malla as Subba of Kumaun on Amanat basis. 1. Salaries shall be paid to the troops regularly. In case Subedars or Jamadars commit any offenses, reports shall be submitted to us. the Subba shall be responsible for appointment or dismissal, and for punishment or grant of favors, as neccesary. 2. Additional troops shall be recruited for repulsing external aggression. After the invasion is repulsed, such troops shall be dismissed. Remission shall be granted for expenses incurred in recruiting such additional troops. 3. Expenses inurred for sending gifts to foreign countries shall be remitted. Gifts received shall eb submitted to us. 4. Peshkars and other local functionaries shall be given appropriate monthly salaries. The Munsiff shall prepare tax assessment records. Expenses incurred for repairing forts, and palaces, and for manufacturing gunpowder shall be remitted. 5. Remission shall be granted for expenses incurred during then Dashain and Fagu festivals, repairing office buiding and granting rewards. 6. Appropriate arrangements shall be made for mines. Copper coins shall be minted. Weights and measure shall be stamped. Reenues accruing therefrom shall be utilized for neccesary expenses. 7. Birta and Fakirana lands grants made only by reigning Kings shall be confirmed on payment of he prescribed Salami. Birta and Fakirana lands granted by others shall be confiscated and the matter reported to us. 8. The peope of Kumaun shall obey the orders of the Subba, punishments for disobedience shall be imposed by Panchas. In the evet of revolt, the guilty person shallbe beheaded or exiled according to his caste status, but the members of the family shall ne be enslaved. Contd..... 172. 9. Expiation shall be granted to persons associated with guilty persons by the Dharmdhikar in consutation with the Subba. 10. Monthly reports with details of foreign correspondence and of news shall be sent. 11. Details of previous and current revenue assessments shall be sent and suitable assessment will then be prescribed. 12. It is the system in Kumaun to grant Jimidari holdings on block (Gol) basis. This system shall be discontinued. Taxes shall be collected according to systems prevalent I other parts of the country. Trustworthy persons shall be given Jagir authority and deputed to local forts by turns. 13. Salaries shall be paid to troops (Tilanga) in the form of land assignments if they so desire, or else in cash on a monthly basis. Holdings shall not be divided for assignment of Jagirs according to the prescrined amount of cash. Allowances (Bhatta-Kharcha) shall be paid to troops every six months. Poush Sudi 2, 1849. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 25, P. 271. 173. Kusahi-Bisahi Tax Regulations In Western Nepal (Abstract Translation) ************ (These regulations were issed in the name of Hari Datta Upadhyaya and other officers deputed to collect Kusahi-Bisahi tax in area between the Kali-Modi and bheri rivers) 1. In case the money of a Praja has been put in the lands of a Brahman, a Salami amounting to 6% such amount shall be collected from the Praja and Kusahi-Bisahi from the Brahman who alienated the land, which shall then be given to the Praja 2. In case boundaries have been mentioned on Birta lands ritually gifted to Brahmans by former Kings, the Brahmans shall be granted possession thereof. In case the boundaries have not been mentioned, the grant shall be confiscated. 3. In Parbat, Bisahi shall be collected on Birta lands of Brahmans and on lands granted under the royal seal (Mohariya) at Rs 12 per 20 muris of land. The rate shall be Rs 9 per 20 muris of land in Pythan. 4. On Jiuni lands of widows, only half of the Bisahi shall be collected. 5. (Payments of salaries of officials sent to collect Kusahi-Bisahi levy). 6. In case Brahmans say that they cannote retain the land on payment of Kusahi-Bisahi, I shall be taken over after making the Brahmans sign a deed of relinquishment. (This means that Brahmans retained land on payment of Kusahi-Bisahi). 7. Laskari rupees shall be accepted at the rate of 14 annas each:- New copper pichers ..... Rs 3 per dharni New copper utensils ..... Rs 2-8 " Scrapbrass and copper ..... Rs 2 " Lead ..... Rs 1-8 " Contd 174. Copper ingots (Guth) ..... Rs 1-8 High-grade gold ..... Rs 12 per tola Medium grade gold ..... Rs 10 " Low grade gold ..... Rs 8 " High grade silver ..... Rs 1 " Coins minted this year ..... Rs 1 per 60 coins ? 8. In case Brahmans have obtained lands of soldiers as Birta, Rs 20 shall be collected per 20 muris of lands. 9. In case soldiers have put their money in the lands of Brahmans, the lands shall be confiscated. In case the Brahmans offers to pay money if they are giver back the lands, they shall be told to make payment at the palace. Particulars of the land and of the amount shall be sent. 10. In cae Brahmans hve put their money in the Birta lands of soldiers, Bisahi-Kusahi shall be collected there. The Brahmans shall be obtained a Bandha grant from the government. Shrawan Badi 30, 1844. Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 5, P. 678. 175. Conquest Of Makwanpur And Ecnomic Blockade Of Kathmandu ValleyX By Baburam Acharya. During the third quarter of the 18th century, the Britihs were playing havoc in the politics of North India. Clove had collected half of the sum promised by Jafar Ali Khan, whom he had set up as a puppet after the Battle of Plassay, and given him a time-limit of 3 years for the payment of the other half, since the latter had not enough money at this Murshidabed Treasury. In addition, Jafar Ali Khan had exempted the Britisha East India Company as also every individual Britisha trader from payment of customs duty on all types of goods, including salt and tobacco, so that they might make money. On the other hand, indigenous traders were obliged to pay all such levies. As a result, he British became wealthier, while the local traders and artsans became poorer. In view of this, Kasim Ali, son-in-law of Jagar Ali Khan, thought of driving out the British mechants from Bengal. After thrre and a half years, Clive collected the remaining half of the stipulated amount fron Jafar Ali and returnd to England, carrying with him a huge fortue which he squandered there. For this, he acquired noterioty in his home country. The new Governor of Calcutta sought a new Nawab who could replace Jafar Ali Khan. Accordingly, Jafar Ali Khan Nawab in condition that he would offer extensive lands and money to company, besides a birta amounting to thousands of ruppes for himself (October 1760). Kasim Ali Khan curtailed his household expenditure and paid the promised sum to the British within the stipulated time-limit. He then shifted his capital from Murshidabad to Mongyr, as the former had turned into a den of corruption. __________________________________ XBaburam Acharya, Nepal Ko Samkshipat Vrittanta (A Brief Account of Nepal). Kathmandu: Pramod Shamsher and Nir Bikram "Pyasi", 1966. Chaptar IV: "Makwanpurma Adhikar Ra Malla Rajyaharuma Arthik Nakabandi" (Conquest of Makwanpur and Economic Blockade of Malla Kingdoms). PP. 24-28. 176. At Mangny, Kaim Ali established a factory [......] manufarcure of guns and cannon o the European model, and appointed and European named Gregory, whom he called by the name of Gurga Khan, as commander. He began impartin military training to his troops under the supervision of this European. When Kasim Ali Khan tried to recoved arrears of revenue from the landowner of North Bihar, this created a sensation, which spread to Makwanpur. By that time, Kemakarna Sen, father-in-law of Prithvi Narayan Shsh, had died and been succeeded by his only son, Digbandhan Sen. Digbandhan Sen had been attracted towards Kasim Ali and developed ill- feelings for Prithvi Narayan Shah since the time of marriage. Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore decided to wipe our Makwanpur as a Kingdom (1762 A.D.). Trained Gorkhali soldiers were ready of fulfill any combat duty. It was only neccasry to reorganize the Bharadari system. Chaudariya Mahoddam Shah was there to assist Prithvi Narayan Shah in this task. In view of the expansion of his dominations, Prithvi Narayan Shah appointed another of his brothers, Dalamardhan Shah, as Junior Chautariya. In the vacant post of Minister arising from the death of Kalu Pande, his son, Bansh Raj Pande, was appointed. At that time, there was also a vacancy in the post of commander (Senapati), which had been occupied by Sardar Shivaram Siha. His second son, Kahar Simha, who was brother-in-law of Bamsha Raj Pande, was appointed by Prithvi Narayan Shah as commander-in-chief. Prithvi Narayan Shah awarded him te title of Bakshi, which was one rank above Sardar. Under the supervision of the youthful Minister and the Commander-in-Chief, preparations were made for war. King Digbandhan Sen of Makwanpur received news of these preparatiobs. He too raised an army composed of Khas and Magar troop inhabiting Timal, which was situated in the hill region of his Kingdom, and of Bhuiyar, who inhabited the plains. Prithvi Narayan Shah personally commanded the invading troops from Dahachok. One day before the prescribed auspicious memont, the Gorkhali troops encamped near Makwanpur. They launched their invasion of Makwanpur eary in the morning of the auspicious day. The battle lasted 10 hours. The Makwanpur army was defeated, and nearly 1,000 of its men were killed. Digbadhan Sen fled to Hariharpur along with his family. The Gorkhali troops then captured the fort and palace of Makwanpur (August 1762). The Gorkhali troops based in Palanchok, which were commanded by Ramakrishna Kunwar, had also started from Bhamarkot to invade Makwanpur. They reached Makwanpur, capturing Timalkot and Sindhuligadhi situated on the way. By the time the Gorkhali troops had converged on Hariharpur, Digbadhan Sen had fled to a foreign country along with his family (October 1762) Contd...... 177. A small contigent of Gorkhali troos remained in Makwanpur under the command of a Sardar in order to defent it, while the main body went to Dahachok to give an accont of the conquest of Makwanpur to Prithvi Narayan Shah, who was staying there at that time. Ramakrishna Kunwar too returned to Palanchok along with his troops. At this time, Nawab Kasim Ali, accompanied by Gurga Khan, had reached Makhanniya, situated in Bettiah. Digbandhan Sen, who too had reached there, requested Kasim Ali Khan to drive out the Gorkhali from Kakwanpur. Kasim Ali thereupon ordered Gurga Khan to invade Kakwan[ur, thinking that he could thereby secure a valuable territory for himself. He sent about 2,000 troops to Makwanpur. They occupied not only Harna-Madi but also one of the three forts built by the Gorkhalis to defend Makwanpur fort. On receiving news of this invasion, Prithvi Narayan Shah instructed Bamha Raj Pande and Kahar Simha Basnyat, as well as Ramakrishna Kunwar to move to Makwanpur along with their troos. The combined army drove out the enemy out of one the posts occupied by them and then attacked Harna-Madi. The Muslim army suffered about 1,7000 casualties in this battle and Gurga Khan ran away, leaving two pieces of cannon and hundreds of guns behind (January 1963). King Prithvi Narayan Shah was to elated at hearing the news of this victory that he himself went to Makwanpur. The Muslim troops of Kasim Alli Khan had large stocks of arms and ammunition, but they were not trained in the art of warfare. This was the main cause of the defeat inflicted upon them by the Gorkhali troops. The Muslim troops had not dared attack Makwanpur fort even during their 8 days of occupation of Harna-Madi. This was taken as a sign of weakness by the Gorkhali troops. Digbadhan Sen was staying at Khundaghat near Hariharpur along with his family, waiting for te outcome of the battle of Makwanpur. Sebsequenlty, along with his mother and sister, he fled to India when he learnt that the Muslim troops had suffered a defeat and that Prithvi Narayan Shah had reached Makwanpur with his retinue. However, his wife and children were captured (by the Gorkhalis). Finally, Digbandhan Sen, out of sheer frustration, surrendered before Prithvi Narayan Shah. Along with the rest of his family, was detained in Gorkha. After conquering Makwanpur, Prithvi Narayan Shah devoted himself to efforts to impose an economic blockade on all the three capitals of the Malla Kings within Kathmandu Valley and he adjoining Newar settlements. All route leading to Kathmandu from all areas, except seven Newar settlements including Dhulikhel, situated within the State of Bhaktapur, had been closed. When Prithvi Narayan Shah sent troops to occupy these settlements as well, Ranjit Malla quit Lalitpur. The Ministers of Lilitpur then enthroned Jaya Prakash Malla for the second time (June 1763). The Gorkhali Contd 178. troops then attack Dhulikhel. After a fierce fight , the Gorkhali troops captured Dhulikhel, within a period of 5 days, they occupied 6 other villages as well (October 1763). The mendicant who Prithvi Narayan Shah had met at Varansi, came to Nuwakot 19 years later and demanded the money promised to him as a reward for his help in extricating Prithvi Narayan Shah from the clutches of the guards near the Gomati river. Prithvi Narayan Shah refused to pay the mendicant any money on the ground that the promise han been made under duress. Prithvi Narayan Shah, however, asked him to accept a token award. Furious at this reply, the mendicant went to Kathmandu to meet Jaya Prakash Malla. He also met Ranjit Malla of Bhaktapur. He then returned to Bihar through Sindhuli. In Bihar, he collected 500 armed Nagas and dispatched them to Bhaktapur under the allurement of reward and plunder. The guards of Sindhuligadhi let then go, taking them to be mendicants. The Nagas divided themselves into different groupd and arrived in Sindhuligadhi the same day. Chautariyas Jahangir Shah who had captured Sanga, stopped them because he suspected that they were carrying weapons. As they were stooped, the mendicants killed Jahangir Shh and some of his Gorkhali escorts. About half of the Nage mendicants managed to reach Bhaktapur in this manne, nut the remaining Nages were slaughtered by the Gorkhalis one by one on the way from Sanga to Dhulikhel. Thereafter, Prithvi Narayan Shah tightened his economic blockade. In particular, he prevented the import of salt and cotton into Kathmandu Valley. The blockade became more effective after he ordered that capital punishment would be awarded to anyone who attempted to break the blockade. Jaya Prakash Malla, after sitting on the throne of Lalitpur for the second time, invited all the ministers of Lalitpur to Kathmandu and imprisoned them. He had long been seeking to settle scores with them. Unable to put up with such humiliation, Bhimkhwal Dhan committed suicide. Jaya Prakash Malla also killed two persons who had entered Kathmandu through Gopur by force, in spiote of the closure of that route. But seeing that the entire inhabitatants of Laliptpur were opposed to him, Jaya Prakash compelled Chautariya Dhanawant and other Ministers to wear women's cloths and then expelled them from Kathmandu. On the advice of the same Dhanawant, he invited Prithvi Narayan Shah to occupy the throne of Lalitpur and requested him to lift the blockade. Prithvi Narayan Shah promised to lift blockade on the condition that Gorkhalis were allowed free movement. However, the Ministers of Lalitpur did not accept this condition. But Prithvi Narayan Shah was not willing to give up the throne of Lalitpur either. He therefore sent Dalmardhan Shah, his brother, as his representative to Lalitpur. He then proclaimded himself as King of Lilitpur and minted coins in his name (1763 A.D.). The coins conained the words "Lokanath", the family deity of the people of Lalitpur, instead of Gorakhnath. Contd.......... 179. After the defeat of Gurga Khan's troops, Kasin Ali Khan went to Monghyr and order his troops to stop the British from continuing the plunder in which they were indulging in Bengal and Bihar in the name of trade. In retaliation, the British declard was against him (June 1763). Although Kasim Ali Khan had enough men and money, he was defeated four times because his troops were poorly trained. Later, Kasim Ali khan went to Patan, where he beheaded his corrupt officers and about 200 British prisoners. Taking some troops as well as a substantial amount of money with him, he left for Oudj to ask for aid from Emperor Shah Alam or Delhi and his minister, Nawab wazir Sujauddaula. From Ratna Malla to Narasimha MallaX By Surya Bikram Gnyawali. In 602 Nepal era (1482 A.D.), when Yaksha Malla died, India did not have a strong cenral authority. As a result of Tumulane's invasion of 1398 A.D., Indian politics was still suffering from a vacuum. The incapable Sayyad Muslim rulers, who existed only in name, had not been able to insure political stability. The whole of India was divided into a number of peety Kingdoms, and division itself was the basic principle of contemporary Indian political life. When Yaksha Malla died in Nepal, Bahalol Lodi had driven out the last Sayyad Sultan an occupied the throne of Delhi. Although Bahlol Lodi had been able to the capital of an empire and been reduce to the capital of a petty state. XSurya Bikram Gnyawali, "Nepal Upatyakako Madhyakalin Itihas" (Medieval History Of Nepal Valley). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 2019 (1962), Chapter XII: "Ratna Malla Dekhi Narasimha Malla Samma." (From Ratna Malla to Narasimha Malla), PP. 12135. Contd........... 180. It was during that period that the Malla Kindom in Nepal was divided into 3 States. Dissensions among the Malla brothers were the main couse of the disintegration of the Malla Kingdom. The eldest son of a Malla King used to be recognized as his successor. This tradition was broken by the sons of Yaksha Malla, who split Nepal into 3 independent kingdoms. During the period from the seventh to the ninth century, feudal elements remainded so powerful in Nepal that at times they could even make the King their puppet. However, there is no evidence that the country had been actually divided during that period. The success of the feudal elements in deposing the principal royal dynasty and establiting their own rule does not neccesary mean that division of the country. There are several instances of the joint rule of two or three Kings in Nepal after the latter half of the century. In the beginning of the eleventh century, there was the joint rule of Nirbhaya and Rudradeva. After some years there was the joint rule of Bhojadeva, Rudradeva and Laxmideva I. But all the joint rules proved short-lived. Similaryly, at the end of the fourteenth century, the country was under the joint rule of the sons of Sthiti Malla. Although this joint rule too did not last long, it actually marked the disintegration of Nepal, which eventually led to its division into 3 independent Kingdoms. After the death of Yaksha Malla, his son, Raya Malla, ascended the throne of Bhadgaun with the support of the nobles. His second brother, Ratna Malla, had been supported by one fation in his bid to succeed this father, he as did not like to live under the control of his elder brother. When Raya Malla became King, Ratna Malla moved to Patan, where he established a sort of independent Kingdom himself. From Patan, Ratna Malla began studying development in Kathmandu. A sort of enarchy was prevailing in Kathmandua at that time. According to the Vamshavalis, Ratna Malla had becme King of Kathmandu after poisoning some nobles at a feast he had given with the assistance of one noble whom he had won over to him side. The excat year in which Ratna Malla established an independent Kingdom is not yet known. One date likend to his reign is Ashadh 632 Nepal era (1513 A.D.). Available evidence refers to him as Jaya Ratna Malla, Kingdom of Nepal. This substantiates the view that Ratna Malla had established his Kingdom in Kathmandu well before 1513 A.D. According to the Vamshavalis, however, he had become King of Kathmandu long befor that year. (To Be Continued) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: October 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No.10, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi. ************ Contents Page 1. From Ratna Malla To Narasimha Malla 2. Githi Land acquisition For Balaju Gardens 3. King Prithvi Narayan Shah's Military Campaigns, 1764-1767 4. Betal Offerings To Goddess Taleju 5. An Order Of King Damar Shah of Gorkha 6. An Inscription Installed During The Reign Of Rajalla Devi 181 189 195 196 190 200 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Katmandu, Nepal. Compilted By Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 181. From Ratna Malla To Narasimha MallaX By Surya Bikram Gnyawali. (Continued From Previous Issue) According to the Vamshavalis, Ratna Malla invaded Nuwakot and defeated its Thakuri King. He brought the fruits grown in Nuwakot and offered the same othe temple of Pashupatinath. Ratna Malla had invaded Nuwakot after establishing his supremacy in Kathmandu. According to the Vamshavalis, Ratna Malla had built the huge temple of Tulaja in Kathmandu in 621 Nepal era (1501 A.D.). Goddess Tulaja and a knowledge of her esoteric rites are regarded as symbol of State power in Nepal. The Vamshavalis tell us that every King passed in these rites of Goddess to his eldest son, htat is, his heir, before breathing his last. Ratna Malla is said to have been instructed in these rites by Yaksha Malla at the time of the latter's death. The preists and courtiers are said to have played a deceitful role in this regard. The Vamshavalis state that Ratna Malla carried the sword and shield of Goddess Tulaja to Patan after the death of his father. This explains why Ratna Malla constructed the temple of Tulaja in Kathmandu in 1501 A.D. The also proves that he had become the independent King of Kathmandu by that time. Having stabilized this rule in Kathmandu, Ratna Malla brought into circulation copper coins bearing the effigy of a loin. These coins circulated all over Nepal. There was no shortage of copper neede for minting coins, because copper deposits were located in Chitlang nearby. The emblem of lion chosen by Ratna Malla appears to be the traditional on adopted by Nepal. Reference has already been made to the fact that Shivadeva or Sadashivadeva, who ruled Nepal 300 years before Ratna Malla, had minted Suki bearing the effigy of a lion. Contd............ 182. According to the Vamshavalis, Bhotes called "Kuku" entererd into Nepal during the reign of Ratna Malla, and caused much harassment to the local people. These Bhotes probably moved into Nuwakot from the north and harassed the local people in various ways. Ratna Malla was not in a position to fight and subdue through his own strength. Moreover, he could not afford to leave Kathmandu at that time in view of internal dissensions. Hence, according to the Vamshavalis, Ratna Malla sent five Maithili Brahmans to Palpa to ask the Sen King, who was his disciple, to help him in suppressing the enemy. The indentiy of the Sen King has not been established. The history of Palpa too is silent on the point. Howver, more important than the arrival of the Bhote Kukus and the aid extended by the King of Palpa in subduing them is the fact that Ratna Malla had made Birta land grants to four Khasa communities after this war. The Khasas referred to in the Vamshavalis were probably Chhetris living in the hill region. Khasas had entered into Nepal after Aditya Mall'a attack. Ratna Malla brought them to his Kingdom under his patronage. It is not surprising that raised a contigent of troops from among the Khasas. He trusted the Khasas becosue they had nothing to do with internal conflicts and were loyal to their masters by nature. According to the Vamshavalis, it was during this period that Muslim traders entered into Nepal. They set up commercial houses in Nepal, through which they traded with Tibet. Ratna Malla possessed broad outlook. He minted copper coins with the aim of improving the financial condition of Kathmandu. The fact that he had minted such coins indicates that the general condition of Kathmandu at that time was improving. Ratna Malla's permission to Muslim traders to operate in Kathmandu was motivated by the desie to develop trade. His apparent ain was to develop Nepal into a major centere of trade with both Tibet and India. According to the Pratap Malla's stone inscriptions, Ratna Malla was succeeded by his son, Surya Malla. But according to Bhasha Vamshavalis, Amara Malla was the actual successor of Ratna Malla, and that Surya Malla seized two villages, Changu and Shankapur, from Bhadgaun and annexed them to Kathmandu. This claim may be correct, for Ratna Malla, his predecessor, had declated himself independent of Bhadgaun and established his own Kingdom in Kathmandu. In these circumstances, it was natural that there should be hostility between Kathmandu and Bhadgaun at that time. Surya Malla settled down a Shakhpur or Sankhu and introduced the festival of Vajrayogini there. He stayed at Sankhu for 6 years and then returned to Kathmandu, where he died, (Wright,P. 206).. Contd............... 184. Why is there no referece to Surya Malla in the Vamshavalis or in Parthivendra Mall's stone inscriptions? Surya Malla was a religious-minded person. That was why he lived at Sankhu after handing over the[.......] istration to his soa, Amara Malla. As such, Amara Malla was the real King of Nepal at that time. This is the probable reason why Surya Malla's name was not included in the list of the kings of Kathmandy. Only Pratap Malla had referred to Surya Malla, probably to charify his lineage. Surya Malla was succeeded by Amara Malla. A manuscript entitled Geeta-Bhashyam, written during his reign, has been discovered. Extracts from the manusctript, presented by Harihar Prasad Shastri, indicate that it was written in Kathmandu on the order to Mukuand Pathak Sharma, a minister of Amara Malla. It was written in 522 (Laxman Sen era), which, according to some scholars, war started in 1119-1120 A.D. or 622 Nepal era. Thus the manuscript appears to have been written around 1542 A.D. A definite date relating to Ratna Mall is 632 Nepal era (1513 A.D.). He is presumed to have reigned until much later. It is possible that the king of the third generation after Ratan Malla must have ruled Nepal around 662 Nepal era. This date is reliable, since the Vamshavalis confirm that Maithili Brahmans had begun to occupy a predominant position from the time of Ratna Malla. Another definite date related to Ratna Malla's ule has been mentioned by Bendall. It is shrawan 671 Nepal era (1551 A.D.). It is therefore safe to assume that Ratna Malla was alive at least until 1551 A.D. Amara Malla was a religious-minded King. He was especially devoted to the cult of the Shakti. He revived the Harisiddhi dance. The Mahalaxmi dance at Khokana was started during his reign. He also started a number of these religious dances, which included the Mana Maiju dance, the Pachli Bhairav dance, the Nave-Durga dance, the Bhadrakali dance, and the Kankeshwari dance. He introduced the festivals of different deities. In this manner, he provided different means of satisfying religious sentiments and entertainments needs of the people. The Vamshavalis contains a list of the villages under the control of Amara Malla. A study of this list would indicate that he ruled over Patan as well as Kathmandu. The villages are as follows:- Lalitpur Pharping Balambu Gokarna Bandyagaun Bungmati Satungal Devapatan Thecho Khokana Halchok Nandigram Harisiddhi Panga Kutum Naxal Lubhu Kirtipur Dharmasthali Maligaun Chhapagaun Thankot Tokha Lele Chapaligaun Chukagrama Contd 184. The definite date of Amara Malla's death is not known. However, it is presumed that he died some time between 1551 A.D. and 1560 A.D. Amara Malla was succeeded by his son, Mahendra Malla. One important event in the history of Nepal, linked to Mahedra Malla's name, is tha mintig of silver coins. Only copper coins of the King who preceded Amara Malla have been discovered. It thus appears that silver coins were first introduced during the rule of Mahendra Malla. This is the reason why silver soins bearing his name (Mehendra Malli) are so well-known both inside and outside Nepal The exact year during which Mahendra Malla's silver coins were minted is not known, because none of these coins have been discovered. According to the Vamshavalis, Mahendra Malla constructed the temple of Taleju in Kathmandu. The temple was of a great height, because the Kings of divided Nepal worshipped Taleju as their tutelary deity. The Vamshavalis also state that the inhabitants of Kathmandu expressed happiness over the propects of being permitted to contructed lofty buildings. But the idea that no person should construct a house higher than than Taleju temple is still prevelant in Kathmandu. In any case, it is beyond despute that the Taleju temple occupied an important place in contemporary public life. The Vamshavalis are divided as to the exact date of the construction of the temple of Taleju. Wright's Vamshavali indicates that the construction fo this temple might have beeb completed on Monday, Magh Sudi 5, 669 Nepal era (circa January 20, 154 A.D.). This view is based on the information given by the Vamshavali that the idol of Taleju had been installed in the temple on that date. According to another Vamshavali, however, the temple had been constructed arourd 684 Nepal era (1564 A.D.). The date cited by Wright is not reliable. The year 1564 was an important one in the history of Kathmandu. It is probable that Mahendra Malla minted his coins during the same year. Subsequent developments have confirmed this theory. According to the Vamshavalis, Mahendra Malla constructed a number of other temples as well. He installed a Shivalinga named Mahehrashwar near his palace. He made Guthi land endowments for other temples. All this appears to suggest that the economic condition of Kathmandu was good during the reign of Mahendra Malla. The prosperity of Kathmandu was due mainly to the treaty conclude by Mahendra Malla with Tibet. The treaty had authorized Nepal to mint coins for circulation in Tibet. Nepal used to buy both gold and silver from Tibet. This yielded considerable economic advantages to Nepal. Contd 185. Trailokya Malla was the King of Bhadgaun when Mahendra Malla ruled Kathmandu. The Vamshavalis indicate that Mahendra Malla had good relations with Trailodya Malla, although Kathmandu had been treating Bhadgaun with contempt ever sicne its secession from he latter. It has been stated in the preceding chapter that Bhadgaun had to bow before the might of Kathmandu, and that the Kings of Kathmandu frequently annexed villages belonging to Bhadgaun. According to a Vamshavali account, Mahendra Malla used t perform the ritual worshop of Tulaja with the assistenc of Trailokya Malla. This also appears to confirm the view that Bhadguan was then under Kathmandu's domination. It it stated in the Vamshavalis that one Purandara Rajvanshi had constructed a huge temple of Narayan opposite the Patan Palace in 648 Nepal era (1528 A.D.) during the reign of Mahendra Malla (Wright, P. 207). A copy of the stone inscription installed at this temple has been published in the Sanskrit Sandesh (Vol. 1, No. 8). Another stone inscription dated Magh 674 Nepal era (January 1554 A.D.), installed by Vishnu Simha, father of King Purandara of the same dynasty, has also been published. This accont proves that Patan was under the control of Kathmandu during Mahendra Malla's rule. It has already been mentioned that Patan was under the domination of Kathmandu during thereign of Amara Malla, father of Mahedra Malla. No authentic evidence as to when Mahendra Malla's rule had come to an end is available. Bendall had come across only on definite date liked to Mahendra Malla's rule. It is Shrawan 686 Nepal era (July 1566 A.D.). Another definite date linked to the succeeding sule of Sadashive Malla, as ascertained by Bendall, is 696 Nepal era (1576 A.D.). We may thus infer that Maherdra Malla died some time between 1567 and 1576 A.D. Mahendra Malla had two sons, Sadashiva Malla and Shive Simha. Sadashiva Malla became King after the death of his father. A manuscript written in 696 Nepal era (1576 A.D.) during his rule has already been referred to above. One important event that took place during the reign of Sadashiva Malla was the contruction of the Mahabauddha temple in Patan on the model of the well- known temple of Bodh-Gaya. This is the only of temple of its kind in Nepal. It was contructed by a Buddhist scholar named Jivaraja. His father, Abhayaraja, had three wives. When he was to marry for the forth time, his sons became dissatisfied with him. Aware of their feeling, Abhayaraja went to Gaya along with his youngest wife. After 3 years, he had one more son, who was named Bauddhaju. Later, he came back to Nepal and was appointed it the same post of Dittha Nayak in the Mint which his father, Madana had held during the reign of Surya Malla. According to the Vamshavali, it was Abhayaraja who had commenced the construction of the Maha Bauddha temple, but it was his son, Jivaraja, who had completed it. The temple was completed in 705 Nepal era (1585 A.D.) Contd...... 186. The Vamshavalis describe Sadashiva Malla as a profligate. He let horse loose on the farms of his subjects. One day his discontented subjects saw him on the bank of the Manohara and attacked him with bamboo poles and wooden clubs. The King then fled towards Bhadgaun. The King of Bhadgaun detained him in a courtyard of his palace. Some later, Sadashiva Malla escaped from Bhadgaun. The courtyard where he had been detained was then named Sadashiva Malla Chok. Bhadgaun was under the overlordshoip of Kathmandu since the reign of Ratna Malla. The account is therefore probable. After Sadashiva Malla was thus driven out, Shiva Simha, his younger brother, sat on the throne. Shiva Malla ascended to the throne around 705 Nepal era (1585 A.D.). However, in the absence of conclusive evidence, it is difficult to be precise about this date. In a stone inscription installed at the temple of Pashupatinath, Parthivendra Malla refers to Shiva Simha Malla as the protector of the King of Morang (Morangabanipalapalaka) (Sanskrit Sandesh, Vol. 1. No. 10-12). At that time, a conflict was going on among the sons Harihara Sen, King of Makwanpur, over the affairs of the State. Harihara Sen was even imprisoned by his sons. As the result of this conflict, Morang seceded from Makwanpur. Shiva Simhaa Malla might have extended military assistance to the new State of Morang. Shiva Simha Malla also defeated Purandara Simha, the rebel Samanta of Patan, and replaced him by his own son, Thakur Simha. This evert occurred before 723 Nepal era (1603 A.D.). A stone inscription installed at Swayambhunath during Shiva Simha Malla's rule indicates that the Swayambhunath shrine had been renovated in Magh 714 Nepal era (January 1594 A.D.) at his command and with his assistance. Thakur Simha, whom Shiva Simha Malla had appointed as the Samanta of Patan, probably died while his father was still alive. This assumption is based in the fact that the Vamshavalis do not mention his name, as well as the fact that Shiva Simha Malla handed over the reins of the administration of Patan to one of his own sons, Harihara Simha. After the death of Shiva Simha Malla, Harihara Simha started ruling over Patan as an independent King. Thus the independent Kingdom of Patan came into existence in Kathmandu Valley, apart from Kathmandu and Bhadgaun. Gange Devi, wife of Shiva Simha Malla, has gainded considerable fame in Nepal. She was a religious-minted woman and many of her religious acts are still recalled with respect. The Ranibari garden in Kathmandu was constructed by her. That is the reason why it is known as Rani Ban (Queen's Forest). Queen Ganga Devi also gave the temple of Pashupatinath its present form. Previously, the temple had three stories with roof projecting over. Contd............ 187. each. Since the second story was dilapidated, Queen Ganga Devi had it removed and substituted by it a golden spire. She also plated the other roofs with gold. Moreover, Queen Ganga Devi beauified several other temples, including Changu Narayan. After having performed several such religious acts, Queen Ganga Devi became a Sati when her husband died. There is no definite information about the two sons of Shiva Simha. It has been mentioned above that Thakur Simha, one of his two sons, died after ruling Patan for a few years. Thakur Simha had a brother named Harihara Simha, who took over the administration of Patan after the death of Thakur Simha. He also succeedes his father. Harihar Simha had three sons, Laxmi Narasimha, Siddhi Narasimha and Raddhi Narasimha. Laxmi Narasimha, being the eldest son of Harihara Simha, was the heir of the throne. During the childhood, he developed a nervous disease. His grandmother, Ganga Devi, constructe a garden called Rani Nani Ban for his use, so that he might live in a peaceful atmoshperer. This garden is located near the place where the Indian Embassy is situated at present. Siddhi Narasimha was still in the womb of his mother, Lalamat when his father died. According to the Vamshavali, Lalamati insisted on becaming a Sati after the of Harihara Simha. Her father-in- law, Shiva Simha, persuaded her not to do so, promising to give the throne of Patan to heor child, irrespective of six. This account may be correct. In fact, Siddhi Narasimha had been born as a King. Like his father Harihara Simha, he was enrusted with the administration of Patan after he attained majority. Laxmi Narasimha was then staying with his grandfather Shiva Simha. At first, Siddhi Narasimha Malla ruled Patan as the representative of his grandfather. After the accession of Laxmi Narasimha following Shiva Simha's death in 751 Nepal era (1631 A.D.), Siddhi Narasimha was required to act as their representative of hois elder brother, this was naturally [.....] pleasing to him. Yet he accepted Laxmi Narasimha Malla's domination for nearly 10 years. There is no evidence that he revolted against Laxmi Narasimha Malla's domination. In 761 Nepal era (1641 A.D.), Pratap Mall imprisoned Laxmi Narasimha Malla, his fathere, on the pretext that he suffered from epilepsy, and minted coins in this own name. Siddhi Narasimha Malla then declared himself as the independent King of Patan. He also minted coins in his own name. The seeds of conflict were thus sown in Kathmndu Valley. The contemporaty Nepali society had indeed begun to regard the division or disintegration of a State as a Natural pheniminon. Selfish Kings never hesitated to exploit the religious sentiments of the people in order to fulfill their designs. They used to Tulaja deity as part of their statecraft. Laxmi Narasimha could not pass on the esoteric rites of Tulaja Contd.......... 188. to Pratap Malla. Lalamati, Siddhi Narasimha' mother, had carried away the secred jar of Tulaja to Patan after concealing ir for some time. When Siddhi Narasimha Malla contructed a temple and established the idol of Tulaja inside it, a flame of fire emerged from the sky and entered into it. What more was needed to justify Siddhi Narasimha's revolt? But nobody realized that the flame had sown the seed of destruction in Nepal. Laxmi Narasimha probably entrusted the administration of his country to Bhima Malla, a relative of his son-in-law. According to Wright, Bhima Malla, in returing from Lhasa, tried to extend the dominations of Laxmi Narasimha Malla. (Wright. P. 212). Other details given by Wright with regard to Bhima Malla show the he was an able statemen. He set ip 32 commercial firms in Kathmandu and sent traders to Lhasa. He himself went to Lhasa and sent plenly of gold and silver to Kathmandu. It was due to his efforts that an agreement was concluded under which the property of any Nepali who died at Lhasa without any heir accrued to the government of Nepal. He also brought Kuti under the control of Nepal. On returing from Lhasa, Bhima Malla rendered important services to the king. He since reply wished that King Laxmi Narasimha Malla's rule should expand to the whole of Nepal. However, some one succeeded in convicting the King tht then ordered that Bhima Malla should be killed. (Wright, P. 212). However, according to another Vamshavalis, it was Pratap Malla who had Bhima Malla killed when the latter was staying at Bhadgaun afer returning from Tibet. According to these Vamshavalis, Pratap Malla did so because of reports supplied by back-biters. The definite date of Bhima Malla'a murder is not known. But from the fact that the Vamshavali identify Pratap Malla as the King who ordered Bhima Malla to be beheaded, it may be inferred that Pratap Malla murdered Bhima Malla after imprisoning his father and ascending the throne in 1641 A.D. There is another possible reason behind the murder of Bhima Malla. In 1641 A.D., Gusari Khan, a Mongol King of Kokonor, had conquered Tibet, Kokonor was situated in the north of Tibet. The Tibetab Vamshavali mentions that some King of India, as well as the King of Nepal, had sent envoys to felicitate Gusari Khan after his conquest of Tibet. (Pag Sam, P. 165). The year in which Tibet was conquered by Gusari Khan was ether the last year of Laxmi Narasimha Malla's rule or the first year of Pratap Malla's rule. Bhima Malla was probably staying in Lhasa at that time. In other words, it was Bhimah Malla who may have extended felicitation to Gusari Khan as the envoy of the King of Nepal. It is not impossible that Gusari Khan had then gladly accepted Nepal's control over Kuti. Contd..... 189. It would not be surprisig if the enemies of Bhima Malla had conspired to spread the rumor that he wanted to become the King of Nepal with the assistance of Gusari Khan. Bhima Malla's view that the whole Nepal should be under the rule of one king was disliked by the Kinngs of Patan and Bhadgaun. It war therefore possible that they too might have joined the conspiracy against Bhima Malla. The Vamshavalis also give an account which proves that the murder of Bhima Malla was unjustified. According to this account, Bhima Malla's wife had cursed King Pratap Malla before committing Sati and Pratap Malla had later realized his mistake in ordering the murder. Guthi Land Acquisition For Balaju Gardens Plot of 5/8 ropani of land at Lhuti (i.e. Balaju), traditionally belonging to the Guthi of the Seto Machhindranath temple, has been acquired for the Balaju gardens gardens. The same area of land in Lhuti, belonging to the linga Guthi, is hereby granted in exchange as Guthi. This plot is bounded in the east by the road, in the south by Gajendra's Birta, in the west by Linge Guthi land and in the north by Joti Shrestha's Birata. With due assurance, the traditional Guthiyars shall use the lands and operate the Guthi. Shrawan Sudi 5, 1897 (July 1840) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 29, PP. 78-79. 190. 1764-1767X By Baburam Acharya ************ On hearing that King Digbandhan Sen of Makwanpur had beeb dethroned ant that he was in detention in Gorkha, the Chaubisi Kings of Lamjun, Tanahu, Kaski, Bhirkot, Palpa and Parbat decided to jointly invade Gorkha and set Digbandhan Sen free. After the rainy season of 1763 A.D., there was a flurry of diplomatic exchanges among them. It was natural, specially for King Trivikrama Sen of Tanahu and King Mukunda Sen II of Palpa, to take keen interest in this task. The old rival Lamjun and Parbat, King Siddi Narasimha Shah of Kaski, hasd alos joined this bloc. Bu it was the weaknees of every King to send his general instead of coming himself. Even then, the allied troops of the Chaubisi Kingdoms occupied the Harmi, Dhuwakotm Chyangli, Bhirkot, Dyaurali and Lakang forts in the western part of Gorkka and looted the adjoining villages (January 1764 A.D.). Since the majority of the troops of Gorkha was occupied in the blockade of Kathmanu Valley, Kaji Ranarudra Shah, commander of Gorkha, had a very small number of troops under him. he therefore conscripted all persons of between 16 to 60 years of age, in Gorkha and repored this to Prithvi Narayan Shah. At that time, the generals of Gorkha, Vamsha Raj Pande, Kahar Singh Basynat and Harsha Pantha, were busy tightening the blockade. Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore appointed his youger brother, Shur Pratap shah, who wanted very much to become a General, as Kaji and sent him to Nuwakot with 800 troops. Troops of Kingdoms other than Lamjung assembled at Lakang and set it on fire when they heart that the Gorkhali troops had crassed the Buddhi-Gandaki river. But the troops of Shur Pratap Shah and Ranarudra Shah defeated the enenmy at Lakang. Most of the troops of the enemy felll into the Marshyandi river and died, since they could not get boats. Hearing this, the troops of Lamjung, stationed in Harmi, crossed the Chhpe river (March 1764). Shur Pratap Malla on his wasy back, met a hermit, Bhagwant Nath of the Ranamath (monastry) in Salyan, who was on pilgrimage. He felt that the hermit was endowed wioth supernatural virtues. He therefore took him to Prithvi Narayan Shah in Nuwakot. It was neccesary to have XBaburam Acharya, Nepal Ko Samkshipta Vrittanta, (A Brief Account of Nepal), Kathmandu: Prakod Shamsher and Nir Bikram "Pyasi", 1966. Chapter V: "Chaubisi Ko Dosro Akraman, Kirtipurma Dosro Parajaya, Lamjungma Akraman Ra Kirtipur Ma Adhikar." (Second Invasion of Chaubisi States, Second Defeat In Kirtipur, Invasion of Lamjung and Occupation of Kirtipur), P. 29-35. Contd 191. friendly relations with the rulers of Salyan and Jajarkot in order to invade the Chaubisi Kingdoms from the western side. Prithvi Narayan Shah had signed a treaty with Hari Shah, King of Jajarkot when they were in Kaski; Gajendra Shah, Hari Shah's son, was friedly with Prithvi Narayan Shah, who, therefore displayed much respect for Bhagawant Nath in order to strength friendly terms with King Shrikrihna Shah of Salyan. Prithvi Narayan Shah could not forget his defeat in Kirtipur and the death of Kalu Pande. When he discussed the matter with Bagawant Nath, the latter said, "I will give you a partridge after reciting sacred incantations. When you set the partridge free during the attack, it will stop in Kirtipur and you will attain victoyr there", Shur Pratap Shah, who had become proud after his victory in the battle of Latang, offered his services in occupying Kirtipur. This time too Harivamsha Upadhyaya, Kulananda Dhakal and Vamshraj Pande did not agree toa the proposal to attack Kirtipur. Even then, Kharida Balakrishna Joshi became ready to fix an auspicious date for leaving. Prithvi Narayan Shah agreed with Shur Pratap Shah and sent him in the middle of August via Dahachok with a Gorkhali force. They occupied the adjoining villages of Kirtipur as well as Chobhar on the eastern side. At that time, Kirtipur could not receive any assistance of Lalitpur and Dalamardan Shah, his brother, was ruling there as his representative. Jaya Prakash Malla, King of Kathmandu, had developed hostility towards the ministers of Lalitpur. Therefore, he too remained silent. In this situation, the nobles of Lalitpur who were responsible for the defense of Kirtipur fulfilled their responsibilities by closing the gates of the towns. Since the boundary walls of the town were hint, it was not possible to scale them. Therefore, every Gorkhali officer and soldier made plans to jump across with the help of bamboo ladders. At the auspicious moment, the partridge given by Bhagwanta Nath was set free, but the people of Kirtipur did not allow it to stop there. Even, Shur Pratap Shah, Daljit Shah and Harsha Pantha tried to across the wall thinking that the auspicious moment should not be allowed to pass. Some soldiers who had entered into Kirtipur were injured by stones thrown by the defenders. A tussle arose between Shur Pratap and Harsha Pantha on the question of scaling the wall. In the meantime, a arrow his the eye of Shur Pratap Shah. Another arrow injured Daljit Shah. Many other officers and soldiers were injured and since the generals were not disciplined, the rest of the troops had to withdraw to Dahachok (September 16, 1764 A.D.). When the Gorkhalis occupied Chobhar mid-August, the people of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Kirtipur jointly went to Lalitpur to arrest Dalamardan Shah. But Chautara Danawanta took him to his house for his safety. The ministers of Lalitpur did no hand Dalamardan Shah over to Jayaprakash Mallla at the latter's request. On the advice of Parashuram Contd.......... 192. Thapa, minister of King Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur, they removed the name of Prithvi Narayan Shah from the list of the Kings of Lalitpur, made Dalamardan Shah himself King, and minted coins in Newari script in his name (October 1764). When the Gorkhalis returned defeated from Kirtipur, Jaya Prakash Malla sent a force of Nagarkoti troops led by Sardar Badhasingh Nagarkoti and occupied 2 outposts by besieging the Naldum fort. He then tried to occupy another outpost. Jaya Prakash Malla then declared that he would drive out the Gorkhalis from Nuwakot also after they were driven out of Naldum. When Prithvi Narayan Shah was informed of this threat, he sent troops, on the advice of Vamsharaj Pande, with Kaji Tula Rama Pande, Prabhu mall and Haribamsha Upadhyaya through the morthern part of Kathmandu at night. But Badhasingh, even when he received the informations, did not believe that they were Gorkhalis. The Gorkhalis then attacked the enemy from inside and outside the fort. 450 soldiers, including Badhasingh, were killed and may others injured. About 45 Gorkhali were killed and some injured. Prithvi Narayan Shah felt very happy over this victory. He gave liberal reward to his officers and soldiers. There were apprehensions that the Chaubisi Kings whoud invade Gorkha when they learnt that Gorkha had sustained another degfeat in Kirtipur. In the meantime, Shur Pratap Shah defeated and took shelter with Siddhi Narayan Shah, King of Kaski. This event further strengthened these apprehensions. Therefore, Prithvi Narayan Shah dicided to stop the Chaubisi troops in the banks of the Chepe river. He sent a big force led by Kaji Vamsharaj Pande and others to Lamjung and himself went to Saramadhi in Gorkha to make arrangements for the battle (mid-November). When the Chaubisi Kings did not react, he ordered Vamsharaj Pande to occu[y Reginas fort in Lamjung across the Chepe river. The Kings of Lamjung had constructed Reginas fort to face the invasion of Gorkha, just as the Kings of Gorkha had constructed Siranchok fort to face the invasion of Lamjung. The Raginas fort, which was situated between the Chepe and Marsyandi rivers, was not easy to occupy. It was neccesary to make boats and maintain stocks of food. Prithvi Narayan Shah made these preparations quickly. It was also neccesary to protect the fort of Reginas. When Vamsharaj Pande invaded the fort of Chihandanda and tried to occupy it, the troops Lamjung stationed at the Raginas fort came there. When the troops of Vamsharaj Pande invaded the fort, the troops of Lamjung sustained serious injuries. About 250, including Kunjar Bhandari, were arrested and detained at the royal palace in Gorkha. Parath Bhandari, one of them, later became a prominent Sardar of Gorkha. After both forts were occupied, Raginas too was taken over by Gorkha. Contd 193. Prithvi Narayan Shah constructed several forts there for the proctection of Lakhajung and Raginas and appointed an officer of Gorkha to defend that area. Then he sent the troop accompanying Vamsharaj Pande to Nuwakot. He too then went to Nuwakot. Prithvi Narayan Shah was in a hurry to occupy Kirtipur. When he discussed the matter with Vamsharaj Pande in Nuwakot, the latter persuaded him to wait until next winter. Exactly at the time, Dalamardan Shah, who had been made King of Lalitpur whlile under detention, escaped and reached Dahalchok. At this, the ministers of Lalitpur selected a cotton trader, who was distantly related to the royal family and enthroned him in the hope that he would succed in insuring the supply of cotton, which had been interrupted as a result of the blockade (May 1765). They gave him the name of Tajanarasimha Malla. In order to occupy Kirtipur, Prithvi Narayan Shah sent a large force under the command of Vamsharaj Pande through Dahalchok after the paddy crop was harvested. Outside kirtipur, he set up a number of temporary outposts. As on previous occasions, he chief of Kirtipur village closed all the gates and waited for attack. Vamsharaj Pande, on his part, stopped the supply of paddy to the village. At the same time, he kept on conveying Prithvi Narayan Shah's message to the inhabitants of Kirtipur, that no harm would be done to them if they surrendered. Having received no message from the ministers of Lalitpur and King Jaya Prakash Malla of Kathmandu, Sinkhwal Pradhan, chief of the village, thought it proper to surrender. Howver, he made an arrangement, with Vamsharaj Pande, under which the Gorkhali troops were to enter into Kirtipur only night becaue it was felt that their entry during day time might provoke its inhabitants into doing something. Accordingly, Sinkhwal Pradhan opened the main gates of Kirtipur as mid-night and Vamsharaj Pande intered into the town along with this force. The inhabitants of Kirtipur awoke in the morning only to find that they had come under the rule of the Gorkhalis (March 12, 1766). Prithvi Narayan Shah felt very elated at hearing the news of the conquest of Kirtipur. Since Kirtipur was mainly inhabited by Buddhists, Prithvi Narayan Shah, in order to please them, sent a message announcing the endowment of some lands for the maintenance of the local shrines and Vihars. With the conquest of Kirtipur, the rule of the Gorkhalis extended from the area west of the Bishnumati river to the Newar settlements in Wangbhanjyang, thus narrowing the territory of Lalitpur. Contd..... 194. Although the life and property of the people of Kirtipur were secure, and there was no looting, 14 or 15 foolish men treacherously killed Gorkhal soldiers. Prithvi Narayan Shah, however, did not behead them, he only had their noses cut off and order them to be expelled from Kirtipur. It was not difficult to occupy Lalitpur after the conquest of Kirtipur. But it was difficult to occupy Kathmandu. Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore devised the strategy of besieging Kathmandu by occupying all the Newar settlements in the north. But it was difficult to occupy all these settlements without capturing Mudikhu whch was situated on the main route between Kathmandu and Nuwakot. The King of Kathmandu had entrusted the responsibility of defending the fort of Mudikhu to the native Khadkas themselves, so that its defenses might be strengthened. Vamsharaj Pande dispatched a contigent of troops to occupy Lutikot first, which was situated on the Kirtipur-Mudikhu route. This force, which included Ram Krishna Kunwar, besieged Lulikot during the day and attacked and occupied it at night. Hari Khadkaa, the defender of Mudikhu, surrendered, and he, alogn with his 150 soldiers, were taken prisoner. The entire area up to Changu t the east was thus occupied without a fight. Alarmed over the steady advance of the Gorkhali troops, Jaya Prakash Malla invited King Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapur, as well as the minsters of Lalitpur, to be present at Guhyeshwari for consultations. The King of Bhaktapur and three minsters of Lalipur arrived at Guhyeshwari on May 28, 1799. All the three Kingdoms pledged support to one another, declaring that they would not be able to survive if they failed to resist the Gokhali troos jointly. Seeing that the Malla Kings of Kathmandu Valley had thus concluded a pact, Prithvi Narayan Shah pasued before embarking on a siege of Kathmandu, however, the Birta owners and prosperous persons Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur felt that there was little possibility of the three Malla Kingdoms suriviving as independent entities. They therefore began to gravitate towards Prithvi Narayan Shah to sateguard their property. Prominent among them were Mahants Bhagawant Van and Lachchhiman Van of Bhaktapur. In the battle of Mudikhu, a young minister of Lalitpur, named Bira Narasimha, had been captured and imprisoned in Nuwakot amidst strick security arrangements. Prithvi Narayan Shah told him that he would be freed if he called in his father. Accordingly, Bira Narasimha wrote a letter to his father, Chautara Dhanawants. Out of affection for his son, Chautara Dhanawant left Lilitpur and went to Nuwakot, where he asked Prithvi Narayan Shah for asylum. He was appointed as chief of Khawas (royal slevas). Contd...... 195. With a view to occupying the Chaubisi Kingdoms in the west, Prithvi Narayan Shah established amicable relations with King Shrikrishna Shaha of Salyan with the assistance of Yogi Bhagawanta Nath, whom he regarded as his spiritual teacher. With the assistance of the Yogi Bagawanta Nath, Prithvi Narayan Shah had his only daughter, Bilas Kumari, married to son of King Shrikrishna Shah of Salyana in Nuwakot (January 1737). This relationship helped Bahadur Shah greatly to occupy the Chaubisi kingdoms eventually. ************** Betal Of Offerings To Goddess Taleju From King Rajendra, To Gopal Barai of Bhadgaun. Our great- great-grendfather (i.e. King Pratap Simha) had granted 14 ropanis of land as Jagir to your father under the Guthi endowed to offer betal of Goddess Taleju daily as well as on ceremonial occasions. We hereby reconfirm thei grant, enjoy (the produce of ) these lands by fulfilling your duty to the Goddess daily as well as in ceremonial occasions. Magh Sudi 1, 1881 (January 1824) Regmi Reserch Collections, Vol. 29, P. 20. 196. An Order Of King Damber Shah Of GorkhaX By Mohan Prasad Khanal. *********** This order was issued by King Dambar Shah of Gorkha to Gangadhar Padhya for the protection of forests. The royal seal affixed at the top of this document contains the words "Shri Durga Bhawani". The seal is not very clear and the document, which is 7 "long and 3" wide, is very worn out. It has 9 lines. It is written in Devanagari script and mentions the date 1708. The documents was obtained from Bhawani Prasad of Dhading. Abstract Translation From King Dambar shah To Gangadhar padhya. Do not let anybody clear bushes, forests, shrubs, etc. at Ludja. Make a proclamation to this effect before the entire village. Friday, Jestha Sudi 7, 1708 (junu 1651 A.D.) Explanation According to the Vamshavalis, in 1616 Vikrama (1559 A.D.) Dravya Shah, founder of the Kingdom of Gorkha, defeated Ghale chieftains and proclaimd himself king. Dravya Shah was succeeded by his son Purna Shah. Purna Shah's son was Chhatra Shah, who was succeeded by Ram Shah. Ram Shah enforced a number of rules and expanded the small Kingdom of Gorkha to the Trishuli river in east, to the Chepe river in the West, to Tibet in the north and to the Seti riverin the south. Dambar Shah was the son of Ram Shah. X"Bi.Sam. 1708 Ko Gorkha Raja Dambar Shah Ko Abhilekh" (An order from King Dambar Shah of Gorkha in 1707 Vikrama), Samiksha Weekly, Aswin 3, 2029 (September 18, 1972). Contd 197. The Kings of Lamjung had not liked the establishment of the independent kingdom of Gorkha by Dravya Shah. They were therefore waiting for an opportunity to occupy Gorkha. Although the Gorkhalis were as brave as the Lamjungis, Lamjung was stronger than Gorkha. Gorkha had therefore to beware of Lamjung. Many principalities had emerged in Nepal during the medieval period. Each principality always tried to occupy the other. In order to defend themselves from stronger principalities, small and weak ones built forts at high altitudes, particularly these situated along border areas. At that time, dense forests and precipices served as forts. Hence the cleaning of trees at such places posed a danger to the Kingdom. Later, the Malla kings of Kathmandu Valley too made arrangements for the protection of forest forts. Copper inscriptions issued by them in this regard have been discovered. King Jagajjaya Malla of Kantipur and his son, Jaya Prakash Malla, as well as King Rajya Prakash Malla of Laliptur, issued inscriptions stipulating arrangements for the protection for such forts. These inscriptions are located at the Bajrajogini temple at Sankhu and the temple of Bagh Bhairava in Kirtipur. (Aitihasik Patra Sangraha, Vil. II). King Prithvi Narayan Shah too issued a royal order which read: "To the priest of Nammuda Devata. Look after the forest of Nam Deo Dhan, and particularly the Kaphal trees there. Anyone who clears this forest shall be punished." (Prithvi Patra Sangraha, Part I, P. 14). The above order issued by King Dambar Shah of Gorkha to Gangadhar Padhya also contains instructions relating to the protection of forest forts. This is the first available document issued by the Kings of Gorkha before the accession of King Prithvi Narayan Shah to the throne woth regard to such arrangements. 198. An Inscription Installed During The Reign Of Rajalla DeviX By Mohan Prasad Khanal. There is a famous temple of Anantalingeshwar on the hill located to the south of the Suryavinayak temple in Bhaktapur. On its wall there is a four-cornered water spout, which contains as 4-line inscription in Newari script. The first line which mentions the date and a few letters in the fourth line are illegible. It states that the water spout was installed during the reign of Rajalla Devi. On the third-day of Magh Shukla, 1382 Vikrama (1362 A.D.), King Harisimha deva of Tirhut made preparations to resist an invasion from Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughlak who was on his way to Delhi through Tirhut after invading Bengal. A fierce battle ensued between Harisimha Deva and Ghiasusdhin Tughlok. Harisimha Deva could not face the attack, however, and the troops of Ghiasuddin Tughlok finally destroyed Simraugadh. The King and noble-men of Tirhut all fled to the forests. Some time later, however, Harisimha Deva, along with the rest of his family and ministers, migrated to Rajagrama in Dolakha. He sent his queen, Devala Devi, to Kathmandu Valley in the company of one of his sons named Jagat Simha, to solicit assistance. Howver, King Harisimha Deva died at Tinpatan shortly there after. In the meantime, the Majhis and Bharos of Rajagram imprisoned the remaining members of Harisimha Deva's family as well as his ministers staying there and looted all their property. Arimalla and Rudra Malla were ruling jointly in Kathmandu Valley when Queen Devala Devi and Jagat Simha reached there. Early in 1377 Vikrama, Rudra Malla had placed Arimalla, one of his relatives, on the throne. But although the throne was occupied by Arimalla, Rudra Malla held the reins of administration in his own hands. Following the death of Harisimha Deva and the imprisonment and looting of his familu at Rajagrama, Rudra Malla gave shelter to Queen Devala Devi and her son and kept them in his palace with honor. X"Magh Shukla Trajodashi Prachaturdashi Ko Rajalla Devi Ko Pala Ko Abhilekh." (An Inscription Installed During The Reign Of Rajalla Devi). Samiksha Weekly, August 7, 1972 Contd..... 199. In Ashadh 1373 Vikrama (sic) Rudra Malla died at the age of 30 years and 8 months. His four wives became Satis. Rudra Malla had two sons named Bira Malla and Tribhuwan Malla, but both of them had died in their infancy. He was survivied only by a daughter named Nayaka Devi. Nayaka Devi, the sole heiress to the throne, was looked after by both her grand-mother Yudu Malla Devi and Delava Devi. Many persons desired tomarry Nayaka Devi because she was the heiress of the thorne. Finally, Nayaka Devi married to Harishchandra Deva of the lunar dynasty, who was brought from Vanarasi. However, Jagat Simha started conspiring to eliminate Harishchandra Deva. He succeeded in poisoning Harishchandra Deva to death. Thereafter Jagat Simha and Nayaka Devi started living as husband and wife. Gopal Deva, brother of Harishchandra Deva, regarded Jagat Simha as his enemy and vice versa. Gopal Deva went from Bhaktapur to Lalitpur. In the event, Jagat Simha beheaded Gopala Deva. In 1401 Vikrama, Arimalla died at Deopatan. Although his throne remained unoccupied because he had Nayaka Devi died, living a 10 daya old daughter named Rajalla Devi behind. Devala Devi looked after Rajalla Devi and began to rule the country. The inscription referred to above appears to have been installed during this period. The words; "during the reign of Rajalla Devi" occurring in the inscription, indicate that it had probably been installed before the accession of Sthiti Malla to the throne. Had the date inscribed in it not become illegible, it would have been possible to trace out its history. 200. Appoitment Of Chief Of Gunpowder Factory In ThimiX From King Rajendra, To Sher Singh Pathak of Nuwakot, grandson of Shrikrishna Pathak and son of Laxmipati Pathak. We hereby you as Dittha of the Thimi gunpowder factory, replaceing Kul Bahadur. Appropriate the emoluments pertaining to this office, which amount to 800 muris of Khet lands and Rs 100 in cash as Khuwa. Operate the gunpowder factory properly and manufacture gunpowder. Submit accounts of the saltpeter and sulphur used and of the gunpowder manufactured through the Kapardar-Dittha. In case the subjects whose services have been assigned for the gunpowder factory do not present themselves for work on Jhara (Unpaid) basis, or have to go (elsewhere) for procuring provisios and so do not provide Jhara labor, collect a fine of 2 annas from each such laborer for each day. In case anybody defaults in the supply of firewood to the gunpowder factory, collect 4 annas as fine from him for each load. In case any person defaults in the obligation to provide Silaute labor (to grind gunpowder), collect a fine of 2 annas from him for each day. At the end of year, submit accounts and obtain clearance. Remain faithful and appropriate your emoluments. (List of lands and revenue follows). Falgun Badi 4, 1900 (February 1844). Regmi Reserch Collections, Vol. 29, PP.1-2. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: November 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 11, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi Contents 1. An Appeal For The Abolition Of Slavery 2. An Inscription Of Queen Bhuwanlaxmi 3. Bhrikuti And Amshuvarma 4. Punishment For Eating Yak-Meat 5.Yaksha Malla Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. 201 209 211 215 216. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 201. An Appeal For The Abolition Of SlaveryX An appeal for the abolition of slavery in Nepal made on Friday the 14th Margha 1981 (28th November 1824) by His Highness Maharaja Chandra Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, G.C.B., G.C.V.O., G.C.M.G., D.C.L., Thong Lin Pim-ma Ko-Kang Wang Syan., Primi-Minister and Marshal, Nepal. Page 1 Gentemen, To-day we meet to consider a delicate and difficult questins. The world progresses and with it there is change, not only in our mode of licing in our relations with our neighbours, in our methods of administration and many things besides but in our domestic arrangements too. Our country and our people have now come much more to the fore than ever before. That alone should be an incentive to retain untarnished our reputation as a brave people, as just people, as a humane people; in short as the fit progeny of our forefathers, the heroes of a hundred battles, ever the champions of the weak and oppressed. Yet there rests on us, according to the present standard of the civilized world, a stigma, a slur on our name which diminishes its luster. They say we yet nurture the hated institution of slavery; we, whi are so fiercely jealous of our independence, ratain in vile bondage some or our own people and abandom them from generation to generation to continue in that stage withour lifting a little finger to sweep away a custom unworthy of our glorious tradition. Whatever we may put forward in extenuation, and we can in reason urge many points to show that the institution as pre- Page 2 Valent here differs from what was current not perhaps thirty years ago in Zanzibar and Pemba or some quarters of a century back in Mauritius, British Colonies and elsedwhere and is as different in aspect as poles asunder, yet, gentlemen, we cannot put plead guilty to the charge in general. We have bond slavery in our country, it may be it is in name only; but is there. X Maharaja Chandra Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, An Appeal To The People of Nepal For The Emancipation of Slaves And Abolition Of Slavery In The Country, Kathmandu: Suba Rama Mani A.D., 1925 (English version). 202. We need not go deeply into the origin of the custom which lies hidden away in the dimages in the past when a conquering nation could find no other use for the conquered people except in requisitioning their services as slaves condemned to propagate slaves till enternity. The descendents of Haihayas, the conquered slaves of the Purans, are now as extinct as the palaeozoic animals, we pass by the Gresian and Roman periods, the invasions of India from the Puranic are down to historic times; and the subsequent struggle for supremacy, with their tales of plunder and desolation, the captures and triumphal processions, the growth philanthropists this institution, which had on account of abuse inherent in it earned the epithatis of "barbarous and inhuman", ceased to exist and is rare to- day in every civilized part of te globe. Part 3 The other source of the traffic in human beings is to be found in poverty accentuated by famine, in dire necessity which parted children from parents. We must not be so uncharitable as to supposse that it was the love of percuniary gain but rather the more humanitarian instinct to preserve life that parted those who are int the natural course parted only in death. Apart from military subjugation and economic necessity there were and are other sources which were and are criminal and immoral. It must be remembered that this institution is no part of thereligion; whether it stayes or goes no good or harm under that aspect. But there are other aspects in which it touches us as closely as religion does. The institution is as old as our religious tradition though it does not form part and parcel of the letter. Leaving aside the stories of Kadra and Binata,of King Harishchandra, and other which figure in the Purans, we find that it has a place in the Smritis and Tantras which regulate in ur domestic life, our dealings with slaves. In essence that treatment advocated is a humane one and forms the foundation of our treatment of them and of the legislation regarding their status under certain circumstances. The institution has become fused into our every. Page 4 Day life and had gathered around it the false sanction of a custom. But customs generally keep our nationalism intact and when they become effects are either discarded or yield place to others more vigorous. There are some which may have possessed a temporary utility by have continued when that is passed until attention is drawan to them through change of circumstances. Opnion amongst the learnt pundits is unanimous that so long Contd............ 203. as a change in custom does not violate the basic principle of the Shastras it is permissible. So that it may be legitimately inferred that any change or even abolition of this institution, time-honoured though it is, is notbeyond the range of practicability. If such a custom, moreover, is defienitely prejudicial to the best interests of the people, thecommunity, and the country, it is incumbent on us to change or abolish it forthwith for the common good. It has become worth our which to consider well the effect which the system had and is still haing on the slave community and the rest of the people in the country. Let us look at it from the view point of the slaves. Will they have the same interest in their surroundings as their brethren who are free like you? In your infancy you grow up in atmosphere of love and affection from Page 5 your parents and relatives. They are enxious for your education, find for you some means of hones livelihood. You reache the adult age, have a family and very soon you have a home of your own or , it may be oyu share your parents's roof and repay to some extent the cars bestowed on you in infancy by taking care of them in their old age. Mark, gentlemen, how at each step ther is an uplift in your sense of responsibilities, how you grow to look upon them as loveable dutied rather than as redious burden, how they expand your hearts and engender in you a higher love: a love for your country. You resent aspersions against on seeing a neighboring would do one on your home. You become inquisitive on seeing a neghbouring doing well and try to emulate him and to better your own condition. You have a motive for work and you find the reward not only in your earnings but also in the happiness of the dear ones on your home. When you enter the street at the end of whcich your home is, be it a lowly thatch or a sumptuous mansion, your heart begins to beat fast, you are filled now with joy, now with fear; joy at the prospect of meeting, fear at the apprehension of any mishap that may have befallen in your absence, till you reach your threshold and enter the house, receive the greetings of your. Page 6 dar ones and kiss your children. You sit down happy and content. Let us leave the scene there--, may such multiply in the land--- and turn our eyes to the other picture. Contd...... 204. Think of a slave. May be he was purchased when very young and has no recollection of his parents; still he is young and looks on the jealous hungry eyes when you are showering kisses in your children. A kind man granted all are equally kind-you have a king word for the slave boy. But children instinctively discern the difference. He worders if ever he had parents; if so, where they are and why he is there, His little brain cannot find a solution but it sets him thinking. He begans to understand that there is a difference between him and the rest. The sentiment grows, and his heart begins to harden with age rowards his surroundings, his masters, household, his neighbours and all the world. His childhood passes, not as yours has passed. He is gown up and had learnt to know his position although he has been allowed to mix with your hindren and humbly charge some of their joys. He is your asset and you spend on him frugally, expecting a return. Your slave is now grown up, he is one of your farm hands and has been tought his dutied carefully. You will be lenient with him as your know kindness Page 7 pays better than cruelty. But he has learnt the bitter truth and know he is a slave and is in hopeless bandage, knows that there is the brand of servitude on his brow, while his co-workers, hired men perhaps of the nieghbourhood, wear the dignity of labour as a diadem which brightens their faces and lightens their work by the thought of those at home fore whom they are working. They return after the days' work and so does he nut with what different feelings! You notice the gloom upon him, and find a mate for him, a attach him to the house and of course, with the shrewd instinct of a business man, to get golden eggs laid for you. But how long can you keep him contented? He gradually realizes that the wife givern him and the children of his are not his own in the sense in whicht they are to a free man. If the master cannot afford to keep the slave's increasing family, it is the slave's family life which is broken up first, the husband is separated from the wife, the mother from the child. Many of you the king sold himself, his wife and child to redeem hi pledge to the inexorable Viswamitr. If they shed scalig tears at the pathetic separation, at last the Gods on Page 8 high took pity and reunited them. But to-day in this Kaliyuga the slaves may shed red blood instead of watery tears, yet the flint heart of our custom and institution, more exorable than Vishwamtra, does not melt. What wonder then that the bulk of themselves hate mankind, lose all interest in men and country, have no stimulus to work, have no sence of responsibility and gradually sink to the level of beasts and chattels. This has [..] very feelingly expressed in the following couplet. Contd.......... 205. "[........................................................ ..................................................]" While asserting the universal equality of men the poet declares slavery as altogether despicable and asks "Can the slaves be counted amongst the living?" Gentlemen, you are perhaps thinking that the colour is too deeply laid on, that light and shade have been unduly intestified to give contrast. It is readily admitted that there households with septuagenarain slaves presiding over the faily deliberations and practically directing the family affairs during the [.....] of the heir; theree are households in the hills managed by the slaves while the owner and his relatives are on business or pleasure; and that there. Page 9 are household where but for certain limitations the distinctions between master and slave is practically abolished. But look at their mentality under the limitations and you will readily admit that cannot be different from what is depicted, otherwise human nature would not be what it is. If to-day you are told that your earnings will not be your own, all activities will cease, accumulation will vanish, prudence and thrift be known in name merely, and people will live simply from hand to mouth doing the least that wil secure bare subsistence. Con you except the knowledge of such restrictions to hae any other effect on the mind of a slave? The evil of it was recognized and a law was passed in the year 1978 investing the slaves with the right of ownership of property and devolution by succession. But that has not produced any visible result as yet, no doubt because the time of the slave being wholly his masters', there is little opportunity for him to earn much and all his property remains confined to his few personal belongings-[......] has not built a home or purchased a farm to give him a stake in the country. You build him a family by marring him, but do you not agree that half the enjoyment of it will be gone as soon as the slaves realize that they may be parted at the sweet will and Page 10 convenience of their mastets? You say that the slaves' intelligence is low and that they never think of these things. Are they more abtuse than the dumb cattle? Have not many of you seen the exasperation of the cow, noticed the tears running down her cheeks, when such separation of forcibly effected? Besides, Gentlemen, is is honourable of you to take advantage of their helplessness? Does it bespeak high intelligence and high morality thus to negate Nature's laws of family association, to traffic on the ignorance or obtuseness of a class of your fellow beings? Howver that Contd 206. may be, it would be idle to expect the slaves to have the same patriotic fevour, to have the same interest in short, to shape themselves ar true citizens like brethren, the freemen. Apart from the mentality which is inseparable from the institution it is neccesary to investigate what economic advantages, if any, is secured by retaining it. This institution has been common at one time or another all over the world. In most places it was the superior forces of the conqueror exercised over the conquered, or barefaced robbary, which had brought the so-called slaves into the possession of the owners, man-merchants's they were called. The stronger people had obtained lands, by force of course, and they Page 11 required labour to cultivate it. The slave mechants sold the kidnapped people to these planters in opne markets-yes, there werr regular markets for dealing in slaves just as you now have to deal in chattels and produce! This slave labour was used to bring vast lands under cultivation. It was fored labour and required very harsh treatment to extract as much as work as possible. The incetive to forced labour was the lash behind. The slaves while they worked looked behind to protect their back while the freeman labours looking forward to his hire which he knows will be proportional to his work and upon which rests his hope of provision for his family and himself. There is thus a fundamental difference between slave labour and freeman labour, and this was forcefully illustrated when slavery was abolished in may parts of the world. The slave must be feed and clothed whether he works ill and well, he must be nused in illness, and at death or desertion his value will have to be written offers a loss. The slave will require more constant supervision than the free labour, because sure of bellyful whether he works or not, he will naturally prefer to do the least possible; you cannot staying him, because his physical weakness will be your loss. The superiority of free labour Page 12 to slave labour is not a matter of mere speculation. History has proved is and I doubt nt that the experience of those who have occasion to use both descriptions of labour in this country will bear out the fact. In the pre-sbolition days history of the Hottentot colony at Kat River furnished a striking example of the difference in the quality of work of the same people in the enslaved and in a freed condition. They were considered as absolutely worthless as labour and even the African Negroes despised them as a lazy and good-for-nothing people. In the colony the freed Hottentot Contd 207. proved themselves the most industrious people and transformed the barren tract into a veritable garden, rich to over-flowing in agriculture products. It is slavery which prevents the slaves fdrom acquiring industrious habits and which stunts theirs power of exercising the virtues of prudence, foresight and discretion. General considerations of the superiority of free labour to slave labour will hardly appeal to slave owners because their bias will stand in the way. Their happy-go-luck style of living can never suggest to them the necessity of testing the preposition practically, and, until they do sp, not agreement will ever convince them of its truth. In the many domestic duties such as fetching fuel, Page 13 Fidder or water from a distance, there is a way to do them either expenditiously or dilatorily. The hired labouerer prefers the first mode of working as he fears dismissel and subsequent non-employmet if he is slow over job. The slave, having no such fear, prefers the latter. Your threat that you will sell him does not carry whether he is. You also know that you can seldom get a better man, and chastisement will only exasparete him and might even him run away. Evern if you do not care to make the experiment, only obseve how the work of the household of your neighbour, whose family is like your own, but who is not a slave owner, is carried on more expeditiously than at supervise the work of slaves and those supervisions treated the slaves very harshly to get as much work out of them as possible. Even with such conditios at Penba, when a commission was appointed prior to the abolition, Mr. O'Sullivan, the President put down after experiments and recording of evidence, as his considered opinion, that "The superiority of the free labour in Seychelles as compared with the slave labour in Pemba is Page 14 very stricking. I should say that the Seychelles Negro is fuuly thrre times more efficient, from an agricultural point view, than is the Pamba Negro under existing conditions." Here, where you do not treat the slaves so harshly, it will perhaps be found that one hired man is equal to two slaves in point of efficiency. Thus if you replace all your able-bodied slaves by half the number of hirded hands and pay each letter twice ass mush as the expense you incurred for each slaves replaced, your work should not suffer, neither sould your expenditre increase. Then again, some slave owners have to maintain unproductive hands such as the old, the ill Contd 108. or inform and he young, along with those that are productive. Under a hired labour system this encumbrance will be removed, and there will be some saving too, that way. Further more, no slave owner can deny that in maintaining slaves he is exposed to constant tisk of loss by death or desertion; and that with a hore system he has not to pay a lump sum down as he has to do in the purchase of slaves. In defense of the first statement the owner will perhaps turn a falalist. Argument with such is impossible. We must not forget also, that the household is increased by the addition of slaves and their dismissal reduces the worry of the master on account of the Page 15 Illness of a large number of slaves. While considering the economical aspect of domestic slavery I should not pass over the point urged by some masters that they can reply on slaves for watch and ward over their property as they cannot on outsiders, because if the slaves violets that faith by any dishonest action, the defalcators, being the personal property of the mastere, can under the law be got hold of anywhere in Nepal. The hollowness of this argument shoud be patent to everyone; for, any defalcator, be he a slave, or a Bani or even a Darmahadar, can be prosecuted in any part of the country under the laws. The indea of forced honesty in slaves is absurd. Law can never make a people honest a dishonest, and it is only secular, religious and moral education that keeps people in the right path. (To Be Continued.) 209. An Inscription Of Queen BhuwanlaxmiX By Mohan Prasad Khanal. During the Indrajatra festival, the gold-plated idol of Bhairava is kept at the Kanelchok courtyard of Hanumandhoka in Kantipur. The lower portion of this idol contains an inscription in the Newari script. The gist of the 2-line inscription is as follows: Installed by Bhuwanalaxmi, Queen of King Bhupalendra Malla, after installing the idol of Anandabhairava to be worshipped every year during the Indrajatra festival, so that her deceased husband, Bhupalendra Malla, may continue to reside in his heavenly abode. Bhadra Shukla 12, 822 Nepal era. Pratapa Malla, the famous King of Kantipur, died in 1731 Vikrama (1674 A.D.). He was succeeded by Nripendra Malla, who was then 12 years old. Since the King was a minor, it was nut natural that the reins of administration shoule have gone into the hands of ministers. Chautarsa Chikuti emerged at the most powerful minister after Nripendra Malla's accession to the throne. Nripendra Malla died 7 years after his accession. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Parthivendra Malla. As Parthivendra Malla too was a minor, Chikuti remainded the most powerful State functionary during his reign as well. Howver, a few years later in 1740 Vikrama (1683 A.D.) some nobles of Kantipur hatched a conspiracy against Chikuti. Having got wind of the conspiracy, Chikuti, along with his family, fled to Lalitpur, where he sought asylum from King Srinivasa Malla. Following this, a council of Ministers consisting of 4 members, including Laxminarayan Joshi, was formed in Kantipur. XMohan Prasad Khanal, "Bi. Sam. 1579 Ko Kantupurka Raja Bhulendra Mallaki Rani Bhuwanalaxmiko Abhilekh." (An Inscription of Bhuwanalaxmi, Queen of King Bhupalendra Malla of Kantipur, Dated 1759 Vikrama. Samiksha Weekly, October 2, 1972. Contd............ 210. In 1744 Vikrama (1687 A.D.), Parthivendra Malla was poisoned to death. Queen Ridhi Malla and Laxminarayan Joshi had had a hand in the King's death. Howver, Chikuti, who was then performing some religious rites at the Pashupatinath temple, was charged with having poisoned the King. He, as well as the rest of his family and khas follwers and Banshidar a minister, were beheaded on the charge of being responsible for Parthivendra Malla's death. Parthivendra Malla was succeeded by his son, Bhupalendra Malla, who was then barely 8 years old. Bhupalendra Malla being a minor, Laxminarayan Joshi became all-in-all. He was successful in attaining this position thanks largely to the fact that Riddhilaxmi, the Queen-mother, was amenable to his wishes. The Bhasha Vamshavali speaks of the relationship between the Queen- mother and Laxminarayan Joshi in these words: "The Kaji (i.e. Laxminarayan Joshi) used to take his meals in the palace, wear the King's robels and ornaments, a nd relax on the King's bed. He never took part in any battle. He spent the whole of the day in the company of the Queen." According to an inscription discovered at Tauthali, "Queen Laxmi had a secred love affair with an influential Kaji of Kantipur and it was they who had conspired to kill Parthivendra Malla." In 1747 Vikrama (1690 A.D.), Khasas drove our Laxminarayan Joshi from his own home, and killed him with a Khukuri. King Bhupalendra Malla then became strong enough to banish his mother, Riddhi Laxmo to Tauthali, where she was kept as a prisoner. He took revenge against all those who had actually ben responsible for the death of this father. In 1757 Vikrama (1700 A.D.), Bhupalendra Malla died near Ayodhya, when he was in a pilgrimage to India. The people of Kantipur learnt of his death only 65 days later. The funeral rites of Bhupalendra Malla were performed by placing his horoscope along with his bed on the funeral pyre, 8 women, including his Queen Sati. This inscription was installed by Bhuwanalaxmi, Queen of Bhupalendra Malla, in 1759 Vikrama (1702 A.D.) after installing the idol of Bhairava to be worshipped during the Indrajatra festival, praying for peace to her departed husband. It clearly shows that the idol of Bhairavva had beeb installed by Bhuwanalaxmi in the name of her deceased husband, her son Bhaskara Malla, and her son. 211. Bhrikuti And AmshuvarmaX By Bhuwan Lal Pradhan The name of Bhrikuti has not been mentioned in ancient manuscripts and, in particular, in the inscriptions of the period of Amshuvarma. Only the Tibetan annals have referred to Bhrikuti as the daughter of a King of Nepal by using such Tibetan words meaning "Illumination" or "Light." Only on this baisi, Sylvain levi, probably for the first time, described Bhrikuti as the daughter of Amshuvarma. Leter writers seem to have followed his view. Bur some historians, who regard the account of Bhrikuti as entirely imaginary, for none of the Tibetan manuscripts has referred to the name of Amshuvarma. Moreover, no Nepali historical material found so far refers to Bhrikuti or to Srong-Tsang-Gampo. Moreover, international events, dates, inscriptions, and commonsense do not confirm the existence of Bhrikuti. I shall start this discussion with a note on Shivadeva, Amshuvarma and Udayadeva. Shivadeva I: Inscription of Ganadeva are found until 495 Shaka era (Shankhamul inscription). Shivadeva I had thus become King of some time between 495 Shaka era and 512 Shaka. (Budhanilakantha inscription). He resigned for 41 years. His inscriptions (at Dhapasi, Balambu, and Lampati) are available until 526 Shaka (604 A.D). Thereafter, Asmshuvarma styled himself as "Mahasamanta" until 34 (of the era started by himself). (Sudhara, Lalitpur inscription). In the year 39 of this era, he styled himself as "Shryamshuvarma" with the royal prefix "Shri". (cf Dhanabajra Bajracharya in Purnima). Therefore, Shivadeva I must have abdicated or died between 34 and 39 of the new era. This shows that Shivadeva I ruled for 41 years, from 495 Shaka to 39 of the new era (probably 539 Shaka), or from 630 Vikrama to 674 Vikrama (573 A.D. to 617 A.D.).[......] had no successor. He enthroned Amshuvarma, a son of his sister ("Bhasha Vamshavali, Rajbhogamala", Purnima, 24). ________________________________________ XBhuwan Lal Pradhan, "Bhrikuti Amshuvarma Chhori Huna Saktinan" (Bhrikuti Cannot be The Daughter of Amshuvarma), Gorkhapatra, Aswin 21, 2029 Contd...... 212. Amshuvarma: He was thus the sone of Shivadeva's sister. A Vaishya Thakuri he ruled for 43 years. He was enthoroned at the age of 68 etc. (Gopalaraja Vamshavali, Rajbhoga", Purnima, and 24). Inscriptions between the period from 516 Shaka to 526 Shaka (Bhimsenthan and Golmadhi) refer to the name of Amshuvarma laong with that of King Shivadeva. His inscriptions until the year 42 (cf Bhandarkhal inscription) are found, and the names of Dhruvadeva and Jishnugupta are continued in the inscriptions of Chhinnamasta in Lalitpur dated the year 48. The period of Amshuvarm's rule (43 years) may not have been counted from the age of 68, when he assumed the throne. It must have been counted from the time when he tock over charge of the administration. Therefore, it is possible that Amshuvarma assumed power before 516 Shaka. There does not seem any possibility that he was alive after 558 Shaka. (693 Vikrama or 636 A.D.). It is possible that he may have come to power before 516 Shaka. The Bhimsenthan (Lalitpur) inscription of Amshuvarma dated 516 Shaka refers to him as "Samanta", and that of Golmadhi (Bhaktapur) as even before. He must have died in or before the year 43 (of the era started by himself) (693 Vikrama or 636 A.D.). In the light of available evidence, his rule cannot go beyond 636 A.D. Rather, it may have ended earlier. According to Baburam Acharya, Amshuvarma assumed power in 587 A.D. If so, he died in 629 A.D. Udayadeva: Babu Ram Acharya has described Udayadeva as the son of Amshuvarma on the basis of inscription No. 7 of Bhagawan La (Samhedhan Mandal: Itihas Samshodhan, No. 55). Amshuvarma, during his reign, declared Udayadeva as the Crown Prince. (Yuvaraja) (Purnima, 21). The Chinese T'ang annals have referred to the fact that Narendradeva and others had gone to Tibet, because the uncle of Udayadeva did not let Narendradeva's father ascend the throne. Babu Ram Acharya has written that Narendradeva was the son of Udayadeva. He cites as evidence the inscription of Jayadeva II at Bajraghar (Pashupati). Narendradeva returned from Lhasa and regained the throne from Bhimarjuna and Vishnugupta with the cooperation of Srong-Tsang-Gampo in 65-67 Amshuvarma era (643 A.D.). Since the word, "Udaya" also means "Light", there is no reason to doubt that Udayadeva was the King referred to in the Tibetan annals. Let us now discuss why Bhrikuti cannot be the daughter of Amshuvarma. (1) In Riuen Tsang's description of Nepal, Amshuvarma has been mentioned as "the late King of Nepal". Hiuen Tsang had left China in 629 A.D. and returned from India in about 644 A.D. (Vincent Smith, Ancient India; Government of China, The Life of Hiuen Tsang). This proves that Amshuvarma had died before 629 A.D. On the other hand, Srong-Tsang- Gampo become king of Tibet in 629 A.D. Amshuavarma thus seems to have died in the year when Srong-Tsang-Gampo became King , or when Hiuen Tsang left China. Hiuen Tsang has written that at the time of his tour, there ruled Contd..... 213. a King called Shatili in Nepal (Niranjan Bhattarai, Chin Ra Tyas Sita Nepal Ko Sambandha (China And Its Relations With Nepal). Babu Ram Acharya writes that "Bhimarjundeva was the King referred to as "Shatili". How could Amshuvarma, who died before 629 A.D., marry his daughter to Srong-Tsang-Gampo, who became King only in the same year? (2) Regnal Years Of Narendradeva: According to the T'ang annals of China, Nalandipo (Narendradeva) ruled from 643 to 690 A.D.). The inscriptions of Bhimarjuna-Jishnugupta and Narendradeva have been found until 65 and 67 of the new era (643 and 645 A.D.) respectively. (Inscriptions of Sunaguthi-Bhringarashwar and Talejuchok of Lalitpur). The year 643 A.D., when Narendredeva regained the throne from Bhimarjuna, must be the equivalent of 65, 66, or 67 of the era started by Amshuvarma, mot probably, 65 itself. It takes time to organize everything and install an inscription after regaining the throne. Amshuvarma may have died in the year 43, because his last available inscription (Bhandarkhal in Lalitpur) mentions that date, and the period of rule of said to be 43 years. Siinca the period from Samba 43 to 65 is not less than 19 years, it is probable that "Bhimarjunadeva was regaining 19 years after the death of Amshuvarma.(Purnima, No. 3 P. 16). We may thus conclude that the year 43 becomes equivalent to 621 A.D., which tallies with the description of Hiuen Tsang. If Narendradeva hacame King in 643 A.D.(or 65 of the new era), Amshuvarma may have died in 621 A.D.( or 43 of the new era). (3) Age of Bhrikuti: The Chinese and Tibetan annals, although they do not agree with each other regarding the date of birth of Srang- Tsang-Gampo, are unanimous regarding the date of his enthronement, (629 A.D.), his marriage with a Chinese Princess in 641 A.D., and his death in 650 A.D. According to V. Smith, Srang-Tsang-Gampo married both the Chinese and the Nepali Princess in 641 A.D. Babu Ram Acharya has not mentioned the date of Srang-Tsang-Gampo's marriage/ but, in the his opinion, Bhrikuti married to Srang- Tsang-Gampo one year before, he married the Chinese Princess. According to Tibetan annals, Srang-Tsang-Gampo ruled for 13 years, and it is said that he had married Bhrikuti at the age of 22. (Bala Chandra Sharma, Chinko Bhot Pradesh (Tibetan Region of China). If we believe this, Bhrikuti's marriage with Srang-Tsang-Gampo seems to have occurred in 638 A.D. Moreover, Bhrikutoi may have attained the age of 20 years in 640 A.D. This means that she was born in 620 A.D., or 42 or 43 of new era, or during the last days of Amshuvarma. If we regard Bhrikuti as the daughter of Amshuvarma, she cannot to be the daughter of a ruling king at the time of her marriage in 640 A.D. It is not possible for a King who can marry the daughter of the Emperor of China to marry and accept as queen the daughter of a non-ruling King or one not recognized by him as a king. If the opinion of Babu Ram Acharya, that Bhrikuti may be the illegitimate daughter of Amshuvarma from a concubine is accepted it is even less plausible. Contd..... 214. Moreover, Bhrikuti cannot have been married during the reign of Amshuvarma, for she was not even born than, or at most was only 1 or 2 years of age. At that time, Srang-Tsang-Gampo had not become King. It is not consistent with internationally accepted dates to maintain that Amshuvaram ruled beyond 640 A.D., or that Bhrikuti was married around 620 A.D. Rather, is it not possible that Srang-Tsang-Gampo married Bhrikuti, the daughter of Udayadeva, heir to the throne of Nepal, who had taken refuge in Lhasa after the death of Amshuvarma, by recognizing him as lawful King? (4) Era Started By Amshuvarma: To maintain that Amshuvarma might have started the new era from the first day od 529 Shaka, and that he died in the year 43 of the new era is quite logical. Then the year 43 seems to be equilavent to 621 A.D. This era also shows that Amshuvarma died before the enthronement of Srang-Tsang-Gampo. The marriage of Bhrikuti was helf still later. (5) Bhrikuti's Marriage Ceremony Held In Lhasa: It is generally agreed that Bhrikuti's marriage ceremony was held in Lhasa, not in Nepal. According to tradition, the bridegroom comes to the home of the bride. Moreover, it is difficult to believe that an egoistic King like Amshuvarma sent his daughter to Lhasa to be married, even if we admit that she was illegitimate. It is not possible for a King who could marry a Chinese Princess to marry an illegitimate daughter of a Nepali King. Had the marriage of Bhrikuti been settled through direct contacts between Lhasa and Kathmandu, the marriage ceremony would have held either in Nepal or at some place in the border between Nepal and Chine. It seems impossible that is could be held in Lhasa. (6) Bhrikuti Not Mentioned Anywhere In Nepal: The inscriptions of Amshuvarma refer to many events of his period. Had Bhrikuti been his daughter, or had her marriage been celebrated during his reign, these inscriptions would have referred to these events. But no inscription of the period of Amshuvarma mentions Srang-Tsang-Gampo. It is possible that the marriage of Bhrikuti has not been referred to in Nepal, for it was helf after the death of Amshuvarma, and in Lhasa, fat from Nepal. It would thus be consistant with the T'ang annals, the accounts of Hiuen Tsang, and inscriptions of the period of Amshuvarma and Narendradeva, if we consider Bhrikuti as the daughter of Udayadeva, not of Amshuvarma. 215. Punishment Fo Eating Yak-Meat From Prime Minister and Commander-In-Chief Jung Bahadur Kunwar Rana, Commander-In-Chief Ban Bahadur Kunwar Ran and Gengeral Krishna Bahadur Kunwar Rana, To Sardar Kanak Singh Mahat. In the year 1903 (1851 A.D.), the families of Langkewa Bhotya and Chheng Walduk Bhotya, inhabitants of Chhyapkagaun in Humla division (Dara) of Jumla, were unable to stay on in their village because of an epidemit of Patukya (plague ?). They therefore shifted to Patan at Chhause on the border. However, they were unable to take any foodgrains with them. Nor could they go to any other village. They were therefore at the point of death, and in order to survive, they killed and ate up 4 oalves of their own yak one by on. They thus save their own lives as well as those of members of their families. Afraid of what they had done, they fled from Humla towards China. The draft of a confession was sent to them for neccesary action. The case has been referred to us. these people had left for the (Nepal) China border in order to save themselves from the epidemic. Since they had no foodgrains, they slaughtered the calves of a Yak for food. Each of these Bhotes shall be fined Rs 2 as punishment for the offense of killing (the calves of) a yak. Bring them back to their homes. Tell them that action will be taken according to the Ain (Legal Code) if they do so again. Jestha Sudi 9, 1910 (May 1953) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 33, PP. 193-194. 216. Yaksha MallaX By R. K. Gautam ************ In 549 Nepal era (1428-29 A.D.), (Jaya) Yaksha Malla ascended the throne of Nepal. He was the son of (Jaya) Jyotir Malla and Samsara Devi. His father was still alive when he ascended the throne. A manuscript (Samhitapatha) written in 1350 Shaka (1428 A.D.), (Bir Library Catalog, Part I, P. 23) refers to him as King in that year. The Pashupati inscription of Jyotir Malla describes Yaksha Malla as having worked for the welfare of the people of Bhaktapur. This proves that the administration of Bhaktapur had remained in the hands of Yaksha Malla since 533 Nepal era (1413 A.D.). According to two manuscripts, Kutani-Mata and Chandra Vyakaran, (Jaya) Yaksha Malla, in collaboration with his brother, Jayantaraja or (Jaya) Jiva Malla, ruled until 561 Nepal era. Yaksha Mala made Bhadgaun his capital. According to Bendall, 6 manuscripts written during the reign of Yaksha Malla between 549 and 594 Nepal era, show that he reigned for 45 years. In the inscription of Pashupati, his beautiful body is praised, and he has been described as one who made the people of Bhaktapur free from famine. This probably means that he was in charge of the administration of Bhaktapur when he was Crown Prince. The Pashupati inscription also refers to the name of his brother, Jayantaraja or (Jaya) Jiva Malla, his sister Jivaraksha, and her husband, Jayabhairava. The manuscript Narapati Jayajaya Charyatika, written in 1536 Shaka (1614 A.D.) on the order of King Jayajyoti Malla of Bhaktapur, a descendant of (Jaya) Yaksha Malla, describes the victories of Yakshal Malla. Since, he had a long rule, he greatly expanded his Kingdom and thus gained prestige for Nepal. According to the manuscript, he conquered Mithila and reached up to Magadh. He conquered several hill Kings (Parvatan). He made Nepal free from enemies by extending his conousts to Goya. He conquered the area up to Bengal on the east, Gorkha on the west, and Ganga river in the south and up to 7 day's journey in the north. According to the Kirtipur Vamshavali, as well ass Kirkparick, Yaksha Malla also fought a war with Tibet and occupied Shikarjong (Digarcho). The rebel nobles of Patan and Kathmandu were also suppressed. R.K. Gautam "(Jaya) Yaksha Malla." Gorkhapatra, Aswin 28 2029 (October 14, 1972). Contd 217. This account of Yaksha Mall's conquests is certainly an exaggeration. But it is definite that Yaksha Malla occupied Simraun-Gadh. Simraun-Gadh may have gone under Mithila when Harisimhadeva came to Nepal. It is not therefore surprising that Nepal should have reoccupied it during the reign of Yaksha Malla. It is not possible to have contacts with Bengal except through Morang. therefore, it seems that Yaksha Malla had occupied Morang also. That Yaksha Malla extended his dominations to the Ganga river is a matter of surprise in the history of Nepal. He may have gone to Ganga and Gaya on pilgrimage. It is also known that he could not conquer the descedants of Dravyas Shah in Gorkha. Dravya Shah had established the Kingdom of Gorkha in 1559 A.D. Yaksha Malla had died much earlier. He may have secured victory over the former rulers of Gorkha. That he conquered territory up to 7 days' journey in the north probably represents his victories in the hill regions. Yaksha Malla, undoubtedly reigned supreme, controlling the rebel nobles of the neighbouring areas. This is proved by the mannar in which be partitioned his Kingdom among his successors. The account of Jayajyotir Malla seems to be exaggerated, since the pertition does not refer to any place outside Kathmandy Valley. Yaksha Malla may have temporarily attained victory over Gorkha and Shikarjong, but those areas could not remain under his control for a long time. The condition of Nepal was not like that during the period of Jayasthiti Malla when Yaksha Malla ascended the throne, because Jayasthiti Malla and Jayajyotir Malla had already suppressed the nobility who used to violate law and order. The country was well-organised and prosperous at that time. Its military power too had been strengthened. An inscription dated Shrawan 573 Nepal era (1453 A.D.) mentions that Yaksha Malla had constructed walls around Bhaktapur town and dug a moat. There were also places for accommodating troops and storing arms. The manner in which people of all classes contributed to the construction of this wall proves that it was contructed in a hurry. Why this hurry for the security of Bhadgaun? But this is only a speculation, for the Vamshavalis do not refer to it. The history of the rulers of Nuwakot is still dark and it is not known how big was their kingdom. Although our knowledge in this regard is limited, it is known that Ratna Malla, a son of Yaksha Mallam, had occupied Nuwakot, defeating the Vaish Thakuri rulers there. This shows that the Thakuri rulers of Nuwakot had made an agreement with Nepal. Apart from this, it is also possible that the Kirats of the east, led by these Thakuris, had been exerting pressure on Nepal. There are no other notable events of Yaksha Malla's period. The south (Indian) Brahmans had a monopoly over the temple of Pashupati. The practice continues to this day. Althouth Yaksha Malla could not end this monopoly, he appointed the local people of Kathmandu and Patan as store-keepers of the temple, thus appointing Newars in the biggest temple of Nepal. The Vamshavalis also refer to the temples constructed during Yaksha Malla's Contd..... 218. reign. One Padmadeva constructed the temple of Minanath in Patan. Yaksha Malla and his son, Raya Malla, constructed the temple of Dattatraya in Bhaktapur. He constructed several other temples also at different places. At the time when Nepal had strengthened its military power, the condition of North India was very critical. A weak person became King there after the death the Firoz Tughlak.in 1398 A.D. Timur invaded India and destroyed Delhi. Yaksha Malla was not afraid of invading India, because there was no strong power to resisit his invasion. But the Nepali Empire established by Yaksha Malla was a temporary one. It disintegrated towards the end of his reign. The reasons for such disintegration are as follows: Bahlol Lodi attained power in India in 1441 A.D., defeating the rulers of the Sayajid dynast\y. he strengthened his power and annexed the neighbouring areas. In 1488 A.D. his son, Sikandar Lodi, succeeded him. He occupied Bihar, Oudh, Jaunpur and Tirhut. Nepal thus lost Tirhut and Bihar. After the retrun of Yaksha Malla, Bengal too became independent, for it was an independent kingdom during the reign of Sikanda (Lodi). Yaksha Malla was a successful general, but not a successful politician. He could gain victory over any Kingdom, but he was unable to consolidate his gains. In this way, Nepal returned to the same condition as it was during his accession to the throne, although he had occupied quite large territories. The nobility, which Jayasthiti Malla had failed to abolish, troubled Yaksha Malla very much. According to Kirkpatrick, Yaksha malla had to fight with the nobility of Kantipur and Lalitpur. In the opinion of L. Petech, Raya Malla, eldest son of Yaksha Malla, dethroned his father and ascended the throne himself. But this cannot be regarded as true. When Yaksha Malla went to war, his son, Raya Malla, ruled the Kingdom in his absence on the order of his father. Yaksha Malla had brought a Bhataa Brahman from South India to worship Pashupatinath daily. None can become priests in that temple except Bhattas even now. Similarly Shrestha Newars are still store-keepers there. Historians hold different opinions regarding Yaksha Malla's death. According to some, he ruled for 55 years and died in 1492 A.D. at the age of 74. Accordig to others, he ruled for 18 years and died in 1474 A.D. at the age of 66. Still other historians have said that Yaksha Malla ruled for 45 years and died in 1471 A.D. Sylvain Levi had written that Yaksha Malla died in 1480, on the basis of the manuscript Pancharatra. The namuscript is in the possession of some foreigner and Dr Barnett too had seen Contd...... 219. it. The concluding chapter of this manuscript mentions Jaya Nripendra Malla and the date 596 Nepal era (1476 A.D.). This manuscript was written in Kashthamandap towm. If Nripendra Malla is regarded as the successor of (Jaya) Yaksha Malla, the Vamshavali version will be contradicted. According to the Vamshavali of Wright, after Yaksha Malla, his son Ratna malla ascended the throne. The name of Jaya Nripendra Malla is referred to in the manuscript with a long eulogy. This shows that he was a ruling King. Probably, Jaya Nripendra Malla of he manuscript and Ratan Malla of the Vamshavali refer to the same person. The death of Yaksha Malla must thus have occurred between 1474 and 1476 A.D. because his son Ratan Malla ascended the throne after his death and the manuscript written during to the reign of Ratna Malla is dated 1476 A. D. But this view cannot be considered authoritative, for there are no othe solid proofs. (Jaya) Yaksha Malla sowed the seeds of poison for his descendants by pertitiioning the Kingdom. As a result, it was easy for King Prithvi Narayan Shah to end the Malla rule and started the rue of his own dynasty. An inscription of Yaksha Malla dated 491 Nepal era (1371 A.D.), which mentions his 6 sons, has been found at a house to the southern part of the temple of Pashupatinath. The names are Raya Malla, Ratna Malla, Rana Malla, Rama Malla, Ari Malla and Purna Malla, only three of htem have occupied a place in history. Raya Malla, Ratna Malla and Rana Malla. This must be the reason why the Vamshavalis mention only these three as the sons of Yaksha Malla. The manuscript Narapati Jaya Charcha Swarodaya Tika, written by Jyoti Malla, King of Bhaktaur, also refers to three sons of Yaksha Malla. According to the Vamshavalis, Yaksha malla ahd divided the kingdom among his three sons and a daughter. Raya Malla, his first son, received the kingdom Bhaktapur, while Rana Malla received Banepa, Ratna Malla got Kantipur, while his daughter, Dharmavati, received the Kingdom of Lalitpur. The Kingdom of Bhaktapur extended to Bagmati in the west, Sanga in the east, Kuti in the north and the forest of Medini Mall in the south. The Kingdom of Banepa extended to Sangyak in the north, the forest of Madini Malla in the south, Sanga in the west and the banks of Dudkoshi river in the east. Kathmandu extended to Bagmati in the east, the Trishuli river in the west, the Nilakantha hills in the north and the border of the Patan (Bagmati) in the south. The Kingdom of Patan extended to Bagmati in the north, Lamidanda in the west, the forest of Medini Malla in the south and Bhaktapur in the east. There are certain reasons for the paetition of the Kingdom by Yaksha Malla. According to the Vamshavalis, he had desired to enthrone his eldest son, Raya Malla. But the nobles Linked Ratna Malla, the second son, because Raya Malla was a man of hot temperament. This is why, they did not let Raya Malla be enthroned. This proves that there was a rift. Contd........... 220. between Raya Malla and Ratna Malla, and that the nobles were also divided into two factions during the last days of Yaksha Malla. In 602 Nepal era (1482 A.D.). Yaksha Malla died and the nobles supporting Ratna Malla tried to enthrone him. But, in the end, loyalty to the dynastic order proved dominet among them and Raya Malla succeeded his father. The Vamshavalis say that Ratna Malla was then exiled to Patan, but becime the ruler of Kathmandu after some time. The manuscript The manuscript Pandava-Vijaya has been found at the Darbar Library of Kathmandu. This manuscript refers to King Jaya Rana Malla (Rana Malla). The authenticity of the first King of Banepa is thus proved, since the manuscript mentions the names of Rana Malla's queen, Nathalla Devi, and his son, Kuwara Vijaya Malla. But the kingdo of Banepa could not last more than 100 years, and it was eventually occupied by the rulers of Bhadgaun. In this way, Kathmandu and Bhadgaun were the main kingdoms among those created through partition by King Yaksha Malla. The history of Nepal after the death of Yaksha malla is the history of the struggle between 3 divided Kingdoms, until King Prithvi Narayan Shah ended this struggle in 1768 A.D. (S.B.M.) Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Kathmandu: December 1, 1972. Regmi Research Series Year 4, No. 12, Edited By, Mahesh C. Regmi ************* Contents Page 1. Captain Kinloch's Unsuccessful Expedition 2. An Appeal For Abolition of Slavery 3. An Inscription of King Abhaya Malla 4. Dr. Hooker's Visit to Nepal 5. Reutahat Administrative Regulations 221 226 236 239 239 Regmi Research (Private) Ltd, Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal. Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale and display. 221. Captain Kinloch's Unsuccessful ExpeditionX By Baburam Acharya ********** When Kasim Ali Khan tried to save his subjects from plunder and exploitation at the hands of English traders, the latter declared war against him. As a result, Kasim Ali Khan had had to flee Bihar and go to Oudh to seek help from Nawab Sujauddaula, who was also then triying to extend his dominations to Bihar and Bengal. Kasim Ali Khan has still considerable wealth as well as some troops with him. it was therefore decided that the costs of the war (agaisst the English) should be borne by Kasim Ali Khan. The two Nawabs then proceeded to figfht the war crossing the Gangas river. Sujauddrals reached Buxar in South Bihar accompanid by Shah Alam. The latter, though Emperor of Delhi, was unable to return to his capital for fear fo being killed. He was therefore staying in Oudh. At Buxar, the Nawab's troops ware attacked by the English general Munro. The Nawab's troops disintegrated and the English emerged victorious (October 23, 1764). The bug English victory at Buxar further strengthened the foundation of the English empire in India which had been laid after their victory at the Battle of Plassay. Kasim Ali Khan fled to Delhi in the guise of a traveler just one day before the beginning of the Battle of Buxar, because his money was all exhausted. Following his defeat in this battle, Nawab Sujauddaula too began to search for allies, while Shah Alam defeated to the English. Exactly at that time, Clive returned a Governor of Calcutta. Hearing of the English victory at Buxar, Clive went to Allahabad and obtained from Shah Alam a royal charter (firman) vesting in the East India Company the legal authority to administer all areas under its occupation in India. He kept Shah Alam under his care at Allahabad. Six months later, Sujauddaula too had to seek shelter from the English, because he did not find support anywhere. Thus, by 1766 A.D., Clive insured the supremacy of the English all over North India. The echo of the victory achieved by Clive reverberatd not only throughout India but also in the Himalayan States. Jaya Prakash Malla too was watching the pregres of the English advance on Norh Inda. XBaburam Acharya, Nepal Ko Samikshipta Vrittanta (A Brief Account of Nepal). Kathmandu: Pramod Shamsher and Nir Bikram "Pyasi", 1966. Chapter VI: "Angrej Kaptan Kinlochko Asafal Abhiyan." (Unsuccessful Expedition of the English Captain Kinloch), PP. 36-41. Contd...... 222. Whn the Gorkhalis occupied Kirtipur without bloodshed, and then extended their control to villages south of Kathmandu after attacking the Lutikot and Mudikhu forts, Jaya Prakash Malla apprehended a grave threat to Kathmandu. He therefore invited King Ranajit Malla of Bhaktapru and the ministers of Lalitpur to a meeting at the temple of Guhyshwari, though they were his enemies previously. In fornt of the temple, they all pledged to help each other in driving out theGorkhalis. But Jaya Prakash Malla soon realized that even this alliance would not help to save Kathmandu from the Gorkhalis. He sent a man named Umdaa, accompanied by Ram Das, a mendicant, as his envoy to deliver an official message addressed to the Governor of Calcutta, pleading for military assistance from the English government which was becoming more and more powerful in India. They were directed to hand the messae to the British commercial agent at Bettiah. Before they reached Bettiah, Jaya Prakash Malla sent another message to Thomas Rumboldt, Chief Officer of Patna, informing the latter to his willingness to come personally to Patna if the Britishs would help in leefting the blockade on Nepal. Prithvi Narayan Shah received reports of Jaya Prakash Malla's correspondence with the English government. In order to prevent the alliance between Jaya Prakash Malla and the English government, he too sent a message to the British in Patna informing them that he would be willing to visit Patna with the objectives of strengthening friendly relations if arrangements were made to guarantee his safty. Rumboldt had already made up his mind to the side of Jaya Prakash Malla. However, he could no send any reply without receiving an order to do so from the Governor. Hence the English Officer appears to have sent a reply neither to Jaya Prakash Malla nor to Prithvi Narayan Shah. On receiving the message sent by Jaya Prakash Malla, Golding conferred with the former's representatives, and then forwarded the same to Rumboldt along with his opinion (April 6, 1767). The gist of the letter was as follows: "It is very neccesary to provide military assistance to the Malla King. It is neccesary to do so from the moral viewpoint also. To do so will mean liberating a major town from bloodshed and plunder. This apart, assistance to the Malla King at this stage will bring economic advantage to the [...........]. The Gorkhalis are gradually coming close to us. should Nepal Vally pass into the hands fo the Gorkhalis, we will have to abandom the "Pinewood Project and, moreover, the Gorkhalis will come to loot the village of Bettiah. [..] assistance to the Malla King will make him endebted to us, and also help to establish communications with China through Nepal. Sooner or later, we must fight against the Gorkhalis for the defense of Bettiah. It will therefore be wise to defeat the Gorkhalis soon before they become stronger. Moreover, the Malla king has undertakne to provide all the money needed for the war" Contd 223. Rumbotdt received Golding's recommondation along with Jaya Prakash Malla's letter. He forwarded the documents to Governor Verelest in Calcutta, along with a note containing his own opinion (April 18). His opinion was as follows:- "These attackers (Gorkhalis) have virtually stopped Nepal's thriving trade with us. I sure that a small force will be adequate not only for breaking the blockade but for humiliating the Gorkhali King. The Gorkhali King appears to have got the hint that we are preparig to provide military assistance to the King (Jaya Prakash Mall) of Nepal. Only yesterday, I received a message from him" The subjects Committee to the East India Company considered the note of Rumboldt along with Golding's recommondation and decided to ask the Gorkhalis to call off the economic blockade and in case they refuged to [......], to provide the Malla King with military assistance. The Governor ordered Malla King (Jaya Prakash Malla), and warm them that otherwise the East India Company would declare them as its enemies for the sake of its prestige (Aprip 30). The Company was confident that the Gorkhalis would not send an appropriate reply to this note. Therefore, it ordered Captain Kinloch, who had attained successs in the battle of Tipra, to go to Patna via Monghyr with the troops and remain there. When Prithvi Narayan Shah received the threat from Rumbetdt, he sent evasion replies and ordered Khajanchi Birbhadra Upadhyaya, protector of Sindhuligadi to remain vigilant. He then sent troops to Sindhuli under the command of Vamsha Raj Pande, while he himself stayed in Kirtipur. Kinloch and Rumbotdt started making efforts to collect as much information in Patna as possible in order to achieve success in the compaign. They collected information from Umda and Ramdas separately regarding the condition of Nepal and the total number of Gorkhalis troops was 50,000, of whom 20,000 had been assigned for the blockade, while the rest were cultivating their lands. But only 5,000 troops had been engaged in the blockade, while the number of troops engaged in agriculture operations was not more than 15,000. Umda and Ramdas had suggested the Janakpur-Bhaktapur route via Shindhili as the appropriate route for the campaign. But arrangement had already been made for the protaction of Sindhuli. The climate of Tarari had already been unhealthful into summer had set in. even then, the Capuchin priests in Kathmandu and Bettiah sent information that Jaya Prakash Mall would not able to keep Kathmandu under his control if the campaign was not lauched immitiately. Rumbolbt and Kinloch therefore did not care for the season. With 2,400 Indian troops and some Englsih officers, Kinloch, using Contd 224. Ramdas as his chief, guide, started from Patna in elarly September notwithstanding the mid-monsoon. They faced difficulties created by bad roads and thee shorage of privisions until they arriaved in Janakpur during the middle of September. Ramdas had brought the enemy troops up to Janakpur on the pretext that they could purchase provisions in Janakpur. But Kinloch felt nervious when he saw that the merchants had hidden all goods and made the market empty upon being informed that the enemy troops were arriving there. The troops then marched forward, thinking that they could reach Sindhuli-Madi on the third day of and thath provisions would be available there in abundant quantities. But when Kinloch saw that the market in Sindhuli-Madi too was empty, he established his camp there. When the Gorkhali troops in Sindhuli-Gadhi was the big army of the enemy, they reached Pauwagadhi on the Mahabharat pass through a 3-mile long cimb. Vamsha Raj Pande had made arrangements for attacking the enemy fom Dhungrbas under the command of Sardar Vamshu Gurung, and from the maon fort under the command of Birbhardra Upadhayay. The Gorkhalis had preserved the throny bushes and hornets nest on the way, which had been planted there by the Kings of Makawanpur to check the advance of the enemy. Due to he shortage of provisions, Kinloch did not regard in advisable to leave Pauwagadhi. He put his troops on half rations and ordered them to climb up. When the enemy troops were about to reache the pass, Vamshu Gurung attacked them and split their ranks. He also broke the hornets's nests. Birbhadra Upadhyaya too attacked from above. The enemy troops then fled back. Approximatelt 1,000 of them died of injuries caused by throny bushes, hornet's stings and the Gorkhalis's weapons. Nearly 300 Gorkhalis were also killed. Kinloch and other English officers were safe because they were in Sindhuligadhi. When the survivers threatened that they would rebel if they were not allowed to go back, Kinloch pretended to go back and fled western instead of going to Janakpur. The remaining enemy troops were persuad by the Gorkhalis led by Birbhadra Upadhyaya. Kinloch reached the banks of the Bagmati for it was believed that there was a route to Makwanpur through Hariharpur from there. The number of troops was declinging day by day due to Malaria. Even then, Kinloch constructed a ford to cross the Bagmati river. But it was destroyed by floods. Kinloch thus felt discouraged. He crossed the Bagmati in the plains area, passed by Rautahat, and established a camp at a secure place in the Bara district during the beginning of October. Only 800 soldiers of the enemy (English) were alive at that time. At the battle of Sindhuli, the Gorkhalis seized approximatel 300 guns left by the enemy. Prithvi Narayan Shah allowed Kinloch to remain in Bara, for it was difficut to fight with the enemy in the plains of the Tarai. Kinloch thus occupied Parsa and Rautahat. But he could not occupy areas east of Bagmati, and so the areas covered by the modern Sarlahi and Mahottari districts remained under the control of Gorkhas. Contd 225. Although the campaign was unsuccessful, Kiloch was thus able to occupy some territory in the Tarai. Kinloch, Golding and Rumboldt therefore tried to make a second campaign successful during the beginning of winter. They prepared a new plan in the beginning of 1768 A.D. and presented it to the Governor. The Subjects Committee of the India Company deeply studied the plan and discovered the reasons for failure. However, at that time, Haidar All had been harassing the English in Madras and some troops had been sent there for assistance, and further assistance was possibly being sent. The Committee, therefore, could not make any decision in this regard, and asked for the approval of the Board of Derectors of the East India Company. The Board ordered that the occupied area should not be relinquished, and that the second campaign should be postponed for an indefinite period. The plan, thus postponed, could never be implemented. 226. An Appeal For The Abolition Of SlaveryX (Continued) *********** The other point for consideration would be the carrying on of agricultural work. There are few who do not know that to maintain many slaves for only occasional work is a waste of money. When agricultural operations are forward, slave owners as well as other people call in outside help for the labouer required. There is an excellent system of cooperative labour suppy by the familiar appellation of "Parma". Under is every house hold furnishes what labour I can Page 16 in times of transplantation or gathering-in of course, receiving as much in return when its own farm work is on. So that the economic effect of the abolition of slavery cannot be as dark as some of the slave owners would have us believe. Sometimes the help available under the Parma system may not be sufficient for large holders of land an then they call in what is known as "Bani" labour or "Darmahadars". These are different kinds of hired labour but with some peculiar feature of their own. The Bani labourers or Darmahadars are employed at other times too by middle class people. For occasional work of a day or more, Bani labourers are given food, and a little more besides a wages, either in kind or money. The food can be equated in cost with that of a slave, and the extra which varies in different localities, will hardly be found to be as much in value as he feed for the day; often it is less than half. The special feature of the Bani system is that the contract for survices may extend to a month, or to several months, or even to a year, and may be renewed on expiry. In some of the hill districts, the terms are food and clothing, and about Rs 12 mohar per year. The food consists of the current 7 pathis 4 annas per month and a mana per day for the "khaja" or mid-day meal of corn flour or rice or whatever else Page 17 is available; and the clothing of a whole piece of "khandi" a blanked which lasts about threed years. Generally the total inclusive expenses work out to Rs 6 per month. Upon enquiry from those who have occasion to employ XMaharaja Chandra Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, Appeal To The People Of Nepal For The Emancipation Of Slaves And Abolition of Slavery In The Country, Kathmandu: Suba Rama Mani A.D., 1925 (English version). Contd..... 227. them you will, I am sure, be told that Bani work is far superior to slave work. If you make careful and proper observations and calculations, you will find that outtrun from Bani labour will be at least twice as much as that from slave labour. For feeding and clothing a slave, averaging from figures from some districts, we arrive at about Rs 4 per hear per month. So that while you get double the work from a Bani labour, you pau\y only 50 p.c. more, and thus save something over the expensse you would have incurred for twp slaves. If the Bani labourer be a female she will require only the extra payment in kind or money over and above the expenses that would be neccesary for a female slave. You will bot grudge that little extra expense when you realize that Bani female servant would be found thrice as efficient and industrious as a female slaves who, ever if plain-featured, will pass most of her time in flirig with the men slaves of the household on the neighbourhood. Since there is this system prevalent in all the hill districts, Bani servants will very well Page 18 replace the slaves employed in domestic work. Here again the question may be rasied as to where-from so much Bani labour will be forth-coming, to which we might return the reply that liberated slaves themselves will furnish what is required and will, in all probability, slave a surplus behind, as only on man will be employed for every two let off One other case tobe considered is that of owners who have allotted a portion of their land to their slaves to cutivate and feed themselves out of the product of the field. This is hardly a different question aconomically from what has been already discussed. Slaves have no motive to produce more corn by intensive cultivation: and the land is taken over by masters, they are bound to be more benbefitted than when it was under management. Considered from every point of view then, free labour is economically superior to, and in every way more desirable than, slave labour. Some may sya that though all that has been said is true, as I firmlyu believe it is, the slave, when married, will beget children who will furnish additional hands in time to make up for the inferior quality of work by increase I the number of the workers. From considerations entered into before the fallacy of Page 19 the argument shouldbe self-evident. Quality cannot make up for quality several unwilling hands cannot perform as much good work as can some willing ones, though few. Apart from that, you must puschase a woman slave as your first outlay in the venture. After she was given birth to a child, you incur contd....... 228. some expenses year by year to rear it up till it is, say, sixteen years old and becomes an adult hand able to work. The simple total shown in the appendix annexed, in which the expenses have been kept low to compensate for any light work you may get out of the young slave, comes to Rs 410/- nearly. If you had invested this at the outset at ten per cent the annual return would have been enough to provide extra wages neccesary for a hirde labourer or Bani whose work would be twice as much as that of your slave. If you had invested the fisrt outlay and subsequently year to year expenses on your child slave, as shown in the appendix, at even ten per cent per annum, a rate allowed by the unsury lawa of the country, instead of the sixteen ot thirty per cent prevailing in the hills, you could have earned about Rs 1100/- which woulf be a handsome asset. In fact, if the slave owners were to invest money thus, the high rate of interest in the hills would gradually fall, to the immense relief of the ryots, and with no Page 20 loss benefit to themselves; because a lower rate of interest is more easily realizable and the capital less liable to become a bad debt. Some maters, however, say that they can recoup their loss in another way-by selling the child slaves. This inhuman practice is beyond all condemnation, and is rightly looked upon as the worst feature of the institution. When the practice is comdemned even in the cae of slave who are aliens, how much more reprehensible it is when applied in the case of slaves who are our fellow-country-men, and who are almost our equals when liberated? And do the masters really gain? From gigures in the appendix it will be seen that if they had husbanded the expense incurred for the first child till the completion of its sixth year, they could have earned Rs 290/- nearly, and expenses on every subsequent child invested as in the appendix would have brought the masters about Rs 60/- by the time. If the woman bear six children the saving by investing the expenses would have amounted to about Rs 98/- per child, and if she bear eifht children, to about Rs 88/-. The legal price which the master can realize by the sale of such a child is only Rs 35/-, which is far below what the master can earn by the method of investment suggested, and that withour incurring the obloquy attached to that hein- Page 21 ous practice. Those who say that they get better prices at prevailing rate should remember that a wome of child-hearing are would also cost more than the leral price, and the larger sum and the other expenses, if invested as in the appendix, would have brought them sums which it is very difficult for them to obtain by sale of children. Again the women may die, or may turn out to be barren, or less prolifil and, as infant mortality is so heavy here, the child also may die before attaining a saleable age. These probabilities discount greatly the expentation built by the masters. Investment Contd 229. as interest-bearing advances is but an instance. Other ways of remurerative employment of capital, suchas horticulture, cattle-rearing, intensive cultivation etc will no dount suggest themselves to you as more lucrative, and without the limitation attached to this practice. Slave-rearing then, either for labours or for sale, is not the profitable business you believed it to be. But this is not enough. There is yet another practice humiliating to any nation amongst which it prevails and subversive or morality. The law provides option to the father, if he be a freeman other than the master, to emancipate a child of his by a slave girl by payment of the lega amount to Page 22 the master of the gild. The framers of the law thought that the father's feeling would be potent enough to procure the manumission of his own begotten issue. But alas! This has been a vain hope. A reprehensible practice is preval with some slave owners of giving slave girls to share the bed of men who are themselves poor and needy and can not emancipate their children who therefore remain slaves and the property of the master of the girl, to be disposed of as he pleases. If the children were by the master himself, they would have been automatically set free under the law. Our best intentions have thus been frustrated and have to the shame of all, led to legalized prostitution. What example has been set to the low to circumvent the provisions of the law? It is by such demorabling ways that slaves can be bred for the market bringing an apparent profit to the master of the girl. It is difficult to distinguish between this and the keeping of a brothel. And when every good man tries his best for the suppression of the latter, should you suffer the former to exist? If selling slave children, parting them from their mothers at a tender age, os reprehensible, this way of breeding them is more so. It would not surprise us, after this, to be told that if Page 23 Disappointed with one man in the number of children begotten, the master in some cases compels the girl to share the bed of another just as a breader does with his cattle and lets one bull after another serve a cow; and all this, let it be remembered, ina country where matrimonial relations are held so sacred under the laws that the wronged husband is allowed to get the most severe and humiliationg punishment awarded to the adulterer! Is it not extremely revolting? Not only that; ofter the master seduces the the girls and then to hide his shame makes them over to others. To what depth has this institutioin sunk the morality of the people! You will scarcely curse of the Gods rests on sinners. Contd 230. Let us lift ourselves from this depth to the other extreme where through self-sacrifice practiced by owners of deferennces to ancestral reputations, they permit themselves to be ruined by hugging this institution to their hosoms. Tey argue that the legacy of slaves received from their fore-fathers must be maintained, though they might have been increase, multiplying through generations. In some cases they cannot find work for the number they possess and think it would tell against their prestige to discharge superflnous Page 25 Hands. Not only that, but they must find other slaves, male or female, to make couples with thoe that are single under them. For that purpose some go to the length of mortgaging their lands, which often they cannot release, as with increasing expenses and disminishing income the margin becomes inadequate. Others distribute some of their lands to the slaves to cultivate and raise their own food crops, only utilizing their services occasionally. The obvious solution of their difficulty lies in liberating the slaves and using the services of only such as they require. While regretting the false sense of homour and prestige under which they maintain a white elephant, we cannot but admire their humane feelings which revolt against engaging in human traffic with as much non-chalance, as owners fo a poultry, pig or cattle farm. Many instances have come to our notice of lets as the victies of the system hve approached the government for redress of grievous wrongs done to them. A few typical case only will be narrated to show how that is brutalizing the nature, blunting the sensibilities, and evern drying up the milk of human kindness in some of the themselves owners. In one case the owner honoured a slave girl with his attendance and had a child Page 25 By her. He was abroad on services when the child was born and on his return home he found the issue of the unholy union dead. Then conscience made a coward of him and, instead of liberating the slave and giving her the position she was entitled to accoriding to law, he basely made her over to another; but his unsatisfied lust made him pay visits to the girl even in her new home. Tired of her life of concubinage, she came to us to get justice. Another case hails from one of the eastern hill districts. Picture to youtselveas a happy slave family comparing of the hunband, and wife, a six year old daughter, and a baby boy of two years suckling at the mother's breast. But thiier happiness is not last; the master has sold them. His avarice has blunted all feelings of the sympathy in him.The mother with the child at her breast goes one way and the father with the daughter thrown in as a make-weight, goes the other, the two perhaps never to meet again. Think of Contd 231. the parting scene, digest it well in your mind, and draw what moral you can. Yet this man has not reached the refinement in cruelty to be exemplified by the last of the pathetic tales. I now narrate. The mother, a slave, had givern brith to seven children, and her master, deposite her protests and tearful prayers, had already disposal of one daughter and four Page 26 Sons by sale. The woman in her petition through the Nikasari Office, wrot that the bitter lament of the children at thus being forced to separate from their mother sent a pang through her heart more acute than any she had ever suffered; that she summonded resignation to bear the misforture and draw consolation from whatr was left har; that she submitted to is as the work of that fatality, the result of the accumulated Karma of her previous births, which had followed her like a shadow to her present existence; but that when to her dismay the hard-heart master arranged to take away the bby slave that was still suchking at he breast, her endurance broke down completely, she cupplicated and prayed, as parents do pray, as you and I pray to the Gods on high when the dearest of our children lies in the clutches fo grin death-to her/_ as omnipoten in this crisis as Fall Death himself. But all to no purpose. The adamant heart did not melt: the master completely the transaction. Then maddened at a treatmen which is resented even by irrational beasts, she came all the way to see if the Maharaja "the common father of all people", could do aught to alloy the consuming sorrow at her breast. At this was so different from the ordianary run of com- /_master, the arbiter of her destiny, and to her Page 27 Plaints the people concerned were sent for and the matter on investigation turned out to be true to the letter of the petition: the child had been sold by a regular deed, the Parambhatta. The master was asked if he did not pity for the poor. When, though a slave; what would have been the feeling of himself or the mother of hs children if such an infant to their were either forcibly taken away or sold elsewhere; what reply could he make to the Creator wen summoned ho His presence to answer this charge of inhumanilty? He replied and the purchasers replued that was the custom in the hill and the law did not forbid it. Now, what does it mean to us all? That so long as we permot this sort of thing, every one one [.....] must bear a part in the sin, must share the curse of the weeping mother in as much as we tolerate the custom and uphold such laws. The poor woman was given the where-withal ot free her sold children according to the law whch provides that on slaves their kith and kin or those interested can liberate them on payment of the legal amounts to thoer masters. Contd...... 232. These and many other such cases have left an unpleasant impression. It is difficult to overlook the fact that purchase and sale of human beings is prevalent in the hills. On Page 28 The strength of having once spent money in the purchase of a slave, the owner claim the descendents of the slave, however distantly removed, as his property, his chattels, to be sold to the highest bidder from any locality irrespective to health or other conditions, and separating then from their kith ann kin. Perhaps few will deny the injustice and inhumanity of it, and will deny that it is a real, shameful, and grievous wrong. The constrast becomes glaring when compared with "Bandhas" who agree to work withour hire till they can pay off the capital or work it our in service. In their case if they die or escape not even their sons can be claimed as property. The lien for money exists but not on the person of the descendants. The defect is inherent in the system of slavey itself when we permit rational man to have the same claim over his follow-beings as over continue. Not only that, It leads to other results no less serious than the more deretioration and economic loss referred to before. It has already been pointed out how the slave's mentality is shaped without developing any attachment as strong as that of free-man to bind him to his country and his hearth and home. The minimum that is likely to Page 29 furnish the attachment and give him a motive in life would, in the opinion of some, consist in consecrating the natural ties between husband and wife, and present and child, and in preventing them from being separated and scattered. The consideration of these, alog with many other suggestions received is reserved for the end of this discourse. Let us here follow where that mentality leads to. A slight difference, some hardship, some had treatment at the master's hands, or temptations held out by scheming touts of labour employers, who find in these slaves a fertile ground to sow their seeds only do the discontented, is enough to make them leave the lands of their birth. Not only do the discontented slaves go themselves but they take others also who are intimate with them. A few here, a few there, make up quite a respectable a consternation amongst his fellows, who begin to tremble for themselves and lose confidence in their masters. The sold slave, again, if he has not already escaped, finds himself or herself in strange company, cut asumder from the little attachment he or she may have possessed for the old household, on being passed on to a new master. Evil effect of the practice should be patent to every one. Thus detached, the slave falls an easy victim contd 233. to the belief in the wondrous tale of wealth and fortune awaiting him in India which is skillfully brought to his notice by recruiters for labour who is variouos guise ply their nefarious trade of chatching th unwary in their net. Too much caition can not be exercised against such selfish recruiters who to secure their commission, do not scruple to consign their fellow conurtymen to woe and misery in a foreign land. The freeman can, if he is wise, test the varacity and stading of one who is trying to pose as his friend and guide, and perchance may learn his real characher and past record in time to save himself. But the slave cannot make enquiries, for his design to desert will then be known, or at least suspected; and thus left to his own judgement, the becomes the first to succumb. The slave wants to leave the country where he meets mostly with scant sympathy even with his lowly ambtition of being recognized as a rational being. He knows that once away he is cut for goods or at all events for pretty long. By the freeman goes with hopes to return and should evil betide him in his sojourn, he could went his way home, unless forcilbly. Let us follow the fate of the slave deserter in India. At soon as he reaches the boundary the scales drop from his eyes and Page 31 He begins to see the recruiter in his true colours. The prospect of service in the British Army, an alluring prospect for the military castes in the country, which was held oput to him a a temptation, vanishes into thin [.......]. Perhaps he is made over to human sharks hunting for labnour for employment in large concerns such as the Collieries and Plantations. If the slave is female, all trace of her is lost till one day she is discovered as a street-walker, stranded, derelict, in a hospital through devions ways followed by those recruiters to save themselves from the lawa of both the lands. If a male, he goes to serve underground in collieries practically as a chained galley slave. Verily the poor slaves have gone from the frying pan into the fire in their attempt to avoid a harsh treatment at home they meet with a harsher one abroad. Tales of the woes of Nepalese laboureres in te Assam Colliries have for some time past ben brought over to us. Steps were taken to ascertain the truth through officers sent by this Government. The gruesome tales were more than substaintiated and when this Government, with detained against their will released from the bondage no better than slavery to their astonishment and regret, is was found that Contd 234. while some of them readily availed themselves of the ways and means placed at their disposal to return to their contury, there wre others who prays to be excused form availing themselves of the opportunity. Enquiry brought to light the fact that these were slaves; and they prayed to be permitted to end their days somehow in a forign land rather than come here and meet the sevege rage of their masters. These slaves, and perhaps many before them, in ignorance of the law passed in 1978 S.E. providing thath escaped slaves who have resided for three year in a foreign land may, on return, claim emancipation in payment of the legal amounts to their formet masters, and these who have been away for ten years can claim to be liberated without having to make any payment, preferred a life long exile away from their country and kith and kin. An exodus of population from whatever cause in a source of enxiety and much concern to the Government of the country. This institution of slavery is a fruitful source os such exodus and is much worse than than temporary absence of freemen in quest of more remunerarive employment abroad than is available at home. Such absence in quest of fortune is to be found in every country, but the absences return and bring along with Page 33 Them either wealth or new art, new skill and new knowledge to enrich their country. The exodus of slave population stands on a different footing. They go to escape persecution which cannot be dissociated fro the institution unless by the abolition of the practice. They are indifferent to the advantage offered by the legislation referred to, as they know that, even if they can free themselves, those for whom they would come would still remain in the adject potision of slaves; and their earnings after maintaining themselves in a foreign land are not enough to liberate them all. It will be agrred that steps should be taken if we wish to avoid serious difficulties in the future. Since 1872 S.E. when the British raised the first Gorkha Battalion from the soldiers of Ambar Singh Thapa after the fall of Malaon, the people of this country have taken out to India by the recruiters of the British Gokha Regiments to serve in the British Army there. But it would not be out of place to utter a word of warning against the dishonest men, -recruiters in disguise, the enemies of the country---who do not scruple to hand over their fellow countrymen, slaves or freemen to the tender mercious recruiters. The men thus entrapped unfold or tale of woe and misery in comparision with which the dry crust which they could earn at Page 34 Home by hard labour would apprear for preferable. Every one of us as a true pariot and with love for our fellow beings should convey the warning to every home to prevent as far as possible the unsophisticated men of the Contd..... 235. hills from coming to grief in this way. The freeman a mongst the enticed his back home as soon a they can get away and carry a more vivid warning in their emancipated bodies, sometimes no better than [.......] wherever they go. But the slaves, poor things, remain away. The absence of slaves, away in a foreign land, brings loss an trouble to their masters-loss because of the money value of the slave which has new to be written off, and trouble because the owner depended on the slave for the carrying on of his work. It is a piece of good luck that the institution prevails in the hills only, as otherwise, since the desertion of slaves is an attendant evil of the institution, the suffering would have been more wide-spread. Though death and desertion of the slaves sometimes handicap the masters in their domestic and farm work, it is argued that an abolition of slavery as it prevails in the hill Nepl will entail very great hardship on them. The contention requires careful consideration, as otherwise the Governemt in their attempt to improve the Page 35 Lot of one class would be guilty of involving another class, though a very shall one, in trouble. A carefull register has now been compiled of owner as well as of the slaves they actually possess. The number of owners according to the returns in 15,719 and the number held in slavery is 51,419.As the total populatin of country is about 55,73,788 we find 55,06,650 of it are neither slaves nor slaves-owners. They form therefore very nearly 99 p.c. of the total population. Now if 99 p.c. can carry on their evey day work without slaves, it is cusris that the masters, who are a little over one-quarter of the one p.c. remaining, shold feel abolition as a hardship and be under the apprehension that their everyday work will come to a standstill. It is that the owners fear thar with the abolition of the status of slavery themselves will vanish? This absurd idea requires only to be stated to be rejected. Such fears might have reasonably been entertained by slave-owners of the West Indies, Mauritius and African islands where the populations were aliens forcibly taken from their homes and retained in slavery. But evern there it was found that the freed slaves did not go to their esrt-while himes but remained to work on hire. Here the slaves are our own people and why should we be afraid of dislocation in work by abo- Page 36 Lishing the status? The European planters and Arab slave-owners had greater reason to fear an exodus because the slaves with them were mostly aliens and their number also was very large. In Zarziber were about 2,00,000 slaves to less than 1,00,000 freemen and in the West Indies the slaves numbered something like 7,00,000 and these a\none too well satisfied with the treatment at the hands of their Christian masters. As this huge number of slaves cultivated a vry large area and could not have been easily replaced if they had gone away, the apprehendable. But with us, with slaves who are children of te apil, who have family ties and who are personally employed on domestic and farm work in the home-land, such fears are baseless. 236. An Inscription Of King Abhay MallaX Bhanudatta Upadhyaya, a resident of Sanjel village in Myagdi district of the Dhaulagiri zone, is in possession of a copper plate inscription, 1[..] inches long and 7 inches wide. The inscription was broken some years age, so that is has had to be rejoined through chemical processes. As a result, some letter in the inscriptions have come illegible. However, a copy of the inscription in its original condition is available at the Bir Library. Written in the old Devanagari script, the inscription consists of 16 lines and contains the seal of Abhaya Malla at the bottom. The text of the inscription is given at the end of article. Explanation Many scholars believe that in the 12th century (according to the Vikrama era) Nagraja had ruled with Sanja Valley as his capital. For the time being we have to reply on this assumption, because even the inscription contained in an image of the Buddha at Badahat in Garhwal, which refers to "Bhattaraka Nagraja" does not shed any light on definite date connected with his rule. The fact that the inscription dated 1145 Shaka, which was installed at the temple of Baleshwar in Kumaun by Kranchalla, a King in the sixth generation after Nagraja, refers to 1264 Vikrama as the year of his conoration, indicates tha Nagraja probably ruled in the very beginning of the 12th century Vikrama. The inscription contained in the pillar installed by Prithvi Malla in Dullu lists the Kings who ruled after Nagraja as follows: Chapa, Chanilla, Krashichalla, Kradhichalla, Krachalla, Ashokachalla, Jitari Malla and Adutya Malla. The period during which the Kings from Nagraja to Kradhichalla ruled is not known. However, inscription referring to the dates of events connected with the rule of king Krachalla and his descendants are available. The inscription at the Baleshwar temple in Kumaun indicates that Krachallla was alive till 1280 Vikrama. The Gopal Vamshavali states that 64 years later, his grand-son, Jitari Malla, invaded Kathmandu Valley. It is thus clear that Ashokachalla ruled sometime between 1280 and 1344 Vikrama. XMohan Prasad Khanal, "Bi. Sam. 1448 Ko Karnali Pradeshaka Raja Abhaya Mallako Abhilekh." (An Inscription of King Abhaya Malla of the Karnali Region Dated 1391 A.D.). Samiksha Weekly, August 18, 1912. Contd............... 237. Ashokachalla was succeeded by Jitari Malla, his son, and the latter was succeeded by Aditya Malla. Kalyana Malla, son of Aditya Malla, died while his father was still alive. Since Pratap Malla, son of Kalyana Malla, too had been intiated in Buddhism. Aditya Malla was succeeded by Purna Malla, who belonged to the Gale dynasty. After Purna Malla, Prithvi Malla, his son, sat on te throne of Sanja Valley. This is clear from the inscription contained in Prithvi Malla's piller. It is now known for definite that Prithvi Malla was succeeded by his son, Abhaya Malla. The copper inscriptions dated 1433 Vikrama and 1448 Vikrama also leave no room for controversary as to who ruled after Prithvi Malla. Like his father, Abhaya Malla was a brave King. This is evident from his eulogy, which also mentions that he onwed a large number of horses brought from Kamboja, Vanayuja, Balhika, and Paras, and that he had won over influential feudal lords. In the Karnali Lok Sanskriti, (Culture of the Karnali Region, Vol. 1.), Satya Mohan Joshi writes "The time of Prithvi Malla's death is not known. However, the copper inscription of 1298 Shaka (1433 Vikrama), bearing the name of his son, Abhaya malla, who was then a Prince, indicates that Prithvi Malla was alive till that year. If this was not the case, Abhaya Mall would have used the term King instead of Prince (Adhiraja) to describes himself in his eulogy." This is nothing but pure imagination. Scores of such mistakes are seen in Satya Mohan Joshi's book. The fact is that like his forefathers, Abhaya Malla used royal epithets to describe himself, and plainly addressed himself as a King. Hence there is no doubt that Abhaya Malla issued the above-mentioned stone inscription in the capacity of King, not of Prince. Through this copper plate inscription, Abhaya Malla made a land grant in favor of Jayakara Upadhyaya's descendants, and exempted them from alla taxes. This inscription indicates that Abhaya Malla was, like his father and grand-father, a religious minded and philanthropic person. [.........................] [............................................................................................... ..........................................] Contd........... 238. [..................................................................................... .........................] [...........................] (...............) 239. Dr. Hooker's Visit To Nepal From King Surendra, To the Subedars, Jamadars, Huddas and soldiers of the Naya Srinath Company. Greeitings. On Kartik Badi 9 (1905 Samvat) (October 1848), Dr. Hooker Saheb will come from Darjeling on a tour up to the place called Kanglanamu on the border between Sikkim and Nepal. He will encamp at Palung, Kangbachen an! Khama before arriving in Kanglanamu. Send 1 Hudda and 4 soldies to Caville (?) Saheb in Dorjeling to meet Hooker Saheb and escort him provide an escort also when he goes back to Dorjeling. After the enters our border, make arrangements for neccesary provisions, including chicken, eggas, sweet, milk, ghee, pulses, rice, etc. Take care against theftor pilferage on the way, and escort him up to his Kartik Badi 9. In case there is any difficulty for Doctor Saheb regarding provisions or accommodation, or in the event of theftor, you will be held responsible. Aswin Badi 2, 1905 (September 1848) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 33, P. 76. Rautahat Adminstrative Regulations Regulation issued in the name of Subba Rituvarna Upadhyaya. 1. In the event of invasion from any quarter, if local military personnel are not adequate to repel such invasion, recruit additional troops and defend the territory. Report the matter to us. After the invasion is repulsed, pay salaries to such troops and dismiss them. The neccesary expenses shall be remitted. 2. Dismiss any Chaudhari, Kanugoye, Mokaddam, Mahaldar or Ijaradar who does not comply your orders and does not supply provisions. 3. In case any person is guilty of theft, murder, cow slaughter or rebellion, the case shall be heard in the court. The convicted person shall be degraded in caste, beheaded, hanged or otherwise punished according to his caste status. Contd 240. 4. Visiting Englishmen, Nawabs, Rajas or other dignitaries shall be accorded due hospitality. The necessary expenses shall be remitted. 5. In case any owner of Bekh-Bunyad, Jagir, or Birta lands had encroached upon Raikar lands, his confession shall be obtained in the presence of Chaudharis, Kanugoyesand Jaibars and the lands thus encroached upon shall be converted into Raikar. Report the matter to us and punish the offender as directd. 6. In the event of natural calamities occurring in that area, report the matter to us and we shalla depute inspections. Remissions shall be granted on the basis of reports submitted by such inspectors. 7. Thieves are committing havoc in that territory. They do not leave even the plows and bullocks of the subjects. Capture such thieves and obtaind confessions from them. Reports the matter and, on the basis of orders sent from here, beheaded, hang or amputate the limbs of the offenders. 8. In cae Birta, Jagir, Bekh-Bunyad or Manachamal land grants are made to any person after 1860 (1803 A.D.), remissions shall be made in the stipulated amount every year in the basis of records submitted by Chaudharis and Kanugoyes. 9. Report any matter which will benefit us and the state and bring you credit. We shall then issue appropriate orders. 10. In case ryots, Jimidars, Mahaldars, Mokaddams, Ijaradars or Birta owners from that are submit complaints against you, we shall hear both sides and award appropriate punishment to whi\omsoever confesses his guilt. 11. Birta owners and Jagirdars and owners of Bekh-Bunyad, Manachamal or other lands shall appropriate only market duties (Hatiya) in areas under their jurisdiction. The proceeds of Sair and Nikas-Paisari (export, import and transport duties) shall accrue to the Amil. 12. Previous Pattas issued for the reclamation of waste lands shall be confirmed. After (1803 A.D.), the Amil any may issue such Pattas valid for a period of 5 years. 13. Begar labor is being exacted on a wide scale in that area. In the future, such labor shall be utilized only for governmental requirements. For non-governmental requirements, wages shall be paid at the rate of 2 annas daily. Beggar labnor shall not be supplied unless wages are paid. Shrawan Sudi 3, 1860 (July 1803) Regmi Research Collections, Vol. 20, P. 118.