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We're very excited to be back uh this semester 
uh where the lecture series is focusing on the  

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issue of Chinese migration, we're going to be 
looking at a movement of Chinese people globally,  

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as well as domestically, historically, as 
well as in the contemporary moment. And uh  

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I'm super excited about this, it's linked to a 
new course that I'm teaching, I'm pleased to see  

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a number of my students here. Um I want to thank 
the East Asia Program for making this happening,  

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obviously we had initially planned to do 
this in person um and, like everything else,  

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we're making do. Um but uh it's it's gonna be 
a really great series uh and and pleased that  

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that East Asia Program has been able to continue 
uh to support this. Before we turn it over to  

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our speaker, just a few housekeeping items. Um the 
first is I just want to alert everyone to the next  

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CCCI event, we're going to be inviting Chenchen 
Zhang here she's giving a talk called "Hukou and  

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Suzhi as Technologies of Governing Citizenship and 
Migration". It's going to be March 8th at 2:30 PM.  

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Um there's going to be another event in March 
on March 18th called "Inequality, Labor,  

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and Migration in East Asia Through the Prism of 
the Global Pandemic", so these should both be  

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really excellent events and I believe information 
to those has just been posted into the chat.  

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While Professor Candela is giving her talk, we ask 
that everyone keep their their audio muted uh and  

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your video off in order to save on bandwidth um 
and we would invite you to to turn both of those  

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back on during Q&A while you're posing questions. 
You can either use the raise hand function um,  

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if you prefer to just post something in the 
chat, then I'll be monitoring that and I can  

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and then I can pose them to Professor Candela. 
So, um with that, I just want to say that we  

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are extremely pleased to welcome Ana Candela 
as the first speaker in this lecture series um  

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Professor Candela is an assistant professor of 
sociology at Binghamton University uh which is  

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just down the road in Binghamton. Today actually 
Ana is joining us from Paris, France. Uh like many  

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of us her, plans have been thrown up in the air uh 
and so that is uh partially why we're we're doing  

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this talk somewhat earlier than than usual um 
given uh given the time difference and we're glad  

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that she's able to sort of join us from across 
the ocean. Um her work, I won't say much about it,  

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but she she takes a global perspective on Chinese 
migration and specifically is looking at Cantonese  

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migration to Latin America uh in the 19th and 
early 20th century and she's currently writing  

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a book on this very topic. So I'll leave it 
at that and now I'll turn it over to Ana.  

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Thank you Eli um let me to switch over and share 
my screen if you'll give me one second to adjust.

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So I'm honored to be here and uh I'm 
really um pleased that everyone could  

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join us this morning um it's to see 40 people 
at 9:30 in the morning is a wonderful treat.  

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I want to thank Professor Eli Friedman for 
inviting me to speak. I first met Professor  

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Friedman in Guangzhou when I was beginning just 
beginning my research and had no idea what this  

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project would be, so it's actually quite a treat 
to be able to share what came out of that moment.  

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And I also would like to thank Amala for making 
all the arrangements for today, as well as the  

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East Asia Program and the Contemporary China 
Initiative at Cornell University for hosting this  

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this talk this morning. It's my great honor 
to be here to open the speaker series today.  

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So my talk today is entitled from Compradors 
to Hacendados: Cantonese Merchants In Peru and  

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the Expanding Settler Colonial Frontiers of the 
Cantonese Pacific. It draws on a book project that  

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I'm working on, which is titled Peruvian Chinese 
"Intimate Others: Peruvian Chinese Between Native  

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Place, Nation, and World, 1880s - 1940s". The book 
will examine a series of print capitalist projects  

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produced by Cantonese, either in Peru or in their 
native places of Guangdong province, who maintain  

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very close ties to Peru. And the book will situate 
these projects within a global settler colonial  

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moment to examine the distinct ways in which 
settler colonialism, as a global structure,  

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reshaped the Pacific during the late 19th 
and early 20th centuries and also shaped the  

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subjectivities, the imaginaries, and the life 
trajectories of Cantonese migrants, moving or  

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traveling back and forth between Guangdong and 
Peru. These are people that we might consider  

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Peruvian-Chinese, but that's also a term that must 
be historicized. But I won't deal with that today,  

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so what I'll do with my talk is um sort of move 
through several sections of my talk and after each  

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major section I will pause for a few minutes and 
take a couple of questions, just to break up the  

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Zoom fatigue that can quite easily set in. I'll 
start off doing a little bit of reading, but, as  

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we move more closely into the archival materials 
and case studies, then I can sort of ad lib  

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more uh to also not be reading a paper, which 
can be quite exhausting for everybody to listen  

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to on Zoom. So, if you get lost along the 
way, if I don't explain something clearly,  

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please let me know, there will be times and 
opportunities to ask questions as we move forward.  

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So, let me begin by taking you 
back into 1920s Peru. In 1921,  

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in commemoration of the Centennial 
Anniversary of Peruvian Independence,  

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the China Legation in Lima and prominent members 
of the Chinese community in Peru raised funds  

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to commission a marble fountain from Italy for 
Lima's Park of the Exposition. The arrival of the  

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fountain in 1924 occasioned an inaugural ceremony 
and the publication of the Album of the Chinese  

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Colony in Peru, which commemorated the success of 
the prominent Chinese of the Chinese community and  

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its contributions to Peru's national development 
by featuring the colony's prominent commercial and  

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agricultural elite across all the northern coastal 
provinces of the nation. The fountain offered an  

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allegory of the album's narrative in material 
form. At the top of the fountain, in the photo on  

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the left, a group of racialized figures depicted 
nature lavishing her protection upon the races,  

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portraying a scene of racial hierarchy and uplift 
that invoked the production of nature through the  

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practice of agriculture as a civilizing process. 
At the base of the fountain, the figures of a man  

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and a woman, this is on the right hand photograph 
you can kind of see them just a little bit  

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towards the bottom, a figure of a man and of woman 
are accompanied each by a small child and each  

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child is pouring water from their respective jugs 
into the fountain's basin, signaling that the rice  

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and silk of the Yangtze Valley have arrived at the 
banks of the Amazon River and the coffee and sugar  

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of Chanchamayo Valley have arrived at the ports 
of the Huanghe River. As Henry Lefebvre noted  

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in his work, "On the Social Production of Space", 
such monuments invoked the splendor and meaning,  

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but also the power and domination that accompany 
the state mode of production, as it works to  

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territorialize and produce the national space. 
In commissioning and inaugurating the fountain  

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and album, Chinese elites in Peru crafted an image 
of the Chinese colony that situated the community  

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within the Peruvian state's mode of production 
during the aristocratic republic of 1884 to 1930.  

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Towards these ends, the fountain communicated 
messages that associated national and racial  

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progress with the harnessing and distribution 
of nature's bounty, through the circulation  

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of raw materials and commodities in national and 
global markets. And yet, when read critically, the  

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fountain also contained messages about power and 
domination. It communicated messages of racial,  

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spatial, and class hierarchies, namely of the 
domination of the educated, civilized, urban  

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creel and immigrant elite over backwards, rural, 
and laboring peasant Mestizos, Indios, colonos,  

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and, by extension, even the former Black slaves 
and Chinese coolies, who had once labored in large  

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numbers on Peruvian plantations. The fountain also 
conveyed messages about the universality of these  

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racial and spatial hierarchies as the fault lines 
of power, progress, civilization, and development  

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across the world during the early 20th century. 
Thus, in commissioning the fountain, the elite  

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of the Chinese colony in Peru sought to position 
themselves towards the top of the hierarchy within  

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the Peruvian state's mode of production, but also 
within capitalism's global division of labor,  

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by situating the Chinese and Peruvian nations 
and peoples towards the top of these hierarchies.

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Well, Adam McKeown has recognized the 
fountain and the album of the Chinese  

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colony as expressions of a cosmopolitan identity, 
crafted by Chinese transnational commercial elite,  

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in connection with the nation making agendas of 
the Peruvian state and its aristocratic republic.  

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I would like to probe these identity making 
efforts further by examining their settler  

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colonial dimensions and situating them within 
what Henry Yu describes as the Can- as the  

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Cantonese Pacific: a diasporic social world that 
took shape from the 1850s to the 1940s during the  

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era of mass Cantonese or Chinese migrations 
across the Pacific, which corresponded with  

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what Lorenzo Veracini describes uh in the 19th 
century as the global settler colonial moment.  

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My goal is to overcome some dimensions um uncover 
some dimensions of this Cantonese-specific world,  

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but to also recover what Lisa Lowe 
recognizes as the often obscure,  

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racial inst intimacies created by the co-emergence 
of European liberalism, settler colonialism in the  

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Americas, the Transatlantic slave trade, and the 
expansion of the East this and the I would argue  

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and also the Transpacific coolie labor trade, as 
she does, and the expansion of the East Indies and  

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China trades. So to accomplish this, I build on 
a recent set of studies emerging from East Asian,  

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Asian American ethnic studies on 
Asians and settler colonialism.  

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There's not a tremendous amount of work that has 
been done on this topic, but it is beginning to  

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emerge. Um, it's one area is on the expansion 
of the Japanese Empire and the movement of  

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Asians through imperial expansion projects, and 
especially similar colonial projects, into the  

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Americas. The works of Sidney Xu Lu and Eiichiro 
Azuma track these migrations um and also look at  

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how the the the movement of Japanese settlers 
into the North America, and also South America,  

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were part of an effort to and and conceptualize as 
part of the building of a borderless empire using  

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migrants and settler colonial migration companies 
and schemes to advance a project in which an  

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imperial project in which colonization and the 
bringing of land into development was considered  

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a force of progress in a global context and by 
immigrants traveling abroad and doing that for  

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other peoples in other nations, they could earn 
the skills and contribute to national development  

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projects elsewhere that would also feed back uh 
benefits towards the empire. But in the process  

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of migrating, they also encountered encountered 
tremendous amounts of racism by white settlers and  

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by the northern uh by the nation-states of North 
America. And this forced the sort of borderless  

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empire of Japan to sort of look elsewhere and 
develop settler colonial schemes in other parts  

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of the empire other parts of the world in the 
Pacific, including moving some of them into South  

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America to create a new kind of model of settler 
colonialism that was more hospitable than the  

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settler colonialism of of the which was defined 
by a white anti-Asian racism in North America.

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China as well um had also some um visions 
of migration as a form of colonialism, or  

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specifically settler colonialism. During the late 
19th and early 20th centuries, the Chinese were  

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not in any capacity colonizing anyone around the 
world, but there were intellectuals, reformers,  

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revolutionaries, who were concerned with China's 
deteriorating position in a global context,  

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who began to regard the large Chinese diaspora 
on the world as a potential source of economic,  

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cultural, and social progress, and for helping 
the transformation of China into a modern  

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nation state. And they begin to play around with 
imaginaries of Chinese migrants, uh in Chinese  

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migration, as a form of colonization, drawing 
specifically on white settler colonial nations  

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where uh immigrants-turned-settlers uh become a 
kind of model, although for the Chinese imaginary,  

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the Huacheng, the overseas Chinese migrant, 
is really a sojourner, so he doesn't go abroad  

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to settle permanently, as much as he remains 
very devoted to, is supposed to be remain very  

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devoted to his native place and his nation, 
and make contributions and return back home  

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and also working contributing his experience and 
his returns, both financially and his returns  

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home, to the progress and development and racial 
uplift and national uplift of a struggling nation.  

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So, uh in there's not a lot of systematic studies 
on on this dynamic between migration as a form of  

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colonization, but we do know from the works of 
people like some research by Evelyn Hu-Dehart,  

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a little bit of research by Tang Yaobing, that 
both figures like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao,  

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who were essential to the reform movement 
of the late 19th and early 20th centuries,  

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uh were advocates of this. Kang Youwei looked 
to um, after the end of the failure of the  

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late teen reforms, went to North America 
and ended up in Mexico, where he was um  

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involved in helping to finance and to expand and 
to purchase land in Torreón, Mexico, where there  

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was a huge truck-farming population of Chinese 
there were truck-farms, there were farmer owners,  

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as well as large Chinese laboring populations, 
one of the largest concentrations in South America  

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at the time. Uh and Liang Qichao, who also was 
went into exile after the failure of the reforms,  

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started to travel abroad and saw and, through his 
traveling experiences, began to imagine migration,  

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travel, and sojourning, as colonization uh because 
it connected Chinese migrants and travelers across  

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the world to processes of capitalist development 
and to the capitalist mode of development,  

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exposing them to new mechanisms for modern 
world making, uh to modernizing enterprises,  

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to things that could then strengthen the nation 
and uh equip the people for racial uplift and  

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national survival in a global, Darwinian 
struggle for survival between nations.  

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But the most path-breaking work path-breaking 
work thus far has been the work of Shelly Chan,  

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"Diaspora's Homeland". Uh, in this 
book, she tracks diasporic moments,  

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these kinds of moments when what was happening 
in the diaspora came flooding back home  

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to China, forcing a kind of recognition of the 
experiences of the diaspora as somehow related to  

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modern nation making and what it meant 
for China to exist in a global context  

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and one of the moments she tracks uh in her book 
is the 1920s and 1930s when the first sort of  

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systematic studies by Chinese sociologists and 
anthropologists of overseas Chinese begins to  

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get underway. It's in that moment when a big 
debate unfolds around migration, is it a form  

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of colonization and is it a force of progress 
and development that china could harness in a  

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global context? And one of the figures who 
was part of this production of this research  

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was Chen Da, uh one of the first sociologists of 
migrations, who studied migrations of Chinese and  

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their laboring conditions outside beyond China, 
then subsequently, a couple of decades later,  

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produced a book on the impact of migrations on 
their native places in the social, cultural,  

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economic uplift they brought. Ultimately, he would 
draw on a lot of this knowledge in the 1940s, in  

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the wake of the war with Japan, to conceptualize 
migrations within China, of Han people from the  

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coastal, more developed areas to the western, 
the southwestern, northwestern provinces, uh as  

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a force of settlement and progress and development 
that could help China recover during the war, to  

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recover after the war, and be a force of national 
salvation. So these things uh have lingering  

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histories, this earlier moment um could that 
continue to reiterate and and are with us today,  

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if we think about Han migrants in Xinjiang and we 
can discuss that a little bit later if you'd like.  

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So, aside from the work of Asian scholars, 
um there are two pieces of scholarship that  

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have been fundamentally um critical for 
me in developing a very sharp critique  

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of the position of Asians as if their colonists 
in the Americas, has been in the work of um of  

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Asian American scholars um Candace 
Fujikane and Jonatham Okamura,

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00:17:47,760 --> 00:17:55,120
took up the the critique of Haunani-Kay Trask, 
a native Hawaiian scholar, an activist who  

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criticized Asians as being not simply victims and 
seeing themselves for not simply as simply victims  

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of settler colonialism in Hawaii, but also needing 
to recognize that they have been uh beneficiaries  

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of so of settler colonialism uh because once they 
left the conditions of the laboring conditions on  

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the plantations and settled into native Hawaiian 
society, they actually benefited uh and through  

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the of this they benefited from the structures of 
settler colonialism at the expense of the native  

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Hawaiian peoples. And so Okamura and Fujikane 
uh put forward this critique and urged Asian  

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American scholars to embrace it and it has led 
to a tremendous interrogation of the complex  

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positions of Asian Americans in Hawaii and in the 
Americas and new work is unfolding out of that.  

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Some of that work is Iyko Day's work, "Alien 
Capital", which looks at how uh the Chinese,  

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um situated on the American frontier, the railroad 
workers in North America and in Canada and the US,  

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uh became a sort of racialized other that became 
associated by white laborers and white settlers  

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with all of the abstract and negative um 
um prices paid by labor uh, as they become  

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incorporated into industrial capitalism. So 
all the abstract processes like alienation uh,  

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from the means of production, um the stereotypes 
against Asian workers are really the the the  

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mechanisms that used to displace those alienations 
and those processes onto the bodies of Asians.  

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And it allows the white worker to sort of cover 
up his own complicity uh in the process of  

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settler colonialism to view himself as 
a victim and not have to deal with the  

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victimhood and the dispossession of indigenous 
peoples and land and the displacement that  

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their process of becoming workers, white workers, 
um produces within this settler colonial context.  

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So, these works have helped to bring forward a 
very critical perspective on settler colonialism,  

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00:20:07,920 --> 00:20:12,880
race relations, labor relations, and 
capitalism, and the nuances of that.  

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Now to bring all of this together, one 
of the largest challenges of my project,  

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coming out of grad school, moving into producing 
a book really to figure out how to bring a history  

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that is a transnational history of Chinese moving 
from South China into Peru and Latin America  

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into a global context, but also a hemispheric 
context of in the Americas, but in East Asia  

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context, a Pacific context, how to juggle these 
multiple spatialities and multiple histories  

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that are kind of jostling uh with one another and 
in order to tell the story of Peruvian-Chinese,  

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00:20:53,280 --> 00:20:58,160
the reference must continuously be made to 
these processes that work at multiple scales.  

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And for me, it's been the work of Henry Yu on 
the Cantonese-Pacific that has been the most  

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00:21:04,480 --> 00:21:09,120
productive and the most useful framework 
to draw on, so let me explain briefly  

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uh why I think of this. Um first, Henry Yu really 
recognizes like Elizabeth Sinn in her book on the  

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Pacific crossings, that the emergence in 1850 
of Hong Kong as a hub for Transpacific shipping,  

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trade, and travel uh that was intimately 
linked to the emergence of San Francisco  

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as a hub on the of the Pacific trade in the 
Americas uh, tied not only to the gold rush  

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00:21:35,760 --> 00:21:39,440
but also the expansion of the American 
and the closing of the American frontier,  

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00:21:40,080 --> 00:21:47,920
um really shifted the dynamics of migration within 
China. And because of the emergence of Hong Kong,  

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00:21:47,920 --> 00:21:52,960
the vast majority of people who moved out of 
China and started to migrate across the Pacific,  

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00:21:52,960 --> 00:21:58,560
to the Americas, to Australia, to New 
Zealand and to fill the settler colonial  

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00:21:58,560 --> 00:22:04,320
and labor and commercial needs of these expanding 
settler colonial nations were really Cantonese  

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00:22:04,320 --> 00:22:09,280
people instead of the Fujianese migrants who have, 
of an earlier period, moved down towards Southeast  

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00:22:09,280 --> 00:22:14,320
Asia. So the vast majority of migrants moving 
across the Pacific were Cantonese, taking their  

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00:22:14,880 --> 00:22:21,360
their language and their kinship and their 
business networks with them, but also  

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00:22:22,400 --> 00:22:28,880
even Fujianese and other Chinese migrants who 
wanted to move out across the Pacific were leaving  

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00:22:28,880 --> 00:22:37,520
from Hong Kong. So even Cantonese commercial firms 
and travel networks and the credit ticket systems  

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00:22:37,520 --> 00:22:42,720
were the ones mediating a lot of these migrations. 
So for him it was very much uh for Henry it was  

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00:22:42,720 --> 00:22:50,880
very much a Cantonese-Pacific moment that emerges. 
And so, for Henry Yu, this is a world that is kind  

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00:22:50,880 --> 00:22:58,080
of like a an expanding world and, and I think Arif 
Dirlik put it best in his uh analysis of Chinese  

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00:22:58,080 --> 00:23:03,680
on the American frontier, that what you have, 
and when this Cantonese-Pacific world expands,  

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00:23:03,680 --> 00:23:09,360
as it's moving, it is a frontier of Asians, 
not just Cantonese we cannot Japanese as well,  

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00:23:09,360 --> 00:23:14,240
there is an Asian-moving frontier that is moving 
eastward across the pacific and eastward across  

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00:23:14,240 --> 00:23:21,040
the Americas that moves together and and collides 
with and clashes in the middle, with a westward  

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00:23:21,040 --> 00:23:28,160
moving white, settler colonial frontier and as 
this Cantonese-Pacific expands, it is continuously  

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00:23:28,160 --> 00:23:35,440
encountering efforts uh, either through racialized 
exclusion acts, which are legal acts, or acts of  

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00:23:35,440 --> 00:23:42,240
racial violence that push back the frontiers 
of this world. And like the scholars of settler  

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00:23:42,240 --> 00:23:49,840
colonialism in the Japanese empire, what Henry 
Yu notices is that the Cantonese-Pacific world  

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00:23:50,480 --> 00:23:56,560
is subject to a lot of shifting rhythms and 
routes because it depends on the temporalities  

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00:23:56,560 --> 00:24:02,400
of exclusion acts and violence, but this 
that the possibility to move to some places  

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00:24:02,400 --> 00:24:08,240
of North America become impossible and that the 
migrations then shift southward into South America  

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00:24:08,240 --> 00:24:13,680
and there's all it's kind of like a jazz symphony 
that the the migrants in the Cantonese-Pacific  

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00:24:13,680 --> 00:24:18,720
are moving around, responding to the pressures 
and opportunities made available to them in the  

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00:24:18,720 --> 00:24:24,000
Americas at any given moment or in the broader 
pacific at any given moment, so there's a lot to  

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00:24:24,000 --> 00:24:28,560
actually keep in mind when we are tracking 
the movements of peoples um in this world.

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00:24:31,040 --> 00:24:38,320
Okay, um for me to put the Cantonese-Pacific 
in this global settler colonial moment  

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00:24:38,320 --> 00:24:45,840
is an important thing to do because uh it tells 
us something about what W.E.B Du Bois described as  

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00:24:46,400 --> 00:24:52,640
the creation of a world in the 20th century, 
defined by a deepening global color line  

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00:24:53,200 --> 00:24:58,400
and Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds have done 
tremendous work to trace out the actually  

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00:24:58,400 --> 00:25:05,600
ideologies of whiteness that came to shape um 
this world of the like the late 19th and early  

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00:25:05,600 --> 00:25:10,960
20th centuries, through the expansion of white 
men settler colonial nations. Uh but I think  

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00:25:10,960 --> 00:25:17,280
that adding and the stories of the Chinese uh 
tells us something really important about how  

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00:25:17,920 --> 00:25:24,320
Asian peoples, Indigenous peoples Black peoples um 
across the Pacific contributed tremendous amounts  

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00:25:24,320 --> 00:25:30,800
of labor and capital and initiative to the making 
of a modern world, but ultimately were excluded  

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00:25:30,800 --> 00:25:36,720
through racial acts of exclusion, whether they 
were legal or violence, uh based on violence,  

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00:25:37,280 --> 00:25:42,800
that uh through settler colonial expansion of 
settler colonial processes helped to shape a  

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00:25:42,800 --> 00:25:50,400
world made for white men, dominated for white men, 
organized by white men and that it was white men  

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00:25:50,400 --> 00:25:57,040
who got to set the terms of that organization and 
who would become the beneficiaries of that world.  

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00:25:57,040 --> 00:26:02,480
And we see this sort of playing out 
um in this history quite um clearly.  

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00:26:03,120 --> 00:26:10,320
Let me um return to Glen Coulthard later, but 
let me pause for a minute and see if anyone has  

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00:26:10,320 --> 00:26:14,320
questions at the moment before I 
move back into the case studies  

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00:26:14,880 --> 00:26:23,840
um from the research. It's a lot of historiography 
and scholarly pieces to move together.

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00:26:28,320 --> 00:26:30,960
Okay, so we continue then.

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00:26:34,320 --> 00:26:39,600
All right, well thank you. Let 
me take you back to Peru. So,  

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00:26:41,120 --> 00:26:46,480
when this album was produced uh in 1920, there 
had already been a history of Chinese migrations  

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00:26:46,480 --> 00:26:54,480
obviously at this point uh, Chinese migrations 
unfolded in two ways. The first was from 1849  

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00:26:54,480 --> 00:27:01,520
to 1874 and these were the coolie labor migrations 
of people who signed contracts, whether they were  

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00:27:01,520 --> 00:27:10,240
tricked, or free, or often times not um very clear 
what was going to happen to them, they moved from  

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00:27:10,240 --> 00:27:17,120
South China to Lima, to the port of Callao, 
which is close to Lima in the city, and then  

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00:27:17,120 --> 00:27:22,480
most of them were redistributed in the northern 
coastal provinces that you see here from Lima,  

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00:27:22,480 --> 00:27:30,880
Ica also but up northward, some in Arequipa, but 
mostly moving into plantation production of sugar  

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00:27:30,880 --> 00:27:39,040
and cotton to replace um a dwindling uh black 
slave labor force, as uh all of the world moved  

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00:27:39,680 --> 00:27:47,600
for more forward towards abolition. Uh and 
this ended in 1874, when reports of abuses  

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00:27:47,600 --> 00:27:55,600
of the coolie labor trade to both Cuba and Peru 
uh became so disconcerting that the Qing Empire  

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00:27:55,600 --> 00:28:01,120
actually sent an investigative commission to 
Cuba and was supposed to also go to Peru, but was  

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00:28:01,120 --> 00:28:09,600
unable to complete its project because Peru ended 
up having a crisis in war uh so but though the the  

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00:28:09,600 --> 00:28:15,200
report from Cuba, the Cuba commission report, was 
so damaging that it enabled the Qing to bring a  

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00:28:15,200 --> 00:28:23,280
complete end to the coolie labor trade, both in 
Cuba and Peru. And then subsequently, in 1884,  

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00:28:24,160 --> 00:28:30,080
they would the Qing would then send the 
investigative commission to Peru to try  

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00:28:30,080 --> 00:28:35,920
to tease out from the remaining Chinese on the 
coastal regions who, some of them continued to  

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00:28:35,920 --> 00:28:40,160
work out their contracts on the plantations 
of the conditions that they lived under.

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00:28:42,640 --> 00:28:48,560
Many of these migrants came from the popular 
uh uh immigrant districts of South China,  

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00:28:48,560 --> 00:28:51,520
so these are the spaces I wanted 
to show you that we're going to be  

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00:28:51,520 --> 00:28:57,760
referencing today. They came predominantly you see 
Hong Kong in the lower right hand corner with a  

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00:28:57,760 --> 00:29:05,120
in red and they came predominantly from all 
of these immigrant districts, but the elite  

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00:29:05,120 --> 00:29:12,080
that I will be talking about uh very closely 
came almost all of them from Zhongshan County,  

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00:29:12,080 --> 00:29:18,800
and with Macau very close by, it's no coincidence 
that one of the people taking, who I will mention,  

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00:29:20,240 --> 00:29:26,080
his village was very close to Macau, he became 
someone who participated in the Qing investigative  

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00:29:26,080 --> 00:29:32,160
commission and that facilitated later he was that 
one of the main people who opened um the movement  

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00:29:32,160 --> 00:29:40,320
of free migrants to Peru, uh claiming there 
were a lot of opportunities there. Uh so the the  

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00:29:40,320 --> 00:29:47,200
while Chinese, who moved to Peru uh, ended up the 
coolies ended up in the northern coastal areas, as  

286
00:29:47,200 --> 00:29:52,320
many of them finished their contracts, they also 
began to move out. They began to move out into the  

287
00:29:52,320 --> 00:30:00,800
Amazonian regions uh and to the Andean Highlands 
as well. Some of them escaped as fugitives,  

288
00:30:00,800 --> 00:30:06,960
kind of like a fugitive slave and disappeared, 
others, as they transitioned out of the contracts,  

289
00:30:06,960 --> 00:30:13,520
either they recontracted or they transitioned back 
into the local communities, uh taking up commerce,  

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00:30:13,520 --> 00:30:17,520
partnering with local women, having local 
children, intermarrying, and kind of  

291
00:30:17,520 --> 00:30:24,880
folding into the local population and gradually 
disappearing that way. But when um the the the  

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00:30:24,880 --> 00:30:30,800
merchants that I will be discussing uh went in the 
1880s as part of the second wave of migrations,  

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00:30:30,800 --> 00:30:38,080
free migrations, they encountered already huge 
populations of freed and kind of settled Chinese  

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00:30:38,080 --> 00:30:43,680
inhabiting the coastal areas of 
Northern um Northern Peru. Okay,  

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00:30:44,400 --> 00:30:50,480
so when the elites from Zhongshan start to move 
over there, they're moving at a moment when uh  

296
00:30:50,480 --> 00:30:56,480
there is a huge national reconstruction project 
in Peru, because there's been a war with Chile,  

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00:30:56,480 --> 00:31:03,840
that ended in 1884, and the the economy, the 
landscape, and and particularly their plantations,  

298
00:31:03,840 --> 00:31:08,480
because there are huge coolie uprisings as part of 
this war uh coolies welcomed their arrival up to  

299
00:31:08,480 --> 00:31:13,760
the Chilean army and helped to ransack and destroy 
and burn and kill people on the plantations.  

300
00:31:13,760 --> 00:31:20,560
Uh, so it's a very destroyed uh uh atmosphere 
and economically very destroyed and needing to  

301
00:31:20,560 --> 00:31:26,880
be rebuilt, and all across Latin America there 
was this need and this sort of consideration  

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00:31:26,880 --> 00:31:33,760
of national development in the wake of um 
national liberation, the revolutions. So these  

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00:31:33,760 --> 00:31:40,560
post-colonial nations are struggling to figure out 
how to develop uh as robust, strong, independent,  

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00:31:40,560 --> 00:31:46,960
nation states that can also survive in the 
national on the national stage and there's a  

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00:31:46,960 --> 00:31:55,120
kind of urge to get agricultural production going, 
this is part of the pattern in Latin America that  

306
00:31:55,120 --> 00:32:00,240
leads to resource dependency that was already 
established during the colonial period, is now  

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00:32:00,240 --> 00:32:08,000
continuing this need to rely on agricultural 
production as a mechanism or mineral extraction  

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00:32:08,000 --> 00:32:14,960
as the mechanism by which national economies can 
become robust and self-sufficient, but because of  

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00:32:14,960 --> 00:32:20,800
the moral stigma with plantation agricultural and 
slavery, there's a consideration of the need to  

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00:32:20,800 --> 00:32:26,480
move towards small small farming in Latin America 
or the desire to move towards small farming and  

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00:32:26,480 --> 00:32:31,280
Juan Bautista Alberdi is one of the people who is 
sort of at the front forefront of thinking about  

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00:32:31,280 --> 00:32:36,640
this, he comes up with the idea that to govern is 
to populate and what Latin American nations could  

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00:32:36,640 --> 00:32:41,680
do is to sort of bring settler colonists from 
Europe, especially Northern Europe, where they're  

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00:32:41,680 --> 00:32:47,840
super white, a robust race of people, who can 
come and take up settler colonial agriculture  

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00:32:48,480 --> 00:32:54,880
and bring more land to production, small farming 
ventures, and these states could then give them  

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00:32:54,880 --> 00:33:01,360
land and tools to get them going. Now, some 
nations like Argentina did a lot with this  

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00:33:02,000 --> 00:33:08,080
but um Peru, which tried to, was very 
not was not very successful at doing this  

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00:33:08,880 --> 00:33:13,200
and drew on the ideas of Alberti and it tried 
to create a couple projects, but they failed  

319
00:33:13,760 --> 00:33:18,800
and then they started to have discussions in the 
newspapers, the liberal elite who came to power  

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00:33:18,800 --> 00:33:24,480
in the wake of the war, thinking that maybe we can 
look at other labor sources again. So they begin  

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00:33:24,480 --> 00:33:31,280
to look at South Asia, but they decide that South 
Asians, while a very good labor force, they don't  

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00:33:31,280 --> 00:33:35,920
want to compete with the British Empire, this 
might get them into trouble in the sugar market,  

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00:33:35,920 --> 00:33:42,080
and so they want to avoid any complications 
with Britain. And then so they look to Indochina  

324
00:33:42,080 --> 00:33:47,280
and then that falls apart for some reason in 
their imagination and they start to think again  

325
00:33:47,280 --> 00:33:52,080
about the Chinese but, like the Indochinese, 
these are sort of poor people, but then they  

326
00:33:52,080 --> 00:33:57,280
look to North America, where there's a different 
population of Chinese, the Gold Mountain Guests,  

327
00:33:57,280 --> 00:34:02,320
uh the ones who arrived on the credit-ticket 
system, rather than a coolie labor trade system,  

328
00:34:02,320 --> 00:34:08,640
uh the ones that are sort of entrepreneurially 
minded, independent, who take on debt, who  

329
00:34:08,640 --> 00:34:14,080
migrate, become successful workers or successful 
businessmen, establish their own enterprises,  

330
00:34:14,080 --> 00:34:19,120
pay off their debt, and then become really example 
immigrants, model kind of minority figures.  

331
00:34:19,120 --> 00:34:24,240
And so they decide that maybe this is the 
way to go and so if Peru offers a sort of  

332
00:34:24,240 --> 00:34:29,120
settler colonial scheme for these people then 
they can come and settle and bring more land  

333
00:34:29,120 --> 00:34:35,360
into production and help Peru integrate its 
national economy and help it integrate more  

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00:34:35,360 --> 00:34:40,400
closely with the global economy and become a more 
successful nation. None of this ever happens,  

335
00:34:41,120 --> 00:34:46,800
the imaginaries, however, continue and the 
imaginaries become a dynamizing force of what  

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00:34:46,800 --> 00:34:52,160
is actually happening on the ground and I will 
explain what is actually happening on the ground  

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00:34:52,160 --> 00:34:57,200
bit by bit, but let me begin first by showing 
you what these imaginaries kind of look like.  

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00:34:59,200 --> 00:35:05,360
These new-had demonic visions um were first 
presented to the world in publications of  

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00:35:05,360 --> 00:35:11,520
print capitalist publications and community 
albums like the album of 1915, "Lima Grafico",  

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00:35:11,520 --> 00:35:19,040
which was produced by the Lima elite, for Lima 
and for the larger nation to reposition Lima  

341
00:35:19,840 --> 00:35:25,840
as a city um as the modern metropole tied to the 
global economy and as a hub of a new commercial  

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00:35:25,840 --> 00:35:31,440
aristocracy. Chinese commercial elites appeared 
in "Lima Grafico" as members of this aristocracy,  

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00:35:31,440 --> 00:35:36,240
if you look at the bottom right two pictures, 
you see which is the famous Wing On Chong & Xia,  

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00:35:36,240 --> 00:35:43,040
which is the famous Wing On company, a branch a 
subsidiary of Wing On, which is one of the four  

345
00:35:43,040 --> 00:35:50,240
huge commercial firms the um department stores 
that were born out of Zhongshan and Hong Kong and  

346
00:35:50,240 --> 00:35:56,560
they had branches in Shanghai from migrants who 
had gone to Australia. And Pow Lung & Xia is also  

347
00:35:56,560 --> 00:36:03,840
a huge commercial firm in established in Lima, by 
the person who was a member of the investigative  

348
00:36:03,840 --> 00:36:08,560
Qing investigative commission report. These are 
two of the most powerful figures of the community,  

349
00:36:09,680 --> 00:36:11,840
so they figure in this community album.

350
00:36:14,640 --> 00:36:23,120
Um but then they also want to these elites 
and want to not only represent be represented  

351
00:36:23,120 --> 00:36:27,680
alongside the Peruvian elite, but they also 
choose to create their own album in 1924,  

352
00:36:27,680 --> 00:36:34,960
as I mentioned in my introduction, to demonstrate 
how um they themselves fit into the national  

353
00:36:34,960 --> 00:36:40,640
imaginary, on their own terms. So, following 
the precedent set by Lima, Chinese elites  

354
00:36:40,640 --> 00:36:45,600
pictured their businesses as part of an expanding 
network of institutions and infrastructures that  

355
00:36:45,600 --> 00:36:51,360
facilitated the flows of capital and commodities 
that were integrating the national economy and  

356
00:36:51,360 --> 00:36:56,560
connecting the national economy with a global 
economy. So they've pictured themselves inside  

357
00:36:56,560 --> 00:37:00,480
of their commercial firms and their businesses 
like we see here with Aurelio Pow San Chia, the  

358
00:37:00,480 --> 00:37:05,840
godfather of the community, the individual who 
was part of the Qing investigative commission,  

359
00:37:06,880 --> 00:37:14,400
he was um returned in 1884 to open this 
commercial forum uh in Peru, but it he was an  

360
00:37:15,120 --> 00:37:23,280
importer of so-called Chinese luxury goods uh, for 
example silk and tea, for the Peruvian market, but  

361
00:37:23,280 --> 00:37:29,680
these firms also traded and dealt with a lot of 
regional products in Peru and circulated regional  

362
00:37:29,680 --> 00:37:35,600
products, so while they uh sold themselves as 
importers and exporters, they were also very much  

363
00:37:35,600 --> 00:37:41,920
involved in the creation of in the integration 
of regional commercial circuits within Peru.  

364
00:37:43,600 --> 00:37:49,200
But when they picture themselves, they talk less 
about that and and then they advertise all of the  

365
00:37:49,200 --> 00:37:55,280
other businesses in Peru that they're connected 
to they're connected to banking systems, German,  

366
00:37:55,280 --> 00:38:00,720
Italian banks, they're connected to national 
railway projects, and even to a shipping  

367
00:38:00,720 --> 00:38:06,000
railroad project, a shipping line that they tried 
to establish. Uh one of the things that we see is  

368
00:38:06,000 --> 00:38:11,920
that the importance of Hong Kong in this uh 
because in the Banco Aleman Transatlantico,  

369
00:38:11,920 --> 00:38:17,520
the bottom right hand advertisement of a German 
bank, transatlantic German bank, it's actually  

370
00:38:17,520 --> 00:38:23,520
a Transpacific German bank as well, with branches 
in Hong Kong, and when you read the advertisement  

371
00:38:23,520 --> 00:38:29,200
that they're making for the can the Chinese 
language readers, what all of these banks  

372
00:38:29,200 --> 00:38:35,760
who advertise in this community album are telling 
the Chinese audience is if you come to our bank,  

373
00:38:35,760 --> 00:38:41,360
then we have special agent who speaks Chinese and 
then we have a firm also our branch in Hong Kong  

374
00:38:41,360 --> 00:38:44,880
and they can process your remittances 
and they help you with the Transpacific  

375
00:38:44,880 --> 00:38:51,680
business um transactions that you need to engage 
in. So, it's actually a very much a commercial  

376
00:38:51,680 --> 00:38:57,120
world that they're part of and an expanding 
world of capitalist banking and railroads  

377
00:38:57,120 --> 00:39:03,200
and infrastructure that links a Transpacific 
and a transatlantic world, all of these people  

378
00:39:03,200 --> 00:39:07,920
are our entrepreneurs who are sort of moving into 
Peru and Latin America with the new opportunities  

379
00:39:07,920 --> 00:39:14,000
available in the area and the Chinese are simply 
just one of the groups that are benefiting from  

380
00:39:14,000 --> 00:39:20,880
that. Uh the Chinese are uh elite, the continuous 
elite, um the Zhongshan elite in particular  

381
00:39:21,600 --> 00:39:27,920
become such a powerful group um that they 
the elite are all serving this, like a group  

382
00:39:27,920 --> 00:39:33,920
of about a dozen of them, the biggest plantation 
and commercial firm earners by the 1920s who are  

383
00:39:33,920 --> 00:39:38,000
they are all sort of serving us the board of 
dir on the board of directors of the Benevolent  

384
00:39:38,000 --> 00:39:45,440
Association of the Zhongshan uh Native Place 
Association of also they've established this  

385
00:39:45,440 --> 00:39:51,200
conglomeration to form a shipping line, a 
conglomeration to form an insurance company,  

386
00:39:51,200 --> 00:39:56,560
and they've also got a newspaper that they're 
running all together. So it's a pretty tight group  

387
00:39:56,560 --> 00:40:01,520
of people running this community and choosing 
how they're going to represent themselves.

388
00:40:04,000 --> 00:40:09,440
Aside from positioning themselves within the 
global circuits of capitalism and as movers  

389
00:40:09,440 --> 00:40:15,520
and shakers within that, that they are also uh 
featuring themselves in the album as settlers  

390
00:40:15,520 --> 00:40:24,000
um using photography as a mechanism by which to 
open uh up their interior spaces of their homes,  

391
00:40:24,000 --> 00:40:30,560
which is quite unusual. Um and so Aurelio Pow San 
Chia, the godfather of this community, is sort  

392
00:40:30,560 --> 00:40:37,280
of a key figure in this process of of presenting 
himself and encouraging the community to present  

393
00:40:37,280 --> 00:40:43,200
themselves as localized population because so 
many of the pressures against them, anti-Asian  

394
00:40:43,200 --> 00:40:50,400
sentiments targeting them as foreign workers, uh 
as foreign um businessmen who were robbing the  

395
00:40:50,400 --> 00:40:57,600
poor, Peruvian, uh working class uh everything was 
about their commercial activity as poor laborers  

396
00:40:57,600 --> 00:41:03,760
to former coolies who were contaminating the 
national market area the the market area in Lima,  

397
00:41:04,480 --> 00:41:10,080
everything was really about their impact on the 
Peruvian public through their public activities,  

398
00:41:10,080 --> 00:41:15,680
so opening up spaces and and giving vision to 
the way they lived on the inside of their homes  

399
00:41:15,680 --> 00:41:21,760
as settled, domesticated, bourgeois individuals, 
who are part of this aristocratic republic,  

400
00:41:21,760 --> 00:41:27,120
serve as a way to counteract that. And Aurelia 
Pow San Chia was a strong advocate of localization  

401
00:41:27,120 --> 00:41:33,120
as one of the mechanisms for integration and 
to counteracting anti-Asian racism, not only  

402
00:41:33,120 --> 00:41:38,160
through advocating for this, but also through 
intermarriage. He married a Peruvian woman, who's  

403
00:41:38,160 --> 00:41:44,000
pictured here, and instead of having children with 
her maybe they couldn't, but he adopted her niece  

404
00:41:44,000 --> 00:41:50,720
and nephew and their families as his children, and 
so he became emblematic of an integrated sort of  

405
00:41:50,720 --> 00:41:58,480
mesti- of family where mestizaje takes place and 
so very much appropriate models for um becoming  

406
00:41:58,480 --> 00:42:07,200
Peruvian subjects. And in addition to picturing 
their homes, they also pictured their plantations.

407
00:42:12,160 --> 00:42:19,200
So, these were sites where the rural 
and the urban met. They depicted  

408
00:42:19,200 --> 00:42:25,440
modern machinery on the plantation spaces in the 
rural spaces, especially the modern sugar mill,  

409
00:42:25,440 --> 00:42:30,080
which you can see on the top right 
hand side, and they pictured on the on,  

410
00:42:30,080 --> 00:42:35,760
you see on the left-hand side, uh a white 
um North American white-collared engineer,  

411
00:42:35,760 --> 00:42:42,720
who was one of the is involved in sort of in 
uh rationalizing and making more efficient  

412
00:42:43,440 --> 00:42:50,640
plantation production from the labor on the 
plantation, rationalizing the work of the workers  

413
00:42:51,280 --> 00:42:59,360
to the way that the sugar mill was run. All of 
this was done to maximize profit and efficiency  

414
00:42:59,360 --> 00:43:04,880
on the plantation, so this effort to picture 
the plantation was not simply to say we also do  

415
00:43:04,880 --> 00:43:09,920
this kind of work, we have a successful commercial 
business and a successful agricultural business,  

416
00:43:09,920 --> 00:43:15,440
but also to talk about how they are contributing 
to the economic advancement of the Peruvian nation  

417
00:43:15,440 --> 00:43:21,040
through these engineering and rationalization 
efforts. They also talk about this in the bottom  

418
00:43:21,040 --> 00:43:26,640
right hand side picture, the workers inside the 
sugar mill as people who benefit from this sort of  

419
00:43:26,640 --> 00:43:32,800
rationalization of production um in in the this 
produces the racial uplift of the mestizo worker,  

420
00:43:32,800 --> 00:43:40,640
so they're very much positioning themselves in 
the state's project to create a a functional uh  

421
00:43:40,640 --> 00:43:46,000
working class, uh mestizo working subject, 
rather than the indigenous subject,  

422
00:43:47,360 --> 00:43:53,840
and uh to bring everything sort of integrated for 
and maximize production for the global economy.  

423
00:43:55,280 --> 00:44:01,440
So this creates connecting them closely to 
the state's mode of production to integrate  

424
00:44:01,440 --> 00:44:07,040
the rural agriculture areas, which were sort of 
lingering behind. But in the process, they picture  

425
00:44:07,040 --> 00:44:13,040
themselves sort of out there, on the landscape 
kind of like John Wayne-esque figures, um you  

426
00:44:13,040 --> 00:44:18,960
know with these very romantic imaginaries, um sort 
of settler colonial horseback riding, enjoying  

427
00:44:18,960 --> 00:44:24,240
the leisurely, romantic, pastoral settings and 
lifestyles of the haciendas, complete with cattle,  

428
00:44:24,240 --> 00:44:29,520
dogs, porches, families, and gardens, and through 
these visions, they combine the rural, pastoral,  

429
00:44:29,520 --> 00:44:34,240
nomad, romantic, and leisurely countryside with 
the industrial, productive, efficient, and urban  

430
00:44:34,240 --> 00:44:41,040
modes of production. Cantonese elites use these 
to position themselves as kind of model citizens,  

431
00:44:41,040 --> 00:44:48,320
um model settlers, in a new aristocratic 
republic and participants in this ongoing  

432
00:44:48,320 --> 00:44:54,640
structure of plantations as spaces of settler 
colonialism within the state's mode of production.  

433
00:44:55,280 --> 00:45:00,000
All right, let me pause here before I complicate 
this picture a little bit more. So this is how  

434
00:45:01,040 --> 00:45:06,080
Asians are sort of, Asian immigrants, and 
particularly Chinese or Cantonese elite from  

435
00:45:06,080 --> 00:45:13,280
Zhongshan, are beneficiaries and perhaps 
even in some ways agents of these processes  

436
00:45:13,280 --> 00:45:18,480
of the expansion of settler colonialism. And 
does anyone have any questions at the moment?

437
00:45:24,720 --> 00:45:26,240
I see a question from Mimi

438
00:45:28,320 --> 00:45:31,600
Yes, I think we have a question 
from Michelle. [guest] Hi  

439
00:45:31,600 --> 00:45:40,400
yes thank you for um coming to talk with us. My 
question was about how you're discussing these  

440
00:45:40,400 --> 00:45:47,600
migrants within the racial hierarchy and I was 
wondering if you could provide more information on  

441
00:45:48,640 --> 00:45:55,920
how um Cantonese migrants viewed themselves 
like in relation to as you're saying like local  

442
00:45:55,920 --> 00:46:00,960
populations mestizo and indigenous 
populations and how like their view

443
00:46:03,120 --> 00:46:11,600
of themselves sort of like affected their 
relationship with those people. [speaker] Um so  

444
00:46:13,360 --> 00:46:24,560
it's complicated uh it's complicated because um 
you know first uh the history of the migration  

445
00:46:24,560 --> 00:46:30,000
happened in two waves. The coolies um, 
because they were bachelor communities,  

446
00:46:30,000 --> 00:46:36,960
uh with uh they as soon as they were able to even 
on the plantations, when they had liaisons with  

447
00:46:36,960 --> 00:46:43,040
local women, they were black women and they were 
indigenous women and sometimes mestizo women,  

448
00:46:44,880 --> 00:46:50,560
and when they transitioned out of the plantations 
and settled, they also pursued relationships with  

449
00:46:50,560 --> 00:46:55,200
these kinds of local women, but more increasingly 
towards mestizo women, they married within the  

450
00:46:55,200 --> 00:47:01,040
church, they sought um padrinajes, padrinos, 
which are like godfathers of the church,  

451
00:47:01,040 --> 00:47:06,800
you have to have somebody sort of testify for you 
from the larger communities, oftentimes mestizo  

452
00:47:06,800 --> 00:47:13,120
populations, so the early migrants, out of the 
necessity just to sort of integrate and survive,  

453
00:47:13,120 --> 00:47:20,000
because there were not Chinese women around, um 
tended to mix in with the local population and  

454
00:47:20,000 --> 00:47:26,640
then produce mixed offspring. And when they were 
doing that I'm not sure that the mestizaje project  

455
00:47:26,640 --> 00:47:31,600
was really so strongly conceptualized that they 
were trying to desire to use it was so out of  

456
00:47:31,600 --> 00:47:40,160
necessity and for survival. So, with regard to 
the later migrants, the elite that come, the free  

457
00:47:40,160 --> 00:47:50,000
migrants, I haven't found traces of any kind of 
pejorative view towards of the mestizo population.  

458
00:47:50,560 --> 00:47:59,600
This is not uh there's not a sense of a record 
that they certainly probably had ideas um and I  

459
00:47:59,600 --> 00:48:06,640
imagine that they had ideas that were very similar 
to white Europeans, um white North American  

460
00:48:06,640 --> 00:48:15,120
populations, whiter Creole populations that, to 
be Creole to be white or to be whiter is better,  

461
00:48:15,760 --> 00:48:24,000
so that mestizos were okay, but you don't want 
to associate with the indigenous people so  

462
00:48:24,000 --> 00:48:30,160
much. They took a much more strategic approach 
in their intermarriage practices, which tells  

463
00:48:30,160 --> 00:48:36,400
you something of their belief systems, that 
they chose to move up in the racial hierarchy,  

464
00:48:36,400 --> 00:48:41,280
they chose to marry the daughters of these 
mixed-race marriages because they could have  

465
00:48:41,280 --> 00:48:44,880
access to somebody who spoke the language, 
because many of them are Cantonese speakers,  

466
00:48:45,440 --> 00:48:51,200
but they chose to marry mestizo women or, on rare 
occasions like Aurelio Pow San Chia, they could  

467
00:48:51,200 --> 00:48:55,600
to marry somebody who fit into the white or Creole 
population, although that was a little bit rarer.  

468
00:48:56,400 --> 00:49:02,400
So the mestizaje was the mechanism through 
which they could enter into a kind of whitening  

469
00:49:03,040 --> 00:49:07,840
trajectory, and mestizaje was a whitening 
project anyway, so they were just sort of  

470
00:49:07,840 --> 00:49:13,120
following those trajectories. I think we see that 
more closely through their marriage practices  

471
00:49:13,120 --> 00:49:19,040
than we're able to tell by their writings at 
all. Later in the 1930s, which I won't talk about  

472
00:49:19,040 --> 00:49:25,120
today, there is a project um, a magazine called 
"Oriental" that gets produced, which becomes  

473
00:49:25,120 --> 00:49:30,000
the voice of a new generation the offspring 
of these guys that I'm talking about today  

474
00:49:30,000 --> 00:49:35,120
and they create their own mestizaje project, which 
they call themselves "tusán", which comes from the  

475
00:49:35,120 --> 00:49:41,840
Chinese Tushan, which is locally-born Chinese, and 
that's a kind of mixed population, some of them  

476
00:49:41,840 --> 00:49:49,360
are offspring of Chinese and Peruvian parentage 
and it come becomes a catch-all category, so they  

477
00:49:49,360 --> 00:49:53,760
create their own sort of category for fitting 
into the mestizaje project of the nation.  

478
00:49:55,200 --> 00:49:59,600
Is that enough for you and to 
answer your question? [guest]  

479
00:49:59,600 --> 00:50:05,520
Yes, thank you! [speaker] Okay, you're welcome 
okay so is there anyone else at the moment?

480
00:50:07,600 --> 00:50:16,480
Okay, then I'll continue and complicate this um 
and talk about the victimization of Asians um and  

481
00:50:16,480 --> 00:50:25,120
the complexities of that. Here's more settler 
colonial visions of the plantations. Um so um,  

482
00:50:25,760 --> 00:50:32,160
one of the places where we get a different picture 
of the real complex realities beneath the settler  

483
00:50:32,160 --> 00:50:37,920
colonial imaginaries that these uh hacendados, 
these Cantonese, are are presenting of themselves  

484
00:50:38,720 --> 00:50:44,880
is in the uh cases um that have been filed and 
with the Ministry of Development. The Ministry  

485
00:50:44,880 --> 00:50:49,840
of Development creates the labor section in 
the 1920s because there is so much uh labor  

486
00:50:49,840 --> 00:50:54,800
unrest and complaints coming in, specifically 
from the plantations, because the labor unions  

487
00:50:54,800 --> 00:50:59,840
are really quite active in the cities, so that 
seems to be the main realm of activities for  

488
00:50:59,840 --> 00:51:06,240
labor resistance. Um but in the countryside 
there's there seems to be a greater need  

489
00:51:06,240 --> 00:51:13,120
for a mechanism to address the problems 
there, and so in the labor petitions, by  

490
00:51:13,120 --> 00:51:17,840
people working on the plantations, you you 
they're they're against all kinds of hacendados,  

491
00:51:17,840 --> 00:51:22,720
not just the Chinese, but you have a handful of 
cases against the Chinese, including several cases  

492
00:51:22,720 --> 00:51:28,800
against Aurelio Pow San Chia, who again is the the 
godfather of this community, and we'll take a look  

493
00:51:28,800 --> 00:51:33,280
at closely at one of them, which is the last one 
from the 1930, because it had a lot of information  

494
00:51:33,280 --> 00:51:38,960
and it has a lot of complexity to it. And this 
is the case of a group of yanacones farmers  

495
00:51:39,760 --> 00:51:48,000
who um yanacones are sort of a tenant 
farmer system practice that existed in Peru  

496
00:51:48,000 --> 00:51:52,800
at this time period. It originates from Inca 
practices but it changes over time and it's  

497
00:51:52,800 --> 00:52:00,960
more of a tenant farming system at this point. Um, 
so this family of yanacones farmers are they are  

498
00:52:00,960 --> 00:52:09,520
working and residing on the plantation La Villa, 
La Hacienda Villa, owned by Aurelio Pow San Chia,

499
00:52:09,520 --> 00:52:15,680
and he approaches them and says look I have 
this strip of land at the edge of the plantation  

500
00:52:15,680 --> 00:52:20,480
that's not brought into production, I would 
like you to work the land. You can live there,  

501
00:52:20,480 --> 00:52:24,720
you can do whatever you need to do to bring it 
into production, you can have it for two years  

502
00:52:24,720 --> 00:52:30,400
without paying rent and then after two years we 
reassess everything and then I'll start to charge  

503
00:52:30,400 --> 00:52:35,520
you rent for living there, but for two years all 
the benefits, all you sell from the land, you take  

504
00:52:35,520 --> 00:52:42,560
all the income um as compensation for all the work 
that you're putting into this. And so, they do,  

505
00:52:42,560 --> 00:52:47,760
they agree to this and you see their pictures here 
and they go about and then work the land for about  

506
00:52:47,760 --> 00:52:53,040
a year and then uh one year into this process 
Aurelio Pow San Chia comes back to them and says  

507
00:52:53,040 --> 00:52:59,840
okay well, now you know we should sign a contract 
based on the terms we agreed to last year,  

508
00:53:00,560 --> 00:53:04,880
just to formalize everything because next year 
we'll have to do things differently and switch  

509
00:53:04,880 --> 00:53:09,280
and so they said okay, but they're illiterate, so 
they don't really know what they're getting into.  

510
00:53:09,280 --> 00:53:12,480
They sign the contracts based on the 
verbal agreement from the year before.  

511
00:53:13,360 --> 00:53:19,920
One more year passes and uh the the yanacones 
have fulfilled their terms of the agreement,  

512
00:53:19,920 --> 00:53:24,160
they brought the land into production, it's 
doing really well, it can now be integrated  

513
00:53:24,160 --> 00:53:31,520
into the larger hacienda system, it will be highly 
productive um and they go to Aurelio Pow San Chia  

514
00:53:31,520 --> 00:53:36,960
to work out the terms of everything and he said 
actually um you owe me two years worth of back  

515
00:53:36,960 --> 00:53:42,320
rent. And they're like wait a minute, this is not 
at all what we agreed to. And he said okay well,  

516
00:53:42,320 --> 00:53:47,200
if you have disputes then uh you need to take it 
up not with me because actually your contract that  

517
00:53:47,200 --> 00:53:54,240
you signed is not with me but it's with uh Julio 
Sasaki, who is a Japanese overseer uh for you guys  

518
00:53:54,240 --> 00:53:59,840
as workers on the plantation. So you signed a 
contract with him, which they had no clue about  

519
00:53:59,840 --> 00:54:06,960
and so they go to Julio Sasaki and then everything 
sort of becomes evident that this is a a kind  

520
00:54:06,960 --> 00:54:12,400
of Aurelio Pow San Chia uh has manipulated 
the sort of labor divisions, the racialized  

521
00:54:12,400 --> 00:54:20,000
labor divisions, on the plantation, in order to 
engage in what Marxists would probably call an act  

522
00:54:20,000 --> 00:54:26,000
of primitive accumulation, an act of essentially 
theft. These people have contributed and what they  

523
00:54:26,000 --> 00:54:32,240
say in their petition is we contributed our labor, 
we used our tools, we invested into the property,  

524
00:54:32,240 --> 00:54:37,280
and we brought this land that we dwelled on into 
production, we made it productive and profitable  

525
00:54:37,280 --> 00:54:40,960
and all of that is going to be now 
destroyed and we're going to lose  

526
00:54:40,960 --> 00:54:45,600
everything and we're going to be kicked off the 
land. Um, so there's an active dispossession  

527
00:54:46,320 --> 00:54:53,120
um in a sort of set of uh in a plantation 
system that had all kinds of very complex  

528
00:54:53,120 --> 00:54:59,440
labor arrangements uh between different racialized 
subjects indigenous mestizos or yanacones or wage  

529
00:54:59,440 --> 00:55:06,400
labor and some of them even had communal land 
rights on the plantations, indigenous people had  

530
00:55:06,400 --> 00:55:13,120
communal land rights that they had carried with 
them since the early colonial period to reside  

531
00:55:13,120 --> 00:55:20,320
and and dwell and and work land for themselves um 
and yanacones also had land and residential rights  

532
00:55:20,320 --> 00:55:25,280
um, but all of that is is being done away 
within this moment. Um and we don't know what  

533
00:55:25,280 --> 00:55:31,280
the resolution of the case is, but we do know 
that this is a moment when we situate this case  

534
00:55:31,280 --> 00:55:37,680
alongside all of the other cases. What becomes 
uh really evident in reading all of the cases  

535
00:55:39,120 --> 00:55:48,160
is um the that um everything is in the process of 
transformation, that the Ministry of Development  

536
00:55:48,160 --> 00:55:55,040
and creating the second labor section um for these 
worker petitions is actually creating a mechanism,  

537
00:55:55,040 --> 00:56:02,560
a legalized mechanism, through which the ministry 
of development will regulate um the conditions of  

538
00:56:02,560 --> 00:56:11,680
of production and wage and uh the working day and 
the task. So this huge process, led by the state,  

539
00:56:11,680 --> 00:56:18,800
um is being unfolding is unfolding in this moment 
and so it's a period when the relationship between  

540
00:56:18,800 --> 00:56:24,320
the worker, whatever kind of work condition he 
has, and the land on the plantation is being  

541
00:56:24,320 --> 00:56:30,080
rationalized and and the workers or indigenous 
people or mestizo subjects and yanacones are being  

542
00:56:30,080 --> 00:56:36,240
dispossessed of their right to reside and produced 
that land and derive its profits, that the profits  

543
00:56:36,240 --> 00:56:41,920
belong to the plantation owner, uh their labor 
is increasingly rationalized because there's  

544
00:56:41,920 --> 00:56:46,880
now time periods being assigned to all of 
the labor tasks on the plantation, so there's  

545
00:56:46,880 --> 00:56:53,520
this huge process of what Glen Coulthard in 
the um in his study of settler colonialism  

546
00:56:54,240 --> 00:57:01,040
describes as the double-fold dimension of settler 
colonialism when it comes to indigenous people,  

547
00:57:01,840 --> 00:57:08,480
which is that it is not simply the introduction of 
a capital labor relation, which is the production  

548
00:57:08,480 --> 00:57:15,360
of the worker as a proletariat in industrial 
capitalism who's regulated by the capitalist  

549
00:57:15,360 --> 00:57:23,200
uh and who is paid through the wage uh and owns 
nothing else owns no property uh uh on or no land  

550
00:57:23,200 --> 00:57:29,360
or doesn't control the conditions of production or 
derive its benefits, and at the same time it's the  

551
00:57:29,360 --> 00:57:35,280
capital-colonial relation is unfolding which 
is the relationship between capital and land,  

552
00:57:35,280 --> 00:57:41,680
uh a property, so there's a huge privatization 
of space within the plantation that is being  

553
00:57:42,960 --> 00:57:47,520
dispossessed of people who once had a 
right to work and reside and labor there  

554
00:57:47,520 --> 00:57:53,280
in with complex arrangements, that is also being 
undone. And that's because this is a moment when  

555
00:57:53,280 --> 00:58:00,320
the prices of sugar and the global economy are 
really high and to maximize the benefits of  

556
00:58:00,320 --> 00:58:05,040
selling sugar on the global economy, they 
want to bring more land into production,  

557
00:58:05,040 --> 00:58:10,960
they they want to rationalize the labor force to 
make it as efficient as possible, and the engineer  

558
00:58:10,960 --> 00:58:17,040
the the mills to be as efficient as possible. 
They also want to expand the frontiers of the  

559
00:58:17,040 --> 00:58:23,520
plantation system and they do that through a 
variety of needs that dispossess indigenous people  

560
00:58:23,520 --> 00:58:30,480
or mestizo workers or yanacones of their land 
rights or use rights or residential rights  

561
00:58:30,480 --> 00:58:37,040
to those properties, um and then take all the 
benefits of that. And this is what is trackable  

562
00:58:37,040 --> 00:58:48,000
in these petitions, um so here we see that um how 
Aurelio Pow San Chia is still very much an agent  

563
00:58:48,000 --> 00:58:55,040
and a beneficiary of all these processes unfolding 
in Peru. At the same time, he is also starting to  

564
00:58:55,040 --> 00:58:59,840
be racialized by them, so the petition by the 
yanacones say "Que todo se lo llevo el chino",  

565
00:59:02,960 --> 00:59:09,440
their biggest complaint is he took the Chinaman 
took everything. And the chino was a you know  

566
00:59:09,440 --> 00:59:14,640
the racial or what became a racialized term 
to designate this sort of racialized theft um,  

567
00:59:14,640 --> 00:59:20,720
this playing on stereotypes of the Chinese as sort 
of robbing these Chinese-Peruvian working-class  

568
00:59:20,720 --> 00:59:25,600
subjects. This becomes a prominent discourse 
within the labor movement, and the labor movement,  

569
00:59:26,800 --> 00:59:31,360
the unions, are involved in helping the 
petitioners to organize their statements and  

570
00:59:31,360 --> 00:59:36,960
create the language. So, objectively speaking, 
he is very much an agent of these processes,  

571
00:59:36,960 --> 00:59:42,480
but at the same time it's the language is playing 
into a growing anti-Asian sentiment that is  

572
00:59:42,480 --> 00:59:47,680
part of the creation of a mestizo working-class 
subjectivity and identity within the nation that  

573
00:59:47,680 --> 00:59:54,160
are part of these processes of the 1910s, 20s, 
and 30s. So, he's already positioned a very um  

574
00:59:55,600 --> 01:00:00,720
sort of both as victim, a racialized victim, in 
some ways through the discourses, but also very  

575
01:00:00,720 --> 01:00:06,320
much as a victimizer and and of these kind 
of unfolding settler colonial practices.  

576
01:00:07,920 --> 01:00:13,040
Okay, so we don't know what ended up happening 
because there's not a resolution to the case,  

577
01:00:13,040 --> 01:00:20,320
most of these cases the the documentation is 
in the the the grievances, um the resolutions  

578
01:00:20,320 --> 01:00:29,360
don't often times get recorded so clearly, but 
um I want to give another example of how um  

579
01:00:30,240 --> 01:00:36,560
this victimization, this racialization of Chinese, 
uh plays out to push back the frontiers of the  

580
01:00:36,560 --> 01:00:41,360
Cantonese-Pacific, which we don't see as much with 
the elite, but we do see them in other sectors and  

581
01:00:41,360 --> 01:00:46,320
how the elite play a role in mediating, but 
does anyone have any questions at the moment?

582
01:00:49,920 --> 01:00:55,840
Okay, Joshua Young, if you would like to go.

583
01:01:01,040 --> 01:01:07,040
Hi, Joshua would you like to speak? [guest] Sorry, 
I I muted and unmuted or the other way around,  

584
01:01:07,040 --> 01:01:14,000
um thank you for this is fascinating and I 
just have a real quick question about um the  

585
01:01:15,520 --> 01:01:22,320
anecdotal nature of this case that 
you're just pointing to um and the  

586
01:01:22,320 --> 01:01:31,840
um the history of this, so the foreman was this 
uh Julio Sasaki, right, a Japanese-Peruvian, um  

587
01:01:32,880 --> 01:01:45,840
and so along with this language about um the 
Chinese, right, um is there also is there any  

588
01:01:46,960 --> 01:01:53,200
language about the Japanese as 
distinct from other Asians? And  

589
01:01:54,080 --> 01:02:05,440
the reason seems you know this the 20s, the 10s, 
20s, and 30s is the um is the rise of Japanese  

590
01:02:05,440 --> 01:02:13,600
colonial-expansion, right, um and so you know 
that, the distinction between different East Asian  

591
01:02:15,120 --> 01:02:23,840
nationalities, ethnicities, you know, as is 
something, so. [speaker] Absolutely and it  

592
01:02:23,840 --> 01:02:31,200
um in these cases, we don't see it, but where 
you see it is this this case I refer to is 1930  

593
01:02:31,200 --> 01:02:35,680
and I think the Ministry of Development 
stops the cases right around that time,  

594
01:02:36,640 --> 01:02:44,400
um but the 1930s it becomes really uh clear and 
then there are other sets of agricultural records  

595
01:02:44,400 --> 01:02:49,520
or from the provinces where the Japanese 
really feature prominently as a problem  

596
01:02:50,080 --> 01:02:57,760
um. And the discourses are shifting, there is also 
newspapers um, uh fascist newspapers that appear,  

597
01:02:57,760 --> 01:03:04,720
and they really drive an anti-Asian sentiment to 
a higher pitch than ever before, and the Japanese  

598
01:03:04,720 --> 01:03:10,240
here figure as the main culprits because of the 
expanding empire and so the sentiment that the  

599
01:03:10,240 --> 01:03:14,560
that these sort of fascist newspapers, there's 
two of them, I don't recall the names of them,  

600
01:03:15,280 --> 01:03:19,200
but there's a whole campaign that's 
been documented by a Peruvian scholar  

601
01:03:19,200 --> 01:03:25,600
and you can see the the articles reprinted, if you 
um want the reference I can get it to you, but um  

602
01:03:25,600 --> 01:03:32,960
the the idea of that period is that, um well, 
Japan is a colonizing and expanding empire  

603
01:03:32,960 --> 01:03:37,200
and it's uh through these migrants, 
it is expanding into the Americas,  

604
01:03:37,200 --> 01:03:43,840
and it's actually um moving southward from North 
America, we see these immigrants coming here  

605
01:03:44,560 --> 01:03:51,280
and these immigrants are agents of a Japanese 
imperial expansion and what they will ultimately  

606
01:03:51,280 --> 01:03:57,280
do is to displace us and we will become the slaves 
of Asians inside of Latin America and inside of  

607
01:03:57,280 --> 01:04:04,000
Peru and Chinese, by extension, who are also 
being colonized, are under threat of being fully  

608
01:04:04,000 --> 01:04:11,120
colonized by the Japanese, um are also going 
to end up becoming agents of Japanese empire,  

609
01:04:11,120 --> 01:04:16,400
so they, too, are part of the problem 
here. So it's uh it's it's something that  

610
01:04:16,400 --> 01:04:24,000
um the Chinese actually get roped into this 
Japanese-colonial and imperial imaginary  

611
01:04:24,000 --> 01:04:30,880
as people to be feared and resisted uh and the 
attacks um become more intense in the 1930s.

612
01:04:33,120 --> 01:04:41,840
Does that help and answer your question? [guest] 
Yeah, that's great, thank you. [speaker] Okay,  

613
01:04:41,840 --> 01:04:47,760
so let me move forward to another example um that 
gives us a kind of a more complex vision of what  

614
01:04:47,760 --> 01:04:52,960
the Cantonese-Pacific looks like. So we've seen 
sort of the merchants and on how they're moving  

615
01:04:52,960 --> 01:04:57,040
into different sectors of the economy, moving into 
different spaces of the economy, and they have  

616
01:04:57,040 --> 01:05:03,200
one of the largest commercial sectors in all of 
Latin America are of the Chinese are in Peru,  

617
01:05:03,200 --> 01:05:07,600
so you can imagine this expanding really in the 
northern coastal areas, these kinds of businesses  

618
01:05:07,600 --> 01:05:13,760
like Aurelio Pow San Chia's, uh it's operating, 
but smaller scale all across the landscape.  

619
01:05:13,760 --> 01:05:20,880
On the other side of the Pacific, um 
there's also um a strong infrastructure, so  

620
01:05:20,880 --> 01:05:25,840
I'll turn my attention here to a 
different person, Yu Jeuk Sang,  

621
01:05:25,840 --> 01:05:32,800
um Cesario Chin Fuksan um, who was also 
a prominent member of the community, also

622
01:05:33,680 --> 01:05:42,720
from Zhongshan, and he is the owner Wing On Chong, 
the firm that is connected to Wing On in uh the  

623
01:05:42,720 --> 01:05:47,840
the department stores, four department stores, 
one of the four department stores that are in  

624
01:05:47,840 --> 01:05:57,200
uh Zhongshan, Hong Kong, Shanghai, this very 
successful business-enterprises in South China.  

625
01:05:57,920 --> 01:06:06,080
Uh, it has a branch in Hong Kong, uh and it has he 
is um connected to the Tung Wah Hospital in Hong  

626
01:06:06,080 --> 01:06:12,960
Kong, which is a huge charitable association 
uh, and in the late 19th, early 20th century,  

627
01:06:12,960 --> 01:06:18,240
when the Qing government and the early republican 
government were not really fully prepared to  

628
01:06:18,800 --> 01:06:23,680
handle the affairs of overseas Chinese, I think uh 
overseas Chinese affairs offices as a government  

629
01:06:23,680 --> 01:06:28,960
institution or overseas Chinese affairs bureaus 
didn't really have the capacity to do much. They  

630
01:06:28,960 --> 01:06:34,880
got started I believe in the 1920s and what I've 
seen of those early, archival records is that they  

631
01:06:34,880 --> 01:06:39,760
were really doing a lot of information gathering 
and they hardly knew how many people were in,  

632
01:06:39,760 --> 01:06:44,560
Chinese, were in parts of the Americas, 
particularly South America, and they were trying  

633
01:06:44,560 --> 01:06:51,280
to, you know, send teachers there and and and 
educate the Chinese and educate local populations  

634
01:06:51,280 --> 01:06:56,880
in Cantonese and nationalism, uh but it was very 
chaotic and incomplete knowledge of the world that  

635
01:06:56,880 --> 01:07:03,200
they had. So the Tung Wah Hospital becomes like 
kind of a hub of of governance, self-governance,  

636
01:07:03,200 --> 01:07:09,040
in the diaspora communities. This is again that 
a key element of that Cantonese-Pacific is how  

637
01:07:09,040 --> 01:07:14,960
voluntary associations play a fundamental role in 
addressing social problems and arrest addressing  

638
01:07:14,960 --> 01:07:20,800
even problems of racial exclusion and violence 
and I'll give you an example of that um through  

639
01:07:20,800 --> 01:07:27,280
this person. Um, so Cesario Chin Fuksan, who is 
a member of the Benevolent Association in Lima,  

640
01:07:27,280 --> 01:07:33,200
was a key figure linking this Transpacific world 
for uh Peruvian-Chinese, or Cantonese in Peru.  

641
01:07:33,760 --> 01:07:38,960
He had businesses in Panama and Brazil and Chile, 
so he was critical and linking several places  

642
01:07:38,960 --> 01:07:48,560
in Latin America across the Pacific to governing 
mechanisms over there. In 1909, there is a worker  

643
01:07:48,560 --> 01:07:56,880
uprising and um that leads to violent attack in 
Lima on a little alleyway called Callejon Otaiza,  

644
01:07:57,760 --> 01:08:05,360
which is very close to the market, the central 
food market in Lima, and this has been attacked by  

645
01:08:05,360 --> 01:08:12,960
um working class because it's the the conditions 
of destitution, of the poor Chinese that lived  

646
01:08:12,960 --> 01:08:19,600
there, many of them were former uh coolies, uh 
who have now aged out of the plantation system,  

647
01:08:19,600 --> 01:08:24,320
uh they're begging on the streets, there's a lot 
of gambling, there's opium, there's prostitution,  

648
01:08:24,320 --> 01:08:31,360
there's all kinds of uh poverty, and um and 
crowdedness, uh overcrowding in this area,  

649
01:08:31,360 --> 01:08:37,040
and people are really just surviving, these are 
the you workers whose bodies have been used up,  

650
01:08:37,040 --> 01:08:42,320
there's not a lot that they can do. So they beg 
on the streets um and it's considered unsanitary,  

651
01:08:42,320 --> 01:08:49,440
it comes under attack, uh the governor of Lima 
tries to do an assessment in a survey and um to  

652
01:08:50,080 --> 01:08:54,160
is building up towards a kind of 
uh effort to resolve this problem.  

653
01:08:54,880 --> 01:09:01,440
But before he can take action, the workers do, 
and they violently destroy parts of this alleyway  

654
01:09:01,440 --> 01:09:08,800
and it sort of drives about 500 uh Cantonese, 
uh people of Cantonese origin, um leaves them  

655
01:09:08,800 --> 01:09:16,400
destitute and and homeless and living out on the 
streets. And so now, the uh, this is a problem,  

656
01:09:16,400 --> 01:09:23,600
what do you do with these people? Uh, and so, the 
elite of the community, uh the Chinese community,  

657
01:09:23,600 --> 01:09:28,800
step in very quickly to address this problem, 
because this is reflects a kind of shame, a  

658
01:09:28,800 --> 01:09:34,320
racial shame, and humiliation for them, um already 
that these destitute people exist and the coolie  

659
01:09:34,320 --> 01:09:40,000
problem was something that they've tried to get 
away from since their arrival, uh and now it's uh  

660
01:09:40,000 --> 01:09:47,920
sort of this destitute homeless community, a group 
of 500 people need to be attended to, housed uh,  

661
01:09:47,920 --> 01:09:52,800
and accommodations made for them for for the 
long term. So the elite organized, through the  

662
01:09:52,800 --> 01:10:01,040
Benevolent Association in Lima, and what they end 
up doing is working with the Tung Wah Hospital in  

663
01:10:01,040 --> 01:10:07,440
Hong Kong, along with a group of organizations in 
Guangzhou, on the interior of Guangdong Province,  

664
01:10:07,440 --> 01:10:13,280
um these nine charitable halls, they create a 
repatriation project to get them out and send  

665
01:10:13,280 --> 01:10:19,680
them back, uh get them away um take care of them 
by sort of basically exporting them back home.  

666
01:10:19,680 --> 01:10:25,600
Now, many of them had not been home to their 
native places for 40, 50 years, so they didn't  

667
01:10:25,600 --> 01:10:31,120
know where they were going to, they had no 
connections there, no ties to family anymore,  

668
01:10:31,120 --> 01:10:37,360
uh some of them maybe even didn't really remember 
how to speak uh parts of the language, so you have  

669
01:10:37,360 --> 01:10:43,360
um newspaper accounts um describing how some of 
them were now returning to a land that no one  

670
01:10:43,360 --> 01:10:48,320
recognizes them anymore and even describing 
how they were crying when they were sitting  

671
01:10:48,320 --> 01:10:53,840
on the docks waiting to board the ships as they 
were being sent back home. And this introduces  

672
01:10:54,560 --> 01:11:01,680
a practice that continues from 1909 
into the 1930s, so as older Chinese,  

673
01:11:01,680 --> 01:11:06,480
who become sort of increasingly destitute, 
with no family members to take care of them,  

674
01:11:06,480 --> 01:11:13,280
who are relying on the Benevolent Associations, 
and native place associations to sort of take care  

675
01:11:13,280 --> 01:11:19,040
of them as they age, along the northern coastal 
provinces, every once in a while the elite of  

676
01:11:19,040 --> 01:11:26,320
Lima organize a repatriation project, gather 
them up, and send them back across the Pacific.  

677
01:11:26,320 --> 01:11:33,120
This is one of the last images of people 
being uh who were sent to be deported in 1935,  

678
01:11:33,120 --> 01:11:37,920
deported because many of them didn't do this by 
choice, they're really quite old. I don't know how  

679
01:11:37,920 --> 01:11:43,360
many we don't have records of their what happened 
on the other side um, but this gives you a sense,  

680
01:11:43,360 --> 01:11:47,920
okay. And this is gives you a sense of what 
this Cantonese-Pacific world looks like,  

681
01:11:47,920 --> 01:11:53,520
just from a glimpse of Lima, but you can imagine 
this expanded to every place across the Pacific  

682
01:11:53,520 --> 01:11:59,520
where Chinese are located, so in order to 
facilitate this project, um in Peru, on the  

683
01:11:59,520 --> 01:12:04,720
right-hand side, it involved collaboration with 
the Peruvian government and the China legation,  

684
01:12:04,720 --> 01:12:11,040
but also overseen by elites, a commercial elite, 
who are members of the Benevolent Associations,  

685
01:12:12,320 --> 01:12:17,680
and they are overseeing the native 
place voluntary associations  

686
01:12:17,680 --> 01:12:24,480
of each individual native place of the people 
from Zhongshan and the people from other areas  

687
01:12:24,480 --> 01:12:31,600
um, each have their associations, so they connect 
all of this, they gather up the elderly people,  

688
01:12:32,240 --> 01:12:37,840
and through these associations, they send back 
bones and coffins, they send charitable donations,  

689
01:12:37,840 --> 01:12:43,840
they send the elderly bachelors, and destitute 
returnees, so this whole mechanism gets worked out  

690
01:12:43,840 --> 01:12:48,480
through this repatriation project. 
And on the other side of the Pacific,  

691
01:12:48,480 --> 01:12:54,080
um with Hong Kong government underneath, uh 
underneath the auspices of the government,  

692
01:12:54,080 --> 01:13:00,480
the Tung Wah Hospital is operating as the main 
receiving mechanism um and it has connections  

693
01:13:00,480 --> 01:13:06,240
to native place um native places, on 
the interior of Guangdong Province,  

694
01:13:06,240 --> 01:13:11,680
that match sort of these native place associations 
that are in Peru and other parts of the Pacific.  

695
01:13:12,240 --> 01:13:16,560
And then it helps to redistribute people back 
to their native places, who need to find a home,  

696
01:13:16,560 --> 01:13:21,920
but then for people who don't have anywhere to go 
out, these elderly elderly, destitute bachelors,  

697
01:13:22,720 --> 01:13:29,680
they are then um put into this Peruvian-Chinese 
Peaceful Gatherings Asylum, which is created in  

698
01:13:29,680 --> 01:13:37,600
1909, after the destruction of the the alleyway 
in Lima, and it is fundraised by uh Peruvian  

699
01:13:37,600 --> 01:13:43,600
elites in Peru, and money is shipped across the 
Pacific as well, through all these mechanisms,  

700
01:13:43,600 --> 01:13:49,200
going from the Tung Wah Hospital in collaboration 
with the Guomindang government in Guangzhou,  

701
01:13:50,080 --> 01:13:55,200
down to the 9 Charitable Halls, and one 
particular charitable hall of the Aiyu Shantang,  

702
01:13:55,200 --> 01:14:02,720
the Aiyu charity hall in, established in 1871, 
becomes the overseer of the Peruvian-Chinese  

703
01:14:02,720 --> 01:14:09,920
Peaceful Gatherings Asylum. And this is the sort 
of self-governance mechanisms, collaborating with  

704
01:14:09,920 --> 01:14:14,640
state mechanisms, that don't have the capacity 
to do the work to repatriate these subjects,  

705
01:14:14,640 --> 01:14:19,920
sort of the Chinese elite across the Pacific, 
the Cantonese elite organizing to make these  

706
01:14:19,920 --> 01:14:26,880
repatriations possible and solve the problems 
that emerge out of race acts of racial violence  

707
01:14:26,880 --> 01:14:34,160
um. So this is one example um of 
how what I call sort of the world  

708
01:14:34,880 --> 01:14:42,480
comes home through the pushing back of the 
Cantonese-Pacific, any questions at the moment?

709
01:14:45,680 --> 01:14:51,920
Okay um so, I I guess I can give you another 
example, but I want to make time to wrap up  

710
01:14:51,920 --> 01:14:57,280
the talk and uh and take questions from 
the audience because I think we only have  

711
01:14:57,280 --> 01:15:06,720
what's um like 20 minutes or so, Eli? [Eli] 
Yeah, okay, until 11. [speaker] Yeah, okay,  

712
01:15:06,720 --> 01:15:11,920
so um when I try to give you a glimpse that 
there are other projects that I look at, which  

713
01:15:11,920 --> 01:15:17,200
are print capitalist projects that distribute 
news of how the world comes home, how reports  

714
01:15:17,200 --> 01:15:22,720
like these about racial violence and how it pushes 
the frontiers back and actually sends people back  

715
01:15:22,720 --> 01:15:28,960
across the Pacific um is one of the ways we can 
track the enclosures of the Cantonese-Pacific.  

716
01:15:28,960 --> 01:15:35,680
Um, so it's both the expansion and simultaneous 
enclosure of this world, but just sort of just  

717
01:15:35,680 --> 01:15:42,400
wrap up my talk very um briefly, I think the main 
thing to think about the Cantonese-Pacific um,  

718
01:15:42,960 --> 01:15:50,400
from Henry Yu and and and the work of W.E.B du 
Bois, Henry Reynolds, and Marilyn Lake, a sort of  

719
01:15:50,400 --> 01:15:55,840
a global um the making of a global color line and 
how settler colonialism is a structure that keeps,  

720
01:15:55,840 --> 01:16:02,080
that once in place it continuously produces a kind 
of indigenous dispossession, but at the same time  

721
01:16:02,080 --> 01:16:07,520
uh positions uh Asians immigrants in very 
complicated complicated positions where they  

722
01:16:07,520 --> 01:16:13,520
can be both agents, beneficiaries of settler 
colonial practices, particularly the elites,  

723
01:16:14,080 --> 01:16:20,720
but also as victims of it, racialized others, who, 
through acts of racial violence and legalized uh  

724
01:16:20,720 --> 01:16:26,720
exclusion acts, um are pushed back um, 
either killed sometimes in massacres,  

725
01:16:26,720 --> 01:16:31,040
uh through acts of violence, or there 
are there they're dispossessed of their  

726
01:16:31,040 --> 01:16:36,880
belongings in their homes, left destitute, and 
sometimes forced, uh left with no resources,  

727
01:16:36,880 --> 01:16:42,000
but to go back or to be sent back to their native 
places and then the native places in China become  

728
01:16:42,000 --> 01:16:48,160
places that absorb the cost of these processes and 
and this violence of settler colonial expansion.  

729
01:16:48,800 --> 01:16:55,200
So, um, it is part, these stories are 
fundamentally a part of the ongoing legacy  

730
01:16:55,200 --> 01:17:00,320
of settler colonialism as a structure that remade 
the world and the Pacific during the 19th century,  

731
01:17:00,320 --> 01:17:04,080
and in particular, that paved the way 
toward the making of a white man's world  

732
01:17:04,080 --> 01:17:15,840
across the world. Okay, thank you very much 
and uh I'm happy to take your questions.