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Today it is my distinct pleasure to be able 
to introduce Professor Biao Xiang and to once  

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again virtually welcome him to Cornell University. 
When I began planning this lecture series on China  

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and Migration, he was at the very top of my list 
for reasons that I'll get into in just a moment.  

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Professor Xiang is Professor of Social 
Anthropology at Oxford University, and he has  

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a new, relatively new appointment at the Max 
Planck Institute where he's heading a new  

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department there on the anthropology of economic 
experimentation. And he's actually joining us  

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today from Germany. Professor Xiang is one of the 
pre-eminent scholars of Chinese migration both  

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domestically and internationally. Perhaps "the" 
preeminent scholar, and but it's not just China.  

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He is a scholar of migration in general, and his 
work is widely respected by migration scholars,  

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people working on areas all over the world. He's 
done research not just in China, making his mark  

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looking a sort of internal migration within China, 
then looking at the international Chinese diaspora  

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but he's also done research in India and other 
countries as well. I can't possibly list all of  

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his many important publications. He's written 
numerous books, countless articles. They've  

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been translated into all kinds of articles. 
You know any student of migration is really  

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going to have to reckon with his work at 
some point. And so I'm extremely excited to  

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be able to invite him here today to present 
some of his new work on reproductive labor.  

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So I'm just going to leave it at that. I'm going 
to and now I will turn it over to Professor Xiang.

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Okay thank you very much Eli. First of thanks the 
program, thanks Amala for organizing setting up  

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this seminar, and I would like to say big 
thanks to Eli for at least three reasons.  

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Number one for inviting me here. Number two, 
he just told me that he likes the title, the a  

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term that I'm using today: reproduction migration. 
And as I just told him, he is the first person who  

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gave me positive in the positive feedback on this 
(unintelligible). Because I discussed this concept  

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in a few other places, and people say, oh it's 
interesting but still confusing and misleading. Um  

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so the encouragement from him is very important 
for me at this is point of work. You know you're  

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still exploring you'll get confused by yourself. 
And thirdly; when I mentioned to Eli that I wish  

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to talk about reproduction migration, and in 
order to address one particular empirical puzzle  

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which is why Chinese citizens continue leaving 
China, exiting China when China is becoming the  

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global economic center. China is a place 
where money is being made. Why people are  

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keeping leaving? And he immediately reminded me, 
oh you should again look at the Saskia Sassen's 1986  

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book "The Mobility of Capital and Labor" because 
Saskia Sassen asked the very similar question at  

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that time 1980s. Namely, there's two questions 
for her. Number one: why the increasing number  

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of migrants coming to the U.S. at that time were 
from countries like such countries as South Korea,  

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Malaysia, Thailand, and a number of Latin 
American countries where they were going  

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through quite a rapid industrialization 
where the living standards were increasing.  

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Number two puzzle: why did they come to the 
U.S. when U.S. was going through an unemployment  

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crisis. There were no jobs you know, I mean if 
you look at the statistics, it's not good time.  

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U.S. was going through de-industrialization, 
so why do you have people  

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moving from industrializing nations 
into de-industrializing places?  

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That was Saskia Sassen's question and I didn't 
I didn't think of that before. It was Eli who  

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reminded me of the book and then I went back to 
rethink about that. I mean I read the book many  

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years ago but I never made the connection 
between the book and what I'm thinking now.

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Then, and now I have a framework I mean at least 
the initial framework, thanks for Eli's reference  

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to Saskia Sassen. Now that our question is similar 
to what the Saskia Sassen asked as I mentioned,  

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and but the answer is quite different. 
Saskia Sassen's answer to the 1980s puzzle  

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was the internationalization of production. 
She's, I mean she made a few interesting points.  

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Number one: she said, okay you know when now 
you look at the migration, you should not  

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consider migration as a process where people 
move from one country where there's no  

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jobs to a place that has more jobs to offer. No. 
You have to look at the global system as a whole.  

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You have the internationalization of production, 
which means there's a rapid capital movement  

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from the core - the west into these 
countries like South Korea, Malaysia,  

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Thailand, Singapore, and Latin America like Mexico 
and etc. Right, the arrival of capital of course  

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uh encouraged industrialization, and encouraged 
the economic growth, but at the same time  

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the foreign investment also disrupted 
the traditional livelihoods. So therefore  

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it creates large-scale displacement of 
workers. So you have large-scale displacement  

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workers especially men at the same time as 
economic development, and this displaced men have  

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to go somewhere so therefore they become potential 
migrants. That hypothesis is not a very well  

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approved. But anyways that there was an 
interesting hypothesis right. This is a number one  

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uh answer. And then she says okay um then why 
does it why do migrants are coming to the U.S.?  

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Despite of deindustrialization, and she says again 
you should look at the internationalization of  

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production. Internationalization of 
production, I mean in today's language  

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we will call the globalization requires certain 
strategic hub in the world as a commanding site  

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which will coordinate all the flows of capital, 
flow of goods, and the flow of information.  

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And these commanding sites are 
what she called global cities.  

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Mainly it's New York, Los Angeles, and of course 
Tokyo and London. I mean this is a major global  

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cities so global cities are just not simply 
big cities, international cities but global  

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cities as a strategic site where globalization 
project is being designed, monitored, and shaped.  

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In these global cities you need new people. 
Who are the new people? Two types. Type one:  

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high-end finance analysts, I.T. professionals, 
which subject I also worked on before. And we  

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look at that Indian I.T. programmers going to 
Australia and the U.S.. Why do they need I.T.?  

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It's not simply you know a lineal or incremental 
technological upgrading. I.T. is needed as a  

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global infrastructure to facilitate new mode of 
capital circulation, so therefore the need of I.T.  

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as Eli mentioned is especially uneven in certain 
places. You will need more than other places.  

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There's a high end, and the 
same time, Saskia Sassen said  

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in global cities you also have increasing demand 
for informal low-end laborers: cleaners, cooks,  

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sex workers to provide the service for this 
high-fly elite: this finance analysts and etc.  

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So this both of them actually uh are in a short 
supply, so therefore need migrant workers from  

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the rising global South. So that was her answer, 
and the first hypothesis you know the displacement  

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hypothesis, actually is I think still remain to 
be tested but the second hypothesis is about the  

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global city thesis we know, it is well accepted. 
And then what's the situation in China today? I  

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mean why do Chinese people are leaving China 
when China is not only simply industrializing  

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but China has become a global hub for financial 
speculation for wealth, for strategic wealth  

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accumulation. So my answer is it's no longer 
internationalization of production. I mean  

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if we go to detail actually can make interesting 
comparison because the internationalization of  

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production material production uh did not 
encourage outer migration. The globalization  

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of production actually you create many 
more jobs in China. I mean China you don't  

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see massive kind of this economic displacement, of 
course you see large-scale of rural, urban migrants.  

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There's a social displacement but primarily 
it's a story of economic employment generation,  

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so that is did not encourage outer 
migration. The reason, the driving force  

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behind of outer migration now is what I call the 
internationalization of reproduction strategies.  

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What is a reproduction? I mean, let's go 
back to the very simple definition by Engels  

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and Marx. Marx didn't say much too much 
about it. It's basically the maintenance and  

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of of human life right. Workers you have to 
go home to eat and sleep in order to have  

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energy refueled and for tomorrow's work, and then 
in order to do that you have you need someone  

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cook for the workers, you need someone to clean 
the house, and of course you need having second  

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generation to be born and etc. So you this 
the whole social process of uh that sustain  

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uh the production of labor sustains a production 
system, what which we call a social reproduction.  

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So we maintain our life at the both individual 
level as well as intergenerational level,  

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social reproduction. And what do I mean 
the internationalization of reproduction?  

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If you look at who are leaving China today, I mean 
the fastest growing number of migrants from China  

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number one, students of course, this is well-known 
especially in campus like Cornell. You know China  

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is a world number one standing country of 
international students. Let me try and now  

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also attract some foreign students. But most 
of the students go into China for short-term  

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exchange programs, not for degree, so it's 
less serious in some words. And then number two  

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fastest growing migrants from China are so-called 
investor migrants right? We know in U.S. you have  

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this EB-5 I think visa. At a certain year to I 
think 2017 is more than 80 percent of the EB-5  

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visas um were issued to PRC applicants, and 
the similar situation were observed in Canada,  

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Australia. Although these countries now 
became quite cautious or even closed down  

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these program mainly because there's a 
concern about having too many Chinese  

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wealthy Chinese accounts so there's a social 
backlash there. But the same time we witnessed  

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a lot. I mean not too large but quite a few, quite 
a few small countries especially in Europe but  

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also in Latin America opened up these schemes. The 
most famous examples including Portugal, Malta and  

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Hungary. So this is quite unlikely, and grace, 
and very unlikely designations you know in the  

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traditional migration flows. But now they became 
quite popular destinations because they have this  

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investment migration scheme, according to which, 
as long as you invest a certain amount of money,  

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so you can get a green card. But what kind of 
investments are the Chinese investor migrants  

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make? Properties. There's a very few cases where 
they invest money to in productive activities to  

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hire people and etc. But the main investments they 
make is by the family house, family properties.  

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So then also there's a small 
number of labor migration,  

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and I want to make argument that 
the labor migration after 2000,  

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according to my field work in Northeast China is 
also becoming increasingly reproduction driven,  

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meaning that they migrate is not only just to earn 
money and go home to make investment you know,  

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in order to become rich. But they migrate 
often the direct pressure of getting married,  

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buying a property, and they are related - if 
you don't buy a property in cities, a country  

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boy even can't find a country girl, if 
both families are now in the rural China. But in  

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order for them to get married, the young men are 
expected to have a property in the country seat  

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and the requirement is quite hard, quite high. 
It's not only a property in the county seat  

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but there must be a particular location, and a 
condominium must have certain facilities, and etc.  

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So it's a tremendous pressure uh in the 
domain of reproduction, you know you have a  

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family house you get married, and of course 
education cost, and the medical care cost.  

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I mean there's a very complex reason behind 
that why is the cost increasing so high. So  

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in the early in the 1990s the people 
migrate to earn money, and then they go back  

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to buy houses, so the the price of houses goes up, 
so people blame migrants. But in the recent years,  

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people don't blame migrants for you know 
sending back remittances, and therefore  

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raising the property prices because now the 
picture is opposite. It's the property prices  

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keep rising driven by domestic political economy, 
land policy, and urban growth, and etc. And  

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therefore; it pushed many young people to migrate 
in order to make quick savings. I mean the wage  

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overseas not necessarily higher than China, but 
by going overseas you can save money more quickly,  

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partly because you work much longer 
hours, and you don't have a socialization.

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And when you go overseas, you basically work 
seven days a week, at least 10 hours a day,

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so you can make a saving quicker, and then you 
can buy an apartment before the price become  

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unaffordable, and then you can secure a marriage 
and etc. And also see more and more people  

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migrate because of the education fee. Um so, 
so that's probably yeah we can come back this  

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later because people can say okay you know labor 
migration are always migrating for reproductive  

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concern. You know they send the money back 
to build a house or to pay medical costs,  

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but the picture here is slightly different. 
It's not that they are going out to earn  

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supplemental incomes for reproductive purposes, 
but actually the main driving force is that  

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the the obligation, the pressure to meet 
such reproductive duties are so high,  

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so they just have to to to go. So they become 
a so that's driven by by reproduction concern  

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concerns. But that is a really minor case in 
my story. So what I really want to focus on  

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is students migrants and investor migrants as 
a main case of this reproduction uh migration.  

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Then as I just mentioned now you know 
most people say, it's very confusing,  

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why do you call that the reproduction migration. 
So here today I need your help, and I uh just  

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I wanted to try to justify a bit why I use this 
term and you can tell me whether or not it works.  

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First of all, why do we use such a broad category: 
reproduction? You know why don't we just do  

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educational migration or call it lifestyle 
migration or consumption migration right,  

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which sounds uh somehow is empirically more 
self-evident kind of uh easier to understand.  

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But reproduction for me is a very important 
category. It is true, it's quite, it's a kind  

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of abstraction. It is not empirically self-evident 
but nevertheless; it is a necessary and important  

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abstraction. This again go back to Engels and 
Marx. Especially Engels, you know the origin of  

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family private property and the state. What do 
humans do in this world? The humans do two things.  

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Number one: human produces things. To uh 
of in the food and the clothes actually  

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etc., produce things in order to survive. Number 
two: human must reproduce a human as a species.

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The first part of production 
actually marks, I mean I'll talk  

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and develop such a sophisticated theory to 
talk about how production is socially organized  

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different ways, how you organize production 
have very different consequences and etc.  

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But I think actual reproduction is even 
more complex than that. If you look at the  

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reproduction just as a biological fact, there's 
no big difference between human and any mammals.  

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But the problem of course is the social aspect 
of reproduction. How this biological production  

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is a programmed, organized socially? Marriage 
system, kinship, family, inheritance,  

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and then your identity, and the community right. 
And then you have welfare system, the state,  

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and the public education, private education, 
all the debates, health care which is really  

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dominating our concerns in in contemporary society 
is primarily is much more about the reproduction  

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than about the production. I mean for if you ask 
ordinary people what they're really worried about.  

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I mean of course they are taught now by economists 
says, oh and the most important thing is economy.  

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You have to look at employment data. This is 
quite the case in China if you go to people.  

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"Educated" the people will talk like that. You 
know you look at the economy, look at what trade,  

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look at what the U.S. do. But if you talk to 
the less educated people who are much wiser,  

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who tell you the truth in a much more economical 
way. It is a primary about the reproduction.  

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Why education becomes so 
expensive, so tiring, pension.

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Why is it difficult to see a doctor 
and expensive to see a doctor "kan  

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bing nan" (hard to see a doctor) and "kan 
bing gui" (expensive to see a doctor)  

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etc. So the social, I mean what I want to say 
is that the reproduction is in a way very simple  

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right. We just keep life going, and then keep 
having second generation, keep them alive. But  

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there's a specific way, how it is socially 
organized is a very a change dramatically  

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uh over the last 200 years uh globally, 
but mostly I think in the last 100 years.

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You know we know it is in Europe. 
It is probably in Germany here, uh  

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Bismarck and then you have poor law, 
and of course primarily after WWII,

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you have the social reproduction uh became a 
political agenda. And then how I mean that is  

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I think is is a very important domain right for 
to to for us to examine various social issues.  

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So therefore I use the term reproduction migration 
as opposed to reproductive migration. I mean  

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reproductive, the word sounds quite descriptive, 
and something like is to really emphasize  

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particular function of migration. I mean the you 
know students migration, investment migration,  

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not necessarily reproductive and reproductive 
whatever I don't know, but they belong to the  

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category the domain of reproduction right. So 
that is similar to I mean the usage of terms  

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by Marx. You know it's a about the production 
force instead of productive force. And lots of  

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production force are not necessarily productive 
but productive how to measure it. It's it is,

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it is a more functional description 
rather than analytical category.  

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Uh I mean the productive or reproductive is is 
a is a function is it to describe the function,  

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rather than analysis about its position in the 
organization of the society and the economy.

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So this is is a why I think okay reproduction uh 
migration uh, in by having this big categories,  

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it is uh is meaningful, and probably it is a time 
to bring back some big uh categories like that.  

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And as a second is a reason, I think I mean second 
reason why reproduction migration. Sorry mate.  

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Why reproduction migration can be confusing 
is precisely because reproduction, I mean when  

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people start talking about the social reproduction 
seriously in the 1960s. It was very much about the  

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discovery of a women's contribution to capitalist 
system. It's a rediscovery of the household  

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in the capitalist system. And people ask okay you 
because all the political economies talking about  

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politics in the factory, talking about the labor 
exploitation in the production site, but how can  

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this labor being exploited, had not someone else 
produced this labor on daily basis in the first  

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place as well as in the generational basis.
Of course the mothers and the wives' inputs are  

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extremely important. So the suppression of women 
is not only about ideational, and gender, sex,  

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politics, but it's really about this public and 
the private divide. It's about the production  

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and the reproduction divide. So the discovery of 
reproduction is very much about the rediscovery  

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of the so-called private sphere, and its political 
and economic functions to the whole system right.  

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I mean so the feminist argument you know, whether 
or not these heteronormative families at least  

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among the working class is inevitable. The answer 
is no. It's not inevitable. This is a particular  

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way how social reproduction is organized, the 
heteronormative families right uh. So that's  

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the then this at least the generator impression 
that a reproduction is something whole;  

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is something rooted; is something that 
actually less mobile. Labor is a mobile,  

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and a reproduction is not mobile, which 
is very true for a long history. What is a  

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typical image of a labor migrant? Of course its 
a man, leaving home for the cities to work and  

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the center remittances back in the countryside 
where the wives, children, and the elderly stay.  

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Home in the countryside is where reproduction 
takes place, and the city's factories are where  

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productive activities take place right. So 
therefore the mobile part is even made. Uh  

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so the main theoretical discussion was about 
that since 1960s, 1970s. But today the situation  

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changed greatly. A very typical image, uh actually 
was very nicely provided by the anthropologist  

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Aihwa Ong. She was talking about the 
different cases more about Hong Kong  

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and Taiwan middle class families 
migrating to Canada since the 1980s.  

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Who are the late who are the migrants on the 
paper? The migrants, yes are the men, you know  

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head of head of household migrating to Canada from 
Hong Kong or Taiwan. Who are actually migrating?  

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The wives and the children, sometimes their 
parents as well. They go to Canada because life is  

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much easier; the grass is greener; the egg is much 
better quality; and of course education is better.  

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So who are staying home? The man. The man stays in 
Hong Kong, Taiwan was now China. Why? Because this  

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is where the money is made. China is a center 
of capital accumulation. The west is a site of  

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reproduction. This is just one aspect, then you 
have other aspects in the reproduction, social  

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production we know is no longer confined at a 
private home at all. So that is the discussion  

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in China after reform whether or not reproduction, 
social reproduction is privatized. The picture is  

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fuzzy. On one hand you can see it is privatized 
because the state withdraw. You know the factories  

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will not provide any kindergartens. You know the 
nursing and education are supposed to be taken up  

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00:29:33,520 --> 00:29:40,320
by families. So therefore lots of women workers 
were laid off and etc. But at the same time,  

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are they really privatized? No. We 
see dramatic expansion of the market  

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that meet this production need right? And the 
tuition, the private school etc. - in Northeast  

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China countryside, a new phenomenon 
that observed. I was surprised. 

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00:30:04,880 --> 00:30:13,120
It is common now in countryside that no matter how 
poor it is, it is common to send the preschool  

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children to kindergarten in the county seat 
cities. Countryside kids go to kindergarten. This  

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is a is a quite surprising to me. So of course 
these have all kind of consequences. We knew  

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00:30:30,080 --> 00:30:36,560
that in countryside in a child of course, before 
five, they are child, after five they are defect  

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00:30:36,560 --> 00:30:42,240
to child labor. You know they do all kinds 
of household chores and etc. This is a part  

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00:30:42,240 --> 00:30:47,360
of family system, I mean we can make a certain 
moral argument about labor child labor and etc.

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00:30:47,360 --> 00:30:52,880
This again is a complex story, but now it's very 
clear that they are of course not child labor.  

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00:30:52,880 --> 00:30:55,280
They have become a major consumption item.  

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00:30:57,600 --> 00:31:04,640
In in in Chilean province private kingdom. I mean 
there's no public kindergarten in county seat that  

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can take ordinary peasants' children. There's 
only one or two public kindergartens which are  

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all taking, I mean all the seats are taken by the 
cadres already, so the rest of private is about  

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00:31:16,240 --> 00:31:25,440
1000 yuan tuition fee a month. Huge cash burden, 
huge cash burden. We know how much cash peasants  

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00:31:25,440 --> 00:31:32,320
earn a year. Peasants can have certain wealth and 
if you count those ordinary (unintelligible) etc.

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00:31:32,320 --> 00:31:38,080
But the how much cash they can get at the end of 
the year. But this one, this kindergarten alone,  

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00:31:38,080 --> 00:31:45,840
every month money go cash 1000 (yuan) goes out straight 
away. So that type of pressure related to  

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00:31:45,840 --> 00:31:54,080
reproduction is very high. Uh so here I'm talking 
about you know it's not purely privatized. Uh you  

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00:31:54,080 --> 00:31:59,440
know by taking up by family, so you have women 
go home, and women become housewives again.  

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00:31:59,440 --> 00:32:06,320
That there was debate in 1980s. But now we 
what we witnessed actually a much more powerful  

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00:32:06,320 --> 00:32:17,680
trend is really the monetization or marketization 
of reproduction. So the the this is the second  

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00:32:17,680 --> 00:32:23,440
big point I want to raise here to justify why 
I want to use the term reproduction migration.  

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00:32:24,400 --> 00:32:32,640
The second point is that reproduction, the way 
the specific way, how reproduction is organized  

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changed greatly. And this on one hand make it 
looks quite odd to have reproduction migration  

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because the reproduction is supposed to be tied 
ahold. Why do you migrate? In order to reproduce.  

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00:32:46,560 --> 00:32:53,680
But this is precisely, I think it's interesting. 
You know you have now a internationalized  

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00:32:53,680 --> 00:33:03,360
strategy of reproduction. You send kids overseas 
for education. You wanted to uh of course I mean  

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for security of assets etc. overseas, and there 
is their kind of plan as well in heritance.  

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Uh you have you have want to have a better air, 
and the better I mean safer food and etc. That's  

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that's uh I think is uh so you look if we think 
of that way, it may open up some new space or  

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00:33:30,240 --> 00:33:37,040
raise new questions for thinking of the political 
economy of China or China's relation to the world.  

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00:33:37,040 --> 00:33:42,480
And then people say, what is about, what 
about consumption migration or lifestyle  

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00:33:42,480 --> 00:33:48,560
migration. I think they are all specific 
cases of reproduction migration. But these  

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00:33:48,560 --> 00:33:57,120
concepts are not very satisfactory for me because 
consumption itself is a very specific, I would  

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00:33:57,120 --> 00:34:02,880
say ideological representation of reproduction. 
And why do you call reproduction consumption?  

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00:34:04,000 --> 00:34:08,960
Reproduction is what life is about. I mean we're 
a human being, we come here, we want to keep our  

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00:34:08,960 --> 00:34:18,000
life. Why do you call this education, medical 
care as item consumption? This is not a neutral  

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00:34:18,000 --> 00:34:25,120
description, and it is ideologically loaded, 
and also it's empirically analytically confusing  

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00:34:26,080 --> 00:34:31,600
right. I mean why is it that you want 
to go somewhere to have a better air,  

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00:34:31,600 --> 00:34:37,520
of course you pay money to do that? Why is that? 
Is that a consumption? Or it is actually a way  

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00:34:38,480 --> 00:34:43,280
to create a new exclusion? And is you know you 
have different you can have a different way to  

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00:34:43,280 --> 00:34:51,280
analyze, to describe that. Uh so there's a lot of 
you know some some terms seemingly self-evident  

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00:34:51,280 --> 00:34:59,040
but actually is or can be confusing right? Uh so 
that's uh why I want to use the term reproduction  

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00:34:59,040 --> 00:35:10,400
migration. Um is to wanted to to to to to see how 
this migration, reproduction migration, sorry, how  

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00:35:10,400 --> 00:35:16,400
this type of migration is telling us about 
some larger changes in the global economy. One  

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00:35:17,600 --> 00:35:21,920
hypothesis arising from here 
is that whether or not China is  

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00:35:21,920 --> 00:35:28,480
becoming a global center. Probably it's not. It 
is a global center for material production. But  

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00:35:28,480 --> 00:35:36,000
is not a global center for human reproduction. 
So the west is the center of reproduction.  

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00:35:37,840 --> 00:35:44,000
Then if we do a political economy analysis, you 
know okay who is earning more money and what is  

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00:35:44,000 --> 00:35:50,080
a source of value. Probably reproduction is 
a much more important source of profit than  

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00:35:51,040 --> 00:35:56,320
material production. So whether or not 
we should rethink the world economy  

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00:35:58,000 --> 00:36:05,440
in now in terms of reproduction activities 
instead of material production. So that is  

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00:36:05,440 --> 00:36:13,440
a is a one question now in the second half of my 
(talk). I was advised that to have a break to keep  

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00:36:13,440 --> 00:36:20,960
you awake, but I will just carry on to see if you 
feel uh dozy away. That's uh that's a fine too.  

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00:36:20,960 --> 00:36:27,520
Yeah I then I hope to finish the whole talk 
earlier, then we have more discussion. The second  

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00:36:27,520 --> 00:36:32,640
part I just go back to history. I understand 
that this whole series empire of migrants  

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00:36:33,200 --> 00:36:38,720
started with a history probably will end with 
some historical review and a comparison. I want to  

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00:36:38,720 --> 00:36:47,920
look at the history of how should we locate this 
stream of reproduction migrations, that emerged in  

299
00:36:49,360 --> 00:36:55,600
mainly in 1990s. Actually I would say they 
immerged from 1980s, maybe a little controversial  

300
00:36:56,960 --> 00:37:02,480
in the long history. I divided China's 
migration, global migration into four stages.  

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00:37:03,840 --> 00:37:11,440
In each stages, there is a particular relation 
between mobility and the capital accumulation.  

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00:37:12,080 --> 00:37:24,960
Stage 1: 1840 to 1950. So you know the 
force to open up - Opium war, large wave of  

303
00:37:24,960 --> 00:37:30,560
indentured labor to Southeast Asia, Latin 
America and North America as well,  

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00:37:31,600 --> 00:37:40,080
that was primarily my outer migration 
driven by European capital expansion.

305
00:37:42,560 --> 00:37:47,840
Here's a term I use here. I mean this is 
not my term but used by historian as well -

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00:37:47,840 --> 00:37:54,320
expansion. Expansion as opposed to accumulation. 
Expansion is related to colonialism:  

307
00:37:54,320 --> 00:38:01,360
you go to new space. It is not your accumulating 
like a classical capitalist system in the Marxist  

308
00:38:02,880 --> 00:38:09,760
picture. But you you just go a new place right 
through extractive economy, plantation, and etc.  

309
00:38:10,720 --> 00:38:18,720
So the stage one is labor out of migration 
driven by European capital expansion. Stage two.  

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00:38:19,920 --> 00:38:26,400
Uh from uh from sorry I said the four 
stage actually it's three stages. Stage two  

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00:38:27,040 --> 00:38:36,080
is from 1950 to 1980 right, Cold War 
time. Two things happened. Number one,  

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00:38:36,080 --> 00:38:42,960
China basically stopped outer migration. Actually 
they also stopped the internal migration except  

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00:38:42,960 --> 00:38:49,840
this you know Up to Mountains Down to Village 
Movements and etc. The internal migration  

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00:38:49,840 --> 00:38:57,840
as well as international migration stopped. 
This is one thing during that Cold War period.  

315
00:38:58,640 --> 00:39:04,800
Second things are quite important too. 
It was during the Cold War period that  

316
00:39:04,800 --> 00:39:09,760
we witnessed the establishment of 
international labor migration system,  

317
00:39:12,160 --> 00:39:18,800
including the migration of labors from South 
Asia. First of all, to Europe as well to the  

318
00:39:18,800 --> 00:39:26,240
Middle East, immediately after WWII. And then the 
so-called guest worker program. And then you have  

319
00:39:26,240 --> 00:39:34,640
migration from South Asia as well as Korea to 
the Middle East because it's uh all your boom.  

320
00:39:35,360 --> 00:39:45,920
And then you have um in the 1980s um sorry 
1960s. Uh U.S. opened up and gave up the  

321
00:39:45,920 --> 00:39:52,320
country quota system. You have Asian migration - 
large number from India going to North America,  

322
00:39:52,320 --> 00:39:59,400
of course Australia as well. So you have this 
international and then this leads towards Saskia  

323
00:39:59,400 --> 00:40:10,640
Sassen described in 1980s migration from Southeast 
Asia to the U.S. tied to the movement of capital.  

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00:40:11,840 --> 00:40:19,600
So you have the establishment of the international 
labor migration system. I want to say these two  

325
00:40:19,600 --> 00:40:27,200
things are probably related. Inability 
in China and the international mobility  

326
00:40:28,640 --> 00:40:36,720
led by the west, they are related. They are 
related in the sense, it is precisely because  

327
00:40:37,600 --> 00:40:48,160
China was cast out from the global system, so 
the small states especially those surrounding  

328
00:40:48,160 --> 00:40:57,520
China. Southeast Asia were actively encouraged 
and also incorporated into the global system,  

329
00:40:57,520 --> 00:41:02,800
economic system which was clearly 
dominated by the U.S. at that time.

330
00:41:04,880 --> 00:41:10,560
So that is a controversial explanation, but 
for me it's interesting explanation for the  

331
00:41:11,200 --> 00:41:19,280
Asian uh dragons and the tigers. They become 
dragon and tigers because of China was outside  

332
00:41:19,280 --> 00:41:26,800
of the system. So the west needs, I mean it's 
part of the geopolitical in circle uh strategy.  

333
00:41:26,800 --> 00:41:32,480
But it's part also because economic force in 
play you know. They need these small markets  

334
00:41:33,840 --> 00:41:40,880
when the large market is left out. It is this 
they are also related, the immobility in China and  

335
00:41:40,880 --> 00:41:48,480
the international mobility also integrating the 
sense that both development strategies. In both  

336
00:41:49,200 --> 00:41:58,080
spheres, places, accumulation were taking place. 
Of course in China, (it) is accumulation via  

337
00:41:58,080 --> 00:42:06,160
immobility through command economy and etc. But 
in the west is accumulation through mobility of  

338
00:42:06,160 --> 00:42:11,520
capital, and through mobility of labor, and 
the so-called the new international division  

339
00:42:11,520 --> 00:42:21,360
of labor, also internationalization production 
in Saskia Sassen's term. Suppose accumulation  

340
00:42:22,160 --> 00:42:30,480
and that seems important to me because this 
explains, how explains, why there is a rise of  

341
00:42:30,480 --> 00:42:36,960
reproduction migration from China, and why. This 
is a minor point but important for my argument.  

342
00:42:36,960 --> 00:42:44,240
It's why do I think that a reproduction migration 
from China started almost from the very beginning,  

343
00:42:44,240 --> 00:42:51,360
the end of the 1970s with China-U.S. 
bilateral agreement about educational uh  

344
00:42:52,720 --> 00:43:00,800
migration. The accumulation was done in 
China. So this means when China opened up,  

345
00:43:00,800 --> 00:43:08,480
so-called China joined the sea world system. 
China did not simply joined the system, the pre uh  

346
00:43:09,200 --> 00:43:16,000
given and established system. Actually 
China joined in a new way, new form.  

347
00:43:16,880 --> 00:43:24,480
They did not enjoy not sorry not to join uh 
just by following the logic of accumulation.  

348
00:43:25,120 --> 00:43:30,880
They join to a great extent actually 
through a logic what I call the conversion.  

349
00:43:31,680 --> 00:43:39,840
The wealth capital has always been accumulating 
in China, and the migration is a way to convert  

350
00:43:40,560 --> 00:43:46,000
what has been accumulated in China into 
something else, and there is a change here.  

351
00:43:47,120 --> 00:43:54,000
How the conversion is taking place, and 
then what is being converted to changed  

352
00:43:54,000 --> 00:44:01,760
over the last 30, 40 years. I mean that 
is very clear if you look at education  

353
00:44:03,280 --> 00:44:08,480
migration. You know international students. 
There are four generations, and we can  

354
00:44:09,760 --> 00:44:18,960
uh talk about uh uh later. And also of course 
investor migrants did not exist until uh I think  

355
00:44:18,960 --> 00:44:25,440
I mean the category did not exist until the late 
1990s and the China became a bigger player is only  

356
00:44:25,440 --> 00:44:35,760
in 2010s, over the last 10 years or so. So that 
that that has has has uh uh there is a nuance  

357
00:44:35,760 --> 00:44:43,520
to change there but I want to say that is - if you 
look at the migration user the term, reproduction  

358
00:44:43,520 --> 00:44:51,200
migration in a broader sense. Probably we can 
say in the nineteenth you know end of 1970s,  

359
00:44:51,200 --> 00:45:00,800
when China resumed external links, and especially 
from 1986, when China allowed citizens to apply  

360
00:45:00,800 --> 00:45:07,440
for private passports. You can say the migration 
is to different ways, always reproduction  

361
00:45:07,440 --> 00:45:15,360
migration, and but now it is became more and more 
uh obvious right. I mean probably I just um to to  

362
00:45:16,880 --> 00:45:23,520
finish my presentation today. I just give 
one example actually relate to myself.

363
00:45:25,440 --> 00:45:31,280
When I go overseas to study. I mean you 
know consider four generations of students  

364
00:45:31,280 --> 00:45:38,560
migrants from PRC. Generation one is above 
me, sent by the government scholarship. They  

365
00:45:38,560 --> 00:45:44,080
are supposed to return to China but hardly 
any returned. And then they went overseas  

366
00:45:44,960 --> 00:45:51,680
thinking okay the west of course is the future. 
There's a it's uh science is more advanced and  

367
00:45:51,680 --> 00:45:57,760
also the political system is more advanced. We 
should learn from them. It's quite liberally  

368
00:45:57,760 --> 00:46:06,880
oriented. And then my generation is not sent 
by the government, is often went overseas as  

369
00:46:06,880 --> 00:46:13,920
post-graduate students: own scholarships provided 
by foreign universities, driven by the desire  

370
00:46:13,920 --> 00:46:19,440
for better science science, and also for better 
personal life. It is quite individualized already.  

371
00:46:20,320 --> 00:46:28,560
Third generation below us became younger, not 
post-graduate students only, and more and more  

372
00:46:28,560 --> 00:46:38,480
undergraduate students and financed by family, 
and go overseas for symbolic values. To have a  

373
00:46:38,480 --> 00:46:43,280
better degree, to have better jobs. So no much 
faith in you know better science or better  

374
00:46:44,000 --> 00:46:51,760
system. And then you have, you can say it's very 
instrumentalized by the third generation. And now  

375
00:46:51,760 --> 00:46:57,600
the fourth generation - they go overseas, very 
young of course you know we know there is so  

376
00:46:57,600 --> 00:47:04,720
called the burst tourism right phenomenon. And 
people now is becoming tightened the regulation  

377
00:47:04,720 --> 00:47:12,800
became very tightened. They go to the U.S. to 
give birth and etc. As young as before the the the  

378
00:47:12,800 --> 00:47:21,920
baby is born, they started migrating already. Um 
and uh for what? You know it's one of my relatives  

379
00:47:21,920 --> 00:47:27,200
they plan to send the children overseas, and 
the mother told me we are not saying. I mean we  

380
00:47:28,080 --> 00:47:33,680
we don't have any ambition that we want our 
daughter to be understanding. We just want the  

381
00:47:33,680 --> 00:47:40,640
daughter to have a normal life. To be normal, 
to be happy, have a happy childhood which is  

382
00:47:40,640 --> 00:47:47,680
not available in China because of competition 
right? So this is another thing reproduction,  

383
00:47:48,400 --> 00:47:54,880
became very competitive, uh became a very 
competitive game in China. You must buy  

384
00:47:54,880 --> 00:48:00,400
certain house, your must go certain schools 
etc. Uh suggested to be happy life to be  

385
00:48:01,760 --> 00:48:08,720
go back to the very basic, and of course they 
pay you lots of money go overseas to pursue that  

386
00:48:08,720 --> 00:48:18,560
goal. So there is a it's it's it's really go 
back uh to to the concern about the life itself,  

387
00:48:18,560 --> 00:48:26,720
and of course not the biological life. It's about 
you know happiness and mental health and etc. Of  

388
00:48:26,720 --> 00:48:41,040
course it's related to status and class relation 
too. So that's uh my my my main argument here:  

389
00:48:41,040 --> 00:48:54,640
so uh I hope that by taking reproduction migration 
as a trope to explain the phenomenon - why people  

390
00:48:54,640 --> 00:49:01,840
keep leaving China when China become 
an economic center in the world. I hope  

391
00:49:03,840 --> 00:49:09,840
like we can do a couple of things, Number one: 
it can to reexamine the relation between China  

392
00:49:09,840 --> 00:49:18,240
and the world. Number two: actually is to 
also to re-examine the history of China's  

393
00:49:18,240 --> 00:49:27,360
economic development, how accumulation, the 
accumulation regime changed. And then the  

394
00:49:27,360 --> 00:49:36,800
question of conversion right. I also wanted to to 
be part of the story. It's not only accumulation.  

395
00:49:36,800 --> 00:49:44,320
So that is a second about China's history and 
China's relation to the world. And thirdly:  

396
00:49:46,160 --> 00:49:53,280
I hope that this concept will also enable 
us to rethink the meaning of migration,  

397
00:49:54,080 --> 00:49:58,720
the movement of people. What what it means 
exactly, because I have worked on migration  

398
00:49:58,720 --> 00:50:05,840
for so long. And you know you have inevitably 
fatigue. I mean migrant experience is always  

399
00:50:06,480 --> 00:50:11,360
complex etc. right. But if you reduce 
everything to individual experiences, and  

400
00:50:12,000 --> 00:50:18,320
I mean you can write a lot, but probably you 
see very little. So whether or not you we can  

401
00:50:21,680 --> 00:50:30,000
think of the migratory experience, and especially 
the strategies in a more analytical term, and link  

402
00:50:30,000 --> 00:50:35,840
that to larger political economy. I don't know 
whether or not it works the third point, so it's a  

403
00:50:36,400 --> 00:50:42,880
uh it's it's a very, if it's even less certain. 
I'm even less certain about a certain point than  

404
00:50:42,880 --> 00:50:48,800
I am about the first two points yeah. So I stop 
here. So very much look forward to your questions. 

405
00:50:51,280 --> 00:50:58,880
Thanks very much uh. What a wonderful 
talk. There's so much to dig into there.