1 00:00:00,080 --> 00:00:04,960 The following is part of Cornell Contemporary China Initiative Lecture Series under the 2 00:00:04,960 --> 00:00:09,280 Cornell East Asia Program. The arguments and viewpoints of this talk belong solely 3 00:00:09,280 --> 00:00:11,280 to the speaker. We hope you enjoy. 4 00:00:11,280 --> 00:00:14,400 >> We are really really  excited to start this year's  5 00:00:14,400 --> 00:00:18,000 season with a lecture by Mark W. Frazier. 6 00:00:18,880 --> 00:00:23,840 Mark is a professor of politics at The New School and he's the academic director 7 00:00:23,840 --> 00:00:26,880 of the China India, or I guess we should say India China Institute. 8 00:00:26,880 --> 00:00:30,640 >> I always want to change the name, but. >> Okay. The China India-India China Institute. 9 00:00:32,160 --> 00:00:37,920 He's also the author of a great deal of contemporary research and just among that 10 00:00:37,920 --> 00:00:44,480 I will point out the 3 monographs "The Making of the Chinese Industrial Workplace," 11 00:00:45,440 --> 00:00:50,640 "Socialist Insecurity" which is about the PRC's pension system, and hopefully today 12 00:00:50,640 --> 00:00:54,400 we're gonna hear, I suspect we're gonna hear something about his newest book called 13 00:00:54,400 --> 00:00:59,520 "The Power of Place: Contentious Politics in Twentieth-Century Shanghai and Bombay" 14 00:00:59,520 --> 00:01:02,400 which is coming out really really soon from the Cambridge University Press. 15 00:01:03,280 --> 00:01:07,040 We're really lucky to have gotten Professor Frazier to speak to us today 16 00:01:07,040 --> 00:01:11,840 and I hope you all give him a warm welcome. 17 00:01:15,520 --> 00:01:18,160 Thanks very much for that introduction Nick and thanks 18 00:01:18,160 --> 00:01:23,920 to the Cornell Contemporary China Initiative and to the Cornell East Asia Program. 19 00:01:23,920 --> 00:01:29,760 It's great to be here. I've given a couple of talks at Cornell going back to I think 20 00:01:29,760 --> 00:01:36,800 10 years ago. But this is certainly the biggest audience I've had and I'm really 21 00:01:36,800 --> 00:01:42,480 looking forward to talking to you tonight about my book project and some of 22 00:01:42,480 --> 00:01:46,480 the more contemporary parts of it. And I'll explain what I mean by that in a minute. 23 00:01:47,840 --> 00:01:56,720 But the first thing I think I'd like to address is why this comparison. I, as you got 24 00:01:56,720 --> 00:02:00,800 in the introduction, I've always worked on China. I've worked on China for 20 years 25 00:02:01,760 --> 00:02:06,720 in doing the research and teaching the 2 books that were just mentioned. 26 00:02:07,440 --> 00:02:14,880 But about 8 to 10 years ago I began getting really interested in India-China comparisons 27 00:02:14,880 --> 00:02:20,080 for reasons I can talk about, maybe discuss with you afterwards. But I was hired in 2012 28 00:02:20,080 --> 00:02:25,360 to come to the new school and work at a place called the India China Institute 29 00:02:25,360 --> 00:02:30,240 which promotes scholarship and teaching and gives fellowships, postdocs, this kind 30 00:02:30,240 --> 00:02:35,200 of thing, undergraduate travel grants to students who are interested in working on 31 00:02:35,200 --> 00:02:43,280 comparing both places. And so I've been able to benefit greatly from the resources 32 00:02:43,280 --> 00:02:46,720 and the colleagues that I've come into contact with not just at the new school 33 00:02:46,720 --> 00:02:53,600 but in Shanghai and in Mumbai especially, which is a new place of research for me. 34 00:02:55,120 --> 00:03:00,560 And when I began this project, going back to my work and interest in Shanghai labor 35 00:03:00,560 --> 00:03:07,040 politics, textile workers, I kept coming across mentions that the city, as it was 36 00:03:07,040 --> 00:03:14,240 called then, Bombay, in the 20th century, also had a very large textile workforce 37 00:03:14,240 --> 00:03:20,320 and a very lively, in political terms, textile workforce. And so thinking about how that 38 00:03:20,320 --> 00:03:24,960 comparison might work, I thought for sure that there would be a lot of research 39 00:03:24,960 --> 00:03:31,520 publications and this sort of thing done that compared the 2 cities. And in fact 40 00:03:31,520 --> 00:03:35,280 you come across a lot of casual comparisons. And I'm talking about 41 00:03:37,280 --> 00:03:40,560 these consulting reports that come out from time to time on how to build 42 00:03:41,120 --> 00:03:45,920 smart cities or what are the lessons of Shanghai that Mumbai can learn, 43 00:03:45,920 --> 00:03:50,720 this sort of thing. They have kind of a similar skyline as you see there. 44 00:03:50,720 --> 00:03:55,680 But more often than not what one sees, as I say at the bottom of this slide, 45 00:03:56,240 --> 00:04:01,200 many people view the 2 cities as incomparable. And by that I mean, 46 00:04:01,200 --> 00:04:05,360 whether it's Americans, Chinese, even Indians themselves, the first thing 47 00:04:05,360 --> 00:04:11,280 that comes to mind with Mumbai is Mumbai has slums and Shanghai, along with other 48 00:04:11,280 --> 00:04:18,080 Chinese cities, no slums, which is a claim we can get into later. It's much more 49 00:04:18,080 --> 00:04:25,600 complicated than that. Shanghai, even with so many advances it has made as a city 50 00:04:25,600 --> 00:04:29,920 in terms of urban development, has what you could rightly call slums today. 51 00:04:30,640 --> 00:04:36,080 The other point that many Americans, Chinese, Indians make is that China has this 52 00:04:36,080 --> 00:04:40,640 world-class infrastructure - the largest metro system in the world by number 53 00:04:40,640 --> 00:04:45,440 of kilometers, among many other infrastructural projects, all the bridges, 54 00:04:45,440 --> 00:04:54,560 the Pudong new area, that's the icon almost for 21st century China. Mumbai, yes it has 55 00:04:54,560 --> 00:04:59,600 a skyline of sorts that's coming along much more gradually, a metro system 56 00:04:59,600 --> 00:05:04,880 that's coming along very slowly. But another way that people say incomparable. 57 00:05:04,880 --> 00:05:10,480 And then the third way in which people say incomparable is that you have electoral   58 00:05:10,480 --> 00:05:16,560 politics, you have democracy in the city of Mumbai, India's national political 59 00:05:16,560 --> 00:05:24,640 institutions, courts, free press, on and on and on, political parties. And of course 60 00:05:24,640 --> 00:05:29,680 you do not have those in the case of Shanghai, in the case of China. 61 00:05:31,440 --> 00:05:36,240 So these claims are not crazy, they're not completely misinformed, they are true 62 00:05:36,240 --> 00:05:45,760 to a certain extent. But as I began looking at the long history of the 2 cities, I discovered 63 00:05:45,760 --> 00:05:52,720 that maybe these divergences are relatively recent and in fact they had a quite remarkable 64 00:05:53,680 --> 00:06:01,360 parallel trajectory over the course of the 20th century. Both cities were really built, 65 00:06:01,360 --> 00:06:09,680 in the modern sense of the word, by the British. The British in Shanghai in consort with 66 00:06:09,680 --> 00:06:17,360 a multinational governance called the Shanghai Municipal Council that ran the area. 67 00:06:18,080 --> 00:06:27,520 You see here the international settlement. The French had their own concession area 68 00:06:27,520 --> 00:06:34,560 here and the old walled city was here. And you had a very fragmented urban 69 00:06:34,560 --> 00:06:39,680 sovereignty going on in Shanghai. You  had constant debate. This is the classic 70 00:06:40,480 --> 00:06:46,560 lilong, longtang, tenement housing that was built in many parts of the international 71 00:06:46,560 --> 00:06:52,480 settlement, some in the French concession too. You had informal settlements, you had 72 00:06:52,480 --> 00:06:58,000 millions of migrants moving to Shanghai in the 1910s, 20s, 30s to look for work, 73 00:06:58,000 --> 00:07:02,240 being driven out of rural areas, working in cotton mills oftentimes, working in the 74 00:07:02,240 --> 00:07:09,680 textile sector. In Bombay, of course not a multinational governance, 75 00:07:09,680 --> 00:07:14,640 not an international settlement like you had in Shanghai as a treaty port but a more 76 00:07:14,640 --> 00:07:20,560 old-fashioned kind of colony that the British established formally in the 19th century; 77 00:07:20,560 --> 00:07:25,440 they had been there before that time. But you also have tenement housing called 78 00:07:25,440 --> 00:07:34,560 chawls, which still exists in many ways today. And you have not so much fragmented 79 00:07:34,560 --> 00:07:40,400 sovereignty but you have British running some parts of the town. You have a lot of  80 00:07:40,400 --> 00:07:45,520 informal sovereigns operating in various parts of the city. And I can talk more about that, 81 00:07:45,520 --> 00:07:52,080 but the subject of the book is this remarkable parallel and contentious politics. 82 00:07:52,080 --> 00:07:57,840 And for those of you who are doing political  science you may have come across this term 83 00:07:57,840 --> 00:08:04,240 before, but it's basically you could define it  as politics by other means. Politics in which 84 00:08:04,240 --> 00:08:10,480 people are trying to get what they want not by using the courts, not by voting, 85 00:08:10,480 --> 00:08:14,400 not by doing ordinary kinds of political participation using institutions 86 00:08:14,400 --> 00:08:21,040 but going outside the institutional channels. So strikes, riots, uprisings, rebellions, 87 00:08:21,040 --> 00:08:28,160 various things, all of these are covered in the book, and in the more recent years, 88 00:08:30,640 --> 00:08:36,400 the latter part of the 20th century, student protests, these very significant riots 89 00:08:36,400 --> 00:08:43,760 that took place in Bombay. And I will cover none of these events during the talk today. 90 00:08:43,760 --> 00:08:50,080 If you wanna ask me about any of them I'm happy to provide information as best I can, 91 00:08:50,080 --> 00:08:55,840 but I will recommend that this summer the book will be out with Cambridge University 92 00:08:55,840 --> 00:09:00,640 Press. We have the cover so far only and I've finished the page proof so I'll show you 93 00:09:01,520 --> 00:09:06,320 some tables from the book. But what I really  wanna talk about is what happens after this 94 00:09:07,520 --> 00:09:12,240 century of contentious politics, what does  the 21st century look like? And I'm going to 95 00:09:12,240 --> 00:09:18,560 read just a couple of short anecdotes that are actually in the opening of the book 96 00:09:18,560 --> 00:09:25,200 that describe and try to represent what new contentious politics looks like 97 00:09:25,200 --> 00:09:30,640 in 21st century Shanghai and Mumbai. By the way when I switch back and forth 98 00:09:30,640 --> 00:09:37,920 between Bombay and Mumbai, the city was called Bombay throughout the 20th century. 99 00:09:37,920 --> 00:09:42,960 There was a political party that came to power in 1995, and I can tell you more 100 00:09:42,960 --> 00:09:47,680 about it later if you're interested, the political party when they came to power decided 101 00:09:47,680 --> 00:09:56,160 to change the name of the city to more closely reflect the Marathi language term 102 00:09:56,160 --> 00:09:57,520 for the city, and that's Mumbai. 103 00:09:59,200 --> 00:10:10,480 So here we have, few years ago, Nanjing Road. On the night of June 10th, 2017, 104 00:10:10,480 --> 00:10:16,560 a crowd of 1,000 demonstrators protested in the midst of Shanghai's busy central 105 00:10:16,560 --> 00:10:22,640 pedestrian shopping street East Nanjing Road. The marchers represented a distinct 106 00:10:22,640 --> 00:10:27,920 subset of Shanghai's property owning classes. They were waidiren, literally outsiders, 107 00:10:28,560 --> 00:10:34,880 who were ineligible to purchase formal housing because they had not met several 108 00:10:34,880 --> 00:10:38,800 stringent requirements, one of which actually is proof of marriage. 109 00:10:39,920 --> 00:10:47,120 They instead bought housing in buildings that had originally been designated 110 00:10:47,680 --> 00:10:53,920 as commercial use only. Savvy developers who couldn't sell the buildings for commercial 111 00:10:53,920 --> 00:11:01,360 purposes sold them instead to these people by installing makeshift gas lines, 112 00:11:01,360 --> 00:11:06,480 wiring for household appliances, bathrooms into spaces that were designated for use 113 00:11:06,480 --> 00:11:12,000 as commercial, banks and so forth. But in late May the Shanghai Municipal 114 00:11:12,000 --> 00:11:18,240 Government, late May of 2017, stopped its practice of looking the other way, 115 00:11:18,240 --> 00:11:24,160 of condoning such illegal conversions of commercial buildings, and announced 116 00:11:24,160 --> 00:11:29,440 that service providers will shut off the gas, shut off the waste water services 117 00:11:29,440 --> 00:11:34,720 to these buildings. So these people, precarious homeowners, had bought 118 00:11:34,720 --> 00:11:38,960 these spaces, had spent a lot, spent their life savings as they pointed out, 119 00:11:40,000 --> 00:11:46,000 to buy a unit in these commercial use  buildings, and they stood to lose not only 120 00:11:46,000 --> 00:11:49,760 their homes, but their life savings, their investments, since these properties 121 00:11:49,760 --> 00:11:56,800 were virtually unsellable because of the newly enforced regulations. 122 00:11:58,080 --> 00:12:03,040 Using social media and video uploads the protesters stated in a comment 123 00:12:03,040 --> 00:12:08,000 attached to one of their videos quote, "We understand that there could be 124 00:12:08,000 --> 00:12:13,680 transgressions on the part of the developers, but we'd like to also ask the rule makers," 125 00:12:13,680 --> 00:12:18,880 the government, "to take into consideration our great predicament as the buyers 126 00:12:18,880 --> 00:12:25,200 of such houses. Most of us," most of the buyers, "are just beguiled ordinary people 127 00:12:25,840 --> 00:12:30,000 "who have spent generations of family savings just to have a place to live 128 00:12:30,000 --> 00:12:35,520 "in the great city of Shanghai. And the newly issued rules would absolutely devastate 129 00:12:35,520 --> 00:12:40,640 our hopes." The police quickly broke up the rally, arresting one participant, 130 00:12:40,640 --> 00:12:45,280 but the Shanghai leaders were very quick to respond. And what did they do, did they 131 00:12:45,280 --> 00:12:51,360 crack down on this, they find these people and arrest them? No. They responded 132 00:12:51,360 --> 00:12:56,080 favorably to the protesters. Two days later they reversed course, the leaders did, 133 00:12:56,080 --> 00:13:00,240 of Shanghai, and gave tacit consent to the continued conversion of these 134 00:13:00,240 --> 00:13:05,760 commercial buildings into residential properties. Many observers in Shanghai 135 00:13:05,760 --> 00:13:09,280 I happened to be there at the time, I did not get a chance to witness the protest 136 00:13:09,280 --> 00:13:14,400 unfortunately, but everybody I talked to said that this was the work of Party Secretary 137 00:13:14,400 --> 00:13:21,760 Han Zheng, who at that time was hoping he  would get a seat on the top political body, 138 00:13:21,760 --> 00:13:26,480 the Politburo Standing Committee. The 19th party congress was going to be held 139 00:13:26,480 --> 00:13:32,800 in the fall of 2017 and he had made a big mistake in approving the crackdown 140 00:13:32,800 --> 00:13:38,320 on commercial use housing, sparking protests, risking his possibility of getting 141 00:13:38,320 --> 00:13:43,200 a seat on that Politburo Standing Committee, and so he quickly reversed course 142 00:13:43,200 --> 00:13:47,840 and lo and behold he did get the seat on the Politburo Standing Committee. 143 00:13:50,320 --> 00:13:52,320 Shifting to Mumbai a few years earlier. 144 00:13:55,120 --> 00:14:02,480 In late July 2011 an estimated 50,000 mill workers embarked on what they termed 145 00:14:02,480 --> 00:14:07,040 the "Long March." Maybe they knew something about Chinese Communist Party 146 00:14:07,040 --> 00:14:11,600 history, I don't know. The Long March was from the textile district in central Mumbai 147 00:14:11,600 --> 00:14:17,440 to the Azad Maidan, a big open space where a lot of protests are held, in the southern 148 00:14:17,440 --> 00:14:22,160 part of the city. The march snarled traffic in the city's commercial and administrative  149 00:14:22,160 --> 00:14:26,640 centers but otherwise saw no outbreaks of violence or police actions to arrest 150 00:14:26,640 --> 00:14:30,400 the march participants. The march was remarkable in 2 respects. 151 00:14:32,000 --> 00:14:37,440 The media's attention centered on the fact that workers had the support of otherwise 152 00:14:37,440 --> 00:14:43,360 heated rivals across multiple political parties. One of them was the Bharatiya Janata Party, 153 00:14:43,360 --> 00:14:49,600 the BJP, and its supporters in the Shiv Sena,  and the rivals, the Communist Party of India 154 00:14:49,600 --> 00:14:54,480 and its left-wing allies, also were supporting. So you kind of had the right and the left both 155 00:14:54,480 --> 00:14:59,280 supporting these former mill workers. The extraordinary feature of the march 156 00:14:59,280 --> 00:15:06,240 was the act itself. By 2011 it was very rare to see large-scale labor protests in the city 157 00:15:06,240 --> 00:15:11,360 of Mumbai. The Long March, as one commentator put it, was quote "a throwback 158 00:15:11,360 --> 00:15:15,520 "to the last century when South Mumbai, with its administrative buildings and 159 00:15:15,520 --> 00:15:20,960 corporate offices would witness frequent demonstrations" close quote. An account 160 00:15:20,960 --> 00:15:24,960 from the "Times of India" remarked that quote, "The scene was straight out 161 00:15:24,960 --> 00:15:31,680 "of the 1960s when Mumbai was seen as the center of the labor movement" close quote. 162 00:15:32,800 --> 00:15:37,440 This march had been organized by a group of labor unions led by a socialist union 163 00:15:38,240 --> 00:15:43,040 called under the acronym GKSS, which stood at the forefront of a campaign 164 00:15:43,040 --> 00:15:48,080 to provide housing, here's the connection with the first story, provide housing 165 00:15:48,080 --> 00:15:55,040 for the city's laid off textile workers who numbered 145,000. Promises of free 166 00:15:55,040 --> 00:15:59,120 housing for all the city's poor and low-income residents, including slum residents 167 00:15:59,120 --> 00:16:05,600 and ex-mill workers, stretched back to 1995 when a Shiv Sena backed coalition came 168 00:16:05,600 --> 00:16:09,040 to power in the state government. That was the same party that changed the name. 169 00:16:09,040 --> 00:16:14,240 They also promised free housing for everyone in the city. This is electoral politics. 170 00:16:15,440 --> 00:16:18,960 Free housing for slum residents and mill workers to be specific. 171 00:16:19,680 --> 00:16:23,440 So housing for mill workers and land to build on had been a source of contention 172 00:16:23,440 --> 00:16:30,400 over municipal development plans and court  cases that followed as mill companies 173 00:16:30,400 --> 00:16:34,000 sought to convert the land for high-end commercial and retail functions. 174 00:16:34,000 --> 00:16:40,080 Again this is trying to convert mill land,  industrial use land, into commercial land. 175 00:16:41,360 --> 00:16:46,000 At these protests, at the rally where the march ended, the wife of a mill worker 176 00:16:46,000 --> 00:16:51,840 declared, "Chawls," that's those worker tenements I showed a couple of slides ago, 177 00:16:51,840 --> 00:16:57,120 "Chawls in central Mumbai have been replaced by malls." It rhymes. 178 00:16:57,120 --> 00:17:03,840 "The state government should provide us with a roof over our heads" close quote. 179 00:17:04,560 --> 00:17:08,800 And the chief minister of the state, this is like the prime minister of the large 180 00:17:08,800 --> 00:17:14,000 state of Maharashtra, responded by setting up a committee to identify scarce land resources 181 00:17:14,000 --> 00:17:20,640 on which worker housing could be built, and by 2017 15,000 out of the 145,000 182 00:17:20,640 --> 00:17:26,640 workers and their families had received for free a 225-square-foot housing unit, 183 00:17:27,600 --> 00:17:32,480 many of them situated on the former land occupied by mill compounds. The other 184 00:17:32,480 --> 00:17:38,880 130,000 workers and families waited their turn, and the GKSS held occasional 185 00:17:38,880 --> 00:17:46,320 demonstrations like this to speed up the pace of building without further delays. 186 00:17:47,280 --> 00:17:53,760 So these 2 protests are representative, as I said, of a new pattern of contentious 187 00:17:53,760 --> 00:18:00,240 politics in the 21st century about who gets to live and who gets to work in the city 188 00:18:00,240 --> 00:18:07,120 and under what conditions. And it's really, as I'll say in more detail in a few slides, 189 00:18:07,120 --> 00:18:14,880 it's about the question of almost citizenship. Not about who's Indian and who's Chinese, 190 00:18:15,440 --> 00:18:22,240 everyone's a national citizen, but who belongs, who has the right to inhabit and work 191 00:18:22,240 --> 00:18:27,840 in the city. And these are really important debates going on in both cities now. 192 00:18:28,640 --> 00:18:36,160 Shanghai protests in the 21st century. The most prominent have been a couple of 193 00:18:37,040 --> 00:18:43,280 nationalist protests that made lots of headlines. One 1999, an anti-American 194 00:18:43,280 --> 00:18:47,920 protest. 2005, anti-Japanese. These of course are related to foreign policy 195 00:18:47,920 --> 00:18:54,640 much more and nothing having to do really with local politics. Lots of stories about 196 00:18:54,640 --> 00:19:02,800 nail households, families that refused to accept the unfair price and unfair 197 00:19:02,800 --> 00:19:07,760 compensation offered to them by developers and stayed in place 198 00:19:07,760 --> 00:19:14,000 as the land around them, the buildings around them were were dug up, excavated, and   199 00:19:14,800 --> 00:19:20,240 hence the term nail household. It looks like a nail sticking up out of a board. 200 00:19:21,520 --> 00:19:27,520 Not in my backyard kinds of protests. The one seen here in the picture is in 2008 201 00:19:27,520 --> 00:19:32,640 when many many, I mean several tens of thousands of Shanghai residents, 202 00:19:33,600 --> 00:19:38,560 protested against the plans to build the high-speed maglev train right through 203 00:19:38,560 --> 00:19:42,400 their neighborhoods on the west side of the river. As many of you may know 204 00:19:42,400 --> 00:19:48,800 there is a maglev train in Pudong going out to the airport. And these days 205 00:19:48,800 --> 00:19:54,240 more increasingly lots of home sale swindles going on as people are persuaded to buy 206 00:19:54,240 --> 00:19:58,160 at a certain price. When their building is finished they're thinking the price 207 00:19:58,160 --> 00:20:01,760 will be higher. Turns out nowadays that after their unit has been completed 208 00:20:01,760 --> 00:20:05,520 and the building's ready to be moved in to, the market price is way below what they 209 00:20:05,520 --> 00:20:12,320 agreed to pay, what they did pay a year before. And there are many kinds of fights 210 00:20:12,320 --> 00:20:18,560 over that for being ripped off. In Mumbai, lots of hawkers' protests, 211 00:20:19,360 --> 00:20:27,760 street vendors who want to work in the city and want to sell their wares on the streets 212 00:20:27,760 --> 00:20:32,080 and sidewalks; mill workers demanding housing as the case I just read you about; 213 00:20:33,200 --> 00:20:39,520 many NGOs are very active in India and especially in Mumbai. Many of them advocate 214 00:20:39,520 --> 00:20:46,240 for slum residents and for low-income, for the poor. Just as many NGOs are more 215 00:20:46,240 --> 00:20:53,120 middle-class driven and are quite interested in creating what they call the slum-free 216 00:20:53,120 --> 00:21:02,080 Mumbai. And the courts are supportive generally speaking of claims to kick out 217 00:21:02,080 --> 00:21:08,480 people who have only moved to the city very recently. And as one of the people 218 00:21:08,480 --> 00:21:16,000 I interviewed thinking about protests in Mumbai over the century and especially 219 00:21:16,000 --> 00:21:20,800 over the last few decades said, the era of the big march, the big morcha, is over. 220 00:21:22,240 --> 00:21:27,920 Even this, this is also from the 2011 Long March. This was a rare event 221 00:21:27,920 --> 00:21:34,800 and really we don't expect to see future such mobilizations. What's happened here 222 00:21:34,800 --> 00:21:41,760 is that the politics of the workplace is being supplanted by the politics of the neighborhood 223 00:21:41,760 --> 00:21:48,480 and the city. Fights in strikes over wages, benefits, condition being supplanted 224 00:21:48,480 --> 00:21:55,440 by disputes over residents, disputes over being relocated. I'm not saying that there are 225 00:21:55,440 --> 00:21:59,040 no more disputes over wages and benefits. Of course we know in Chinese cities 226 00:21:59,040 --> 00:22:07,760 there are many cases where unpaid migrant workers have to publicly protest against 227 00:22:07,760 --> 00:22:12,480 the fact that they haven't been paid. But generally speaking we see much more 228 00:22:13,840 --> 00:22:17,280 residents and neighborhood politics rather than wages, benefits, conditions. 229 00:22:17,280 --> 00:22:24,960 Labor capital contention being, again, not completely eliminated 230 00:22:24,960 --> 00:22:31,040 but citizenship contention, who belongs in the city, becoming just as hotly debated. 231 00:22:31,680 --> 00:22:36,720 as old-fashioned labor capital contention. And housing becomes a marker 232 00:22:36,720 --> 00:22:44,560 of citizenship, where you live. What kind of place you live in almost defines your 233 00:22:44,560 --> 00:22:50,640 legal claims and status in the city. Housing of course has been a key area 234 00:22:50,640 --> 00:23:01,120 of social policy, which I worked on in my earlier project. And I highlight 2 comments 235 00:23:01,120 --> 00:23:08,640 here by prominent specialists in urban  India and urban China. One, Arjun Appadurai 236 00:23:08,640 --> 00:23:13,680 who said a while back that "housing is the single most critical site of this city's," 237 00:23:13,680 --> 00:23:20,000 of Mumbai's, "politics of citizenship." And Zhang Li, who has written lots about 238 00:23:20,000 --> 00:23:25,840 migrant workers and urban citizenship, said in 2002 that "expanding home ownership 239 00:23:25,840 --> 00:23:31,360 will produce new forms of social inclusion and exclusion and will thus become 240 00:23:31,360 --> 00:23:39,520 a new site for contesting urban citizenship. so these claims they've been out there 241 00:23:39,520 --> 00:23:45,600 for a while, but what I'm doing in this project is really showing empirically how it works 242 00:23:45,600 --> 00:23:52,640 in practice. And a brief couple of slides for general background. Urban China, 243 00:23:52,640 --> 00:23:57,600 urban India. You know, I'm sure, about the urban hukou, the urban household 244 00:23:57,600 --> 00:24:03,840 registration versus the non-urban registration, that being a big divider in terms of what 245 00:24:03,840 --> 00:24:13,200 access migrant workers can or cannot get in terms of access to the city. Chinese cities 246 00:24:13,200 --> 00:24:18,320 in international comparative perspective, decent public services - water, electricity, 247 00:24:18,960 --> 00:24:30,000 sewage, waste removal, schools - especially compared to India a better overall distribution 248 00:24:30,000 --> 00:24:37,040 and delivery. And social policies - unemployment, pension, medical care, 249 00:24:37,040 --> 00:24:42,640 health care expanded really rapidly, insurance anyway. There are many 250 00:24:42,640 --> 00:24:48,800 problems remaining with the actual costs of health care and this sort of thing 251 00:24:48,800 --> 00:24:58,480 and access to various clinics. In urban India you have, as I alluded to earlier, cutoff dates 252 00:24:58,480 --> 00:25:07,360 so that if you arrive in Mumbai after the year  2000 it's almost like you are a migrant worker 253 00:25:07,360 --> 00:25:11,440 in a Chinese city without an urban household registration. You're just eliminated 254 00:25:11,440 --> 00:25:16,560 from many kinds of benefits - you can vote. Okay you can vote. You can go to court. 255 00:25:17,840 --> 00:25:24,080 But in terms of the housing stuff I'll talk about, I'll show you, you have no chance. 256 00:25:24,880 --> 00:25:32,880 Poor public services, again relative to China  especially, and electoral politics, voting, 257 00:25:33,680 --> 00:25:38,960 very important in urban India, as well as in recent years, like China, an expansion 258 00:25:38,960 --> 00:25:45,200 in social legislation. Comparing the 2 cities, Shanghai has about twice the population 259 00:25:45,200 --> 00:25:52,480 but it has a much larger, if you look at the  top line, it is a provincial-level entity 260 00:25:53,200 --> 00:25:57,200 and even the mayor and the party secretary of Shanghai has the equal rank of a provincial 261 00:25:57,760 --> 00:26:05,600 governor or party secretary in China. Mumbai, much smaller area, very dense 262 00:26:05,600 --> 00:26:16,000 as a result, very high densities in population. Formal housing, not even 60% live in places 263 00:26:16,000 --> 00:26:22,080 that are actually registered and regulated and so forth, and 42% of the population  264 00:26:22,080 --> 00:26:29,600 lives on 8% of the land in these highly dense slum settlements. And as best some people 265 00:26:29,600 --> 00:26:36,400 can gather that as of 2011, this number may be a little higher, that 2 million, 266 00:26:36,400 --> 00:26:44,560 maybe it's 2.2 now, have come after the year 2000 cutoff date. In Shanghai we have 267 00:26:44,560 --> 00:26:50,240 about this 60-40 distribution in terms of having urban hukou not having urban hukou. 268 00:26:50,240 --> 00:26:58,080 This is from 2015. People living in the urban periphery of Shanghai, generally speaking 269 00:26:58,080 --> 00:27:04,080 recent migrants to the city, something like 5 million out of either of these, mostly 270 00:27:04,080 --> 00:27:11,120 out of this one. In recent years the number has reached 27, 28 million and there's a big 271 00:27:11,120 --> 00:27:17,920 campaign on now to reduce Shanghai's population by evicting people, by evicting 272 00:27:18,880 --> 00:27:26,080 migrants, so that by 2020 next year we're going to have 25 million people in the city. 273 00:27:28,640 --> 00:27:32,960 I can come back to this if there's interest but this just shows you some other Indian 274 00:27:32,960 --> 00:27:41,600 cities. Extremely small land area from Mumbai, very high density in population, 275 00:27:42,560 --> 00:27:46,640 really poor water connection, really  poor sewage treatment as a percentage 276 00:27:46,640 --> 00:27:56,720 of water supply, and very low road density In terms of road infrastructure. 277 00:27:57,600 --> 00:28:02,560 For this project, again it's an extension of the book, but in more recent visits 278 00:28:02,560 --> 00:28:08,320 I've been doing site visits along with local scholars from research institutes 279 00:28:08,320 --> 00:28:12,800 and universities, interviewing a few experts, collecting policy documents, nothing unusual 280 00:28:17,600 --> 00:28:24,240 or unique in terms of methods here. Though I hope to in the future, depending 281 00:28:24,240 --> 00:28:32,400 on conditions in China, do more systematic work by particularly interviewing migrants 282 00:28:33,200 --> 00:28:38,720 who have relocated from urban villages. And I'll show you more about what the urban 283 00:28:38,720 --> 00:28:45,600 villages demolition looks like in relocation in a moment. So how does this all get started? 284 00:28:46,560 --> 00:28:52,560 I would say we could call it the financialization of land or commodification without 285 00:28:52,560 --> 00:28:58,400 privatization. Various regulations passed interestingly almost at the same year 286 00:28:59,040 --> 00:29:08,080 in each city that transform the way urban land is dealt with. In China, in Shanghai 287 00:29:13,840 --> 00:29:20,560 all urban land is owned by the state, but these regulations allow district 288 00:29:20,560 --> 00:29:27,200 governments to lease land over long-term periods to commercial developers. 289 00:29:27,840 --> 00:29:34,960 And the deal is that the district government will remove the residents and the commercial 290 00:29:34,960 --> 00:29:41,760 developers will come in and build malls, high-end retail, hotels, etcetera. You know 291 00:29:41,760 --> 00:29:49,520 the story if you've been to Shanghai or any large Chinese city. And in Mumbai 292 00:29:49,520 --> 00:29:53,760 we have a similar kind of process going on. For a period there in the mid-1990s 293 00:29:53,760 --> 00:29:57,040 the property values in Mumbai were the highest in the world. I haven't checked 294 00:29:57,040 --> 00:30:03,920 recently but they're both really quite high. The question is who gets to use 295 00:30:03,920 --> 00:30:08,960 the repurposed land, where are the residents relocated, and who gets compensated 296 00:30:08,960 --> 00:30:10,480 and how and who does not? 297 00:30:12,560 --> 00:30:18,800 As I just mentioned you got state-owned  land in Chinese cities, urban land being 298 00:30:20,000 --> 00:30:25,040 owned by the state, leased long term to real  estate developers. So you have the demolition 299 00:30:25,040 --> 00:30:29,440 and relocation of inner city residents on a mass scale, I'll show you a table 300 00:30:29,440 --> 00:30:36,240 in a second that depicts that. In Mumbai on the right, in Parel district the photograph 301 00:30:36,240 --> 00:30:41,520 is from, it's hard to see but there are chawls here in the foreground and a tower coming up 302 00:30:41,520 --> 00:30:49,040 behind them. This is on textile mill lands. This is from the book and that's a page proof, 303 00:30:49,040 --> 00:30:56,160 it's that large "F" in the background. But this table, if you look at the middle line, 304 00:30:56,160 --> 00:31:01,360 you see that the peak was between the  1990s and first decade of the 21st century, 305 00:31:01,920 --> 00:31:09,520 about 825,000 families. If you multiply that by 4, even maybe 5, you're talking 3 to 4 million 306 00:31:09,520 --> 00:31:15,360 people being pushed out to suburban extensions and, by the latter part 307 00:31:15,360 --> 00:31:23,600 of this period, to around the outer ring road. These days you're still getting pretty high 308 00:31:23,600 --> 00:31:29,760 numbers of people being relocated, and now it's beyond the outer ring road 309 00:31:29,760 --> 00:31:36,080 in the suburbs. In Mumbai the statistics are  really shaky and difficult to come across. 310 00:31:37,440 --> 00:31:45,760 But as best this estimate can tell from this source, about 450,000 families, 311 00:31:45,760 --> 00:31:50,800 remember Mumbai is half the population of Shanghai so we're getting into almost 312 00:31:50,800 --> 00:31:55,360 comparable territory when we're talking  about half the number of households. 313 00:31:55,920 --> 00:32:00,320 Other people say that it happens really in dribs and drabs, and you get over a 10-year 314 00:32:00,320 --> 00:32:06,320 period maybe up to a million households being relocated. So this is another point 315 00:32:06,320 --> 00:32:11,440 where the conventional wisdom says Shanghai, authoritarian government, 316 00:32:11,440 --> 00:32:16,000 Chinese Communist Party, easy to move people out, therefore shanghai develops 317 00:32:16,000 --> 00:32:21,360 the way it does. And in Mumbai we have voting, we have NGOs, we have courts, 318 00:32:21,360 --> 00:32:25,760 we have democracy, can't move people as easily, when in fact the statistics show  319 00:32:26,800 --> 00:32:33,920 some people are being moved in this period. So it's more difficult to just attribute it 320 00:32:33,920 --> 00:32:40,320 to democracy versus authoritarian government. Who gets relocated and where? 321 00:32:44,080 --> 00:32:49,200 Yangpu is the old textile district in Shanghai. There are many blocks, many neighborhoods 322 00:32:49,200 --> 00:32:56,640 that still have this really old 1930s, 1940s housing. Textile workers still living in there 323 00:32:57,760 --> 00:33:07,440 waiting to be relocated. The people who live in this Sanlin town in Pudong, this is taken 324 00:33:07,440 --> 00:33:14,560 from 2017, they were moved not in 2017,  they were moved in say 5 years earlier 325 00:33:14,560 --> 00:33:21,680 in 2012. And as I talked with several of these relocated families they would say 326 00:33:21,680 --> 00:33:25,520 something like "I have an 80-square-meter apartment now. Back there it was about 327 00:33:26,080 --> 00:33:33,600 "10 square meters for 5 or 6 of us with shared toilets and shaky electricity. 328 00:33:34,480 --> 00:33:38,560 "We now have an 80-square-meter apartment. We got here we had an 80-square-meter 329 00:33:38,560 --> 00:33:44,480 "apartment, the property price then was about 8,500 renminbi per square meter 330 00:33:44,480 --> 00:33:53,360 "so it was about 600, 700 thousand renminbi, 100,000 U.S. more or less, in 2012 331 00:33:53,920 --> 00:33:59,280 "And now in the 5 years I've been sitting here, look at the price, the price has gone through 332 00:33:59,280 --> 00:34:09,680 "the roof and now I have a 3 and a half million renminbi property, I have a 400, 500 thousand 333 00:34:10,640 --> 00:34:14,160 U.S. dollars property." I mean they didn't put it in those terms, they were thinking 334 00:34:14,160 --> 00:34:21,840 in renminbi, but it's an interesting process. So it's not surprising when I go with these 335 00:34:21,840 --> 00:34:28,160 local researchers to talk to people in these neighborhoods they're not saying, as I think 336 00:34:28,160 --> 00:34:31,840 sometimes the conventional wisdom would be is that we wanna stay here we're gonna be 337 00:34:31,840 --> 00:34:37,680 a nail household. They desperately want to, I wouldn't say desperately, but they are 338 00:34:38,320 --> 00:34:43,840 let's say amenable to being relocated to Sanlin when they can have that 339 00:34:43,840 --> 00:34:50,400 as the compensation. And this is very different. Say 15, 20 years ago   340 00:34:53,200 --> 00:34:59,200 they would come through a neighborhood like this, relocate people with buildings that were   341 00:34:59,200 --> 00:35:04,480 unfinished, buildings that didn't have water yet, buildings that didn't have electricity or gas yet. 342 00:35:04,480 --> 00:35:10,960 And that's where you saw a lot of the protests and disturbances, over the unfair process 343 00:35:10,960 --> 00:35:16,880 of relocation. But now there is this, for now anyway while property prices remain super 344 00:35:16,880 --> 00:35:24,640 elevated, there is this. Turning to urban villages where migrants to Shanghai live. 345 00:35:27,840 --> 00:35:33,840 Here is the Zhayincun urban village. Not so far from Fudan University, 346 00:35:33,840 --> 00:35:37,920 some of you may know, or Shanghai University of Finance and Economics 347 00:35:37,920 --> 00:35:41,440 I've given talks at both places. They go wait where is that I've never heard of it, 348 00:35:41,440 --> 00:35:44,720 I say it's across the street you should go over there sometime and look. 349 00:35:44,720 --> 00:35:51,360 Migrant workers here, this is one of 36 urban villages in Shanghai on collective 350 00:35:51,360 --> 00:35:55,840 land. It's still agricultural land owned by the members of the rural collective, 351 00:35:55,840 --> 00:36:02,560 surrounded now of course by urban land. But in some respects it's its own self-governed 352 00:36:02,560 --> 00:36:07,200 area where the members of the collective make certain decisions. They don't have 353 00:36:07,200 --> 00:36:12,960 complete sovereignty of course but they make decisions on the grassroots governance 354 00:36:12,960 --> 00:36:19,600 and the management of the space. You can see they're not so keen on electric 355 00:36:20,880 --> 00:36:27,280 code safety. And this means that this is gonna be demolished soon, this character 差. 356 00:36:29,120 --> 00:36:32,960 As I mentioned earlier the government is trying to reduce the population 357 00:36:34,160 --> 00:36:39,840 by getting rid of these urban villages. The phrase you hear all the time is chaotic, 358 00:36:40,720 --> 00:36:52,720 dirty, cheap. 差, shortcomings; and 黄,  pornographic, there's illicit stuff going on 359 00:36:52,720 --> 00:36:59,760 inside of these urban villages. So the members of the collective get compensated 360 00:36:59,760 --> 00:37:05,600 very handsomely for when the urban government comes in and makes the deal 361 00:37:07,680 --> 00:37:12,960 and it's brought under urban township or district management, but the tenants, 362 00:37:12,960 --> 00:37:17,600 the migrants, get nothing. Migrants in Shanghai even, as this chart shows, 363 00:37:18,960 --> 00:37:24,560 live a very precarious existence in terms of having only a verbal contract, very few 364 00:37:24,560 --> 00:37:30,480 written contracts for their rental. The facilities are, if you've ever spent time 365 00:37:30,480 --> 00:37:35,520 in Shanghai in the winter you know that heating is pretty much of an absolute must, 366 00:37:35,520 --> 00:37:41,200 and hardly any to speak of in the urban villages in Shanghai compared to Beijing 367 00:37:41,200 --> 00:37:48,000 where it's essential, Guangzhou maybe less important. Air conditioning, internet. 368 00:37:48,000 --> 00:37:56,560 This is from Fulong Wu's study of urban villages. Here is a place in Minghang, 369 00:37:56,560 --> 00:38:00,160 an urban village in Minghang District. And I know with the light in the room you 370 00:38:00,160 --> 00:38:07,840 may not be able to see. This is the electric  tower. That's the same one 6 months later. 371 00:38:08,720 --> 00:38:14,240 So this urban village of Liujia Qiang has been wiped out. One of the farmers   372 00:38:14,240 --> 00:38:18,880 who I talked to there had been receiving 400,000 renminbi in rent from the tenants 373 00:38:18,880 --> 00:38:24,080 and he's the landlord so to speak. He was compensated 80,000 renminbi 374 00:38:24,080 --> 00:38:33,520 per square meter and becomes a U.S. millionaire as a result of being dispossessed. 375 00:38:33,520 --> 00:38:41,360 The migrants are out of luck. They're gone. This is the biggest urban village in Shanghai 376 00:38:42,560 --> 00:38:47,680 that was demolished in 2016. Han Zheng, the guy I mentioned at the beginning 377 00:38:47,680 --> 00:38:57,040 of the talk came by in the early part of 2016 and that was the signal for the company 378 00:38:57,040 --> 00:39:02,640 that was doing this demolition to really kick it into gear, get moving, move out 379 00:39:03,280 --> 00:39:09,200 31,000 migrants, find places for these wholesale markets and stalls to be relocated 380 00:39:09,200 --> 00:39:14,929 way out in the far periphery. Just like the previous slide and the collective members 381 00:39:14,929 --> 00:39:17,360 the just like the previous slide with the collective, members of the collective, 382 00:39:17,360 --> 00:39:21,440 the village households, they get that 80 square meter, that's the standard, 383 00:39:21,440 --> 00:39:31,360 80 square meter, 800-, 900-square-foot unit. This is taken from a tower that they took me 384 00:39:31,360 --> 00:39:36,320 up to and we were looking down on the  demolished urban village. But this was one 385 00:39:36,320 --> 00:39:43,760 of the units that the people would be living in. I'll go through Mumbai quickly as we are 386 00:39:43,760 --> 00:39:45,280 looking at 5:16. 387 00:39:46,880 --> 00:39:52,720 Parel district, this is the old textile district, like Yangpu District in Shanghai. 388 00:39:53,280 --> 00:39:57,600 And you see, this is a large textile mill compound, you see some trees, 389 00:39:57,600 --> 00:40:03,360 you see some buildings that will be significant in a second. But basically 390 00:40:03,360 --> 00:40:11,680 the way that the textile sector left Mumbai is interesting. By the 1980s the value 391 00:40:11,680 --> 00:40:16,480 of the land is much greater than what you can make producing textiles. 392 00:40:16,480 --> 00:40:23,680 And there was a strike in which the 250,000  then workers went out. But the mill owners, 393 00:40:23,680 --> 00:40:28,400 knowing that the land was - it was a great excuse for them to not negotiate 394 00:40:28,400 --> 00:40:34,800 with the workers and to essentially let the strike go on forever so that the mills 395 00:40:36,080 --> 00:40:41,520 have an excuse to be shut down, go bankrupt, close for business. 396 00:40:42,080 --> 00:40:49,840 But the question of who owns the mill land is interesting. The fact that the British 397 00:40:49,840 --> 00:40:54,480 leased this land to private companies a hundred years ago for pennies 398 00:40:56,240 --> 00:41:02,000 gets a debate going about when that land is commodified, like I said earlier, 399 00:41:02,000 --> 00:41:08,800 who gets the money? The mill companies?  Why should they get it? They don't own 400 00:41:08,800 --> 00:41:13,040 the land, the government owns the land and it's supposed to be used for industrial 401 00:41:13,040 --> 00:41:18,640 purposes. There are these regulations I mentioned earlier, the 2001 regulations, 402 00:41:18,640 --> 00:41:24,640 and I will get into a lot of the details here. But basically it's worked out where 403 00:41:26,400 --> 00:41:31,680 there was originally going to be a lot more floor space, but 100,000 square meters 404 00:41:31,680 --> 00:41:39,600 available for workers to receive 25-square- meter units that they can sell after owning 405 00:41:39,600 --> 00:41:45,120 for 5 years. So you get, right on the grounds of these old mill compounds, these huge, 406 00:41:45,120 --> 00:41:54,720 this is a 24 story building with 25-square-meter housing units within it. 407 00:41:54,720 --> 00:42:03,200 And not to the same magnitude, but a family that moved in in 2011, 408 00:42:05,200 --> 00:42:14,320 500,000 rupees, that has risen tenfold now. So they have a 5 million rupee property 409 00:42:14,320 --> 00:42:21,280 that they can now, if they wish, sell to someone and take the cash 410 00:42:21,280 --> 00:42:28,000 and leave the city because there's no place that they could they could get to elsewhere 411 00:42:28,000 --> 00:42:36,320 in the city even for 5 million rupees. So this is a map of basically the southern 412 00:42:36,320 --> 00:42:40,880 half of Mumbai. This is the Parel textile district I showed you a few slides ago. 413 00:42:42,240 --> 00:42:49,200 These yellow areas are so-called, as it says, slum clusters. And this one, Vasi Nagar, 414 00:42:49,760 --> 00:43:02,000 I'll show you in a minute, similar process with the textile mill. A policy put in place 415 00:43:02,000 --> 00:43:08,800 in 1995 to rehabilitate, to build on-site, in practice meaning that the slum residents 416 00:43:08,800 --> 00:43:13,600 are moved to the northeast of the city. 70% of their approval is required of 417 00:43:13,600 --> 00:43:18,240 a community, you have to get 70% of the households to approve of this deal. 418 00:43:19,280 --> 00:43:24,880 This is this government, as I said, in '95 that had promised 800,000 units for everyone. 419 00:43:24,880 --> 00:43:30,560 There are only 150,000, but even that surprises a lot of the observers. 420 00:43:30,560 --> 00:43:37,120 And the interesting thing at work here, they kind of copied New York City 421 00:43:37,120 --> 00:43:43,280 and some American cities where you use something called a transferable development 422 00:43:43,280 --> 00:43:51,120 right. And you can basically, if the builder comes in and says I will build this housing 423 00:43:51,120 --> 00:43:56,080 on the side of the slum, give it to the slum residents for free, and then you give me 424 00:43:56,080 --> 00:44:02,560 a certificate to allow me basically an exemption so I can go to another part 425 00:44:02,560 --> 00:44:09,360 of the city and build on land and build way far above what the building height rule 426 00:44:09,360 --> 00:44:15,600 would be. And so what this has led to is dumping the poor, the slum residents, 427 00:44:15,600 --> 00:44:19,920 in one part of the city and building vast numbers of skyscrapers in the other part 428 00:44:19,920 --> 00:44:25,520 of the city. The developer here, look how close they put the buildings together. 429 00:44:25,520 --> 00:44:30,560 This is for the slum residents, 21-square-meter units, 4,500 430 00:44:31,200 --> 00:44:36,160 of them. This place has all sorts of problems with the engineering and the structure 431 00:44:36,160 --> 00:44:39,760 and the foundations and there's a lot of concern about the safety of the buildings. 432 00:44:40,800 --> 00:44:46,160 The residents, when I asked, I talked to the head of the housing federation 433 00:44:46,160 --> 00:44:51,760 of this place and he says, "Yeah when we moved in in 2007 each unit was about 434 00:44:52,400 --> 00:44:59,200 2,500 U.S. Now they're 20,000 U.S. This is a great deal for my community." 435 00:44:59,200 --> 00:45:06,320 He's boasting. Well yes and no. There are all sorts of problems. 436 00:45:06,880 --> 00:45:14,560 One of them is the safety issue. The other is the ways in which people are duped 437 00:45:14,560 --> 00:45:22,400 into selling at prices that might be below what's the market price. And the developer 438 00:45:22,400 --> 00:45:27,360 in that transferable development rights scheme has every incentive 439 00:45:27,360 --> 00:45:31,680 to make these as cheaply as possible so that the money can be put towards 440 00:45:31,680 --> 00:45:36,160 making the investment in the high-end real estate that will make them much bigger 441 00:45:36,160 --> 00:45:43,360 profits. So huge debate over the slum rehabilitation scheme in Mumbai. 442 00:45:45,120 --> 00:45:51,360 This one a negative view. This one a positive view, saying that some settlers, 443 00:45:51,360 --> 00:45:56,000 there's the word citizenship, they have attained through civic mobilization strategies 444 00:45:56,000 --> 00:45:59,840 and political institutions in order to get what they consider adequate housing. 445 00:45:59,840 --> 00:46:06,560 This really needs to be tested more systematically to see if this claim is true. 446 00:46:06,560 --> 00:46:11,520 And a way to do that is you just have to find more, survey or interview research 447 00:46:11,520 --> 00:46:19,120 that you can do with different communities that have been relocated. In 2004 and 2005, 448 00:46:19,760 --> 00:46:24,240 that year that there were really high numbers in that table a few slides ago, 449 00:46:25,680 --> 00:46:30,000 critics called this Operation Shanghai because the Mumbai government 450 00:46:30,000 --> 00:46:35,360 was looking at Shanghai and trying, there was even a McKinsey consulting report 451 00:46:35,360 --> 00:46:41,680 about doing infrastructure, doing land clearance, kicking out residents 452 00:46:41,680 --> 00:46:48,560 of the sort they had seen happening in Shanghai. And this fellow here, a municipal 453 00:46:49,120 --> 00:46:54,560 official sounds very much like, well, certain American politicians these days. 454 00:46:55,280 --> 00:47:00,000 "We want to put the fear of the consequences of migration into these people. We have to 455 00:47:00,000 --> 00:47:03,760 restrain them from coming to Mumbai." And again he's not talking about foreigners   456 00:47:03,760 --> 00:47:09,120 coming to Mumbai. He's talking about rural people or people from elsewhere in India. 457 00:47:09,120 --> 00:47:14,640 coming to Mumbai. And the way he's going to put the fear of the consequences 458 00:47:14,640 --> 00:47:23,440 of migration into them is by destroying the huts, the shelters, of about half a million 459 00:47:23,440 --> 00:47:30,160 people who arrived, at that time there was a January 1995 cutoff date so anyone 460 00:47:30,160 --> 00:47:34,720 who had moved to the city in the last 10 years was vulnerable to eviction. 461 00:47:35,600 --> 00:47:42,640 So overall lessons. Summarizing, those who receive compensation for being relocated, 462 00:47:43,200 --> 00:47:50,080 those who kind of have a citizenship status of sorts: former textile mill workers in both 463 00:47:50,080 --> 00:47:55,840 cities; slum residents, some of them, even though the housing is as we saw 464 00:47:55,840 --> 00:48:03,040 not so great for those who moved to Mumbai before the year 2000; inner city 465 00:48:03,040 --> 00:48:11,840 evictees, the later the better the housing; the rural collective, the very few people 466 00:48:11,840 --> 00:48:17,520 in the rural collectives, the privileged few, who become millionaires when they sell 467 00:48:17,520 --> 00:48:23,040 their collective land or they're transferred into urban administration. Those who receive 468 00:48:23,040 --> 00:48:29,120 no compensation and therefore are substandard or subclasses of citizens   469 00:48:30,000 --> 00:48:36,080 are going to be the tenants: those who rent from slum, and slums are very interesting 470 00:48:36,880 --> 00:48:41,360 complex systems and there are people who build their shelters and then they lease out   471 00:48:42,640 --> 00:48:48,560 upstairs or side dwellings to residents; tenants in urban villages we saw; 472 00:48:49,360 --> 00:48:57,280 and in many respects anyone who's moved to either city in the last 20 years are 473 00:49:00,160 --> 00:49:05,600 underprivileged and discriminated against in housing terms as I've suggested. 474 00:49:07,760 --> 00:49:12,960 Conclusion. Deindustrialization, financialization or commodification of land, 475 00:49:13,520 --> 00:49:20,000 new infrastructures, these changing political geographies influence in many ways 476 00:49:20,000 --> 00:49:27,200 the identities and the claims of the protestors. Citizenship depends on 477 00:49:27,200 --> 00:49:32,240 when you've got and what you've got in terms of policies, or when you arrived 478 00:49:32,240 --> 00:49:39,600 and how you arrived and what you did in the city before the 1990s. So for most 479 00:49:39,600 --> 00:49:45,360 families who were there in the 60s, 70s, and 80s you have some citizenship status 480 00:49:45,360 --> 00:49:53,360 some claim for this housing scheme. This has been talked about, the urbanist 481 00:49:53,360 --> 00:49:58,480 Ananya Roy talks about the politics of compensation where citizenship 482 00:49:58,480 --> 00:50:04,640 is produced through what are you going to give me for loss of jobs, loss of residence 483 00:50:04,640 --> 00:50:10,080 one had prior to the reforms. The insiders make claims to policies. Post-reform 484 00:50:10,080 --> 00:50:15,760 migrants are noncitizen, not compensated at all for loss of job or residence. 485 00:50:17,840 --> 00:50:22,880 For people who look at cities at the macro global scale, some of them, 486 00:50:22,880 --> 00:50:25,760 including many of my colleagues at The New School, you're gonna go 487 00:50:25,760 --> 00:50:32,640 this is global capitalism, this is neoliberal developmentalism, this is just 2 stories 488 00:50:32,640 --> 00:50:38,480 of the same thing going on, same theme globally. And they're right up to a point. 489 00:50:38,480 --> 00:50:43,120 Accumulation by dispossession is another common phrase David Harvey talks about, 490 00:50:44,240 --> 00:50:50,400 capitalism in the 21st century operating this way, and even has an essay where he talks 491 00:50:50,400 --> 00:50:58,160 about Mumbai and Shanghai operating this way. But I would say that it's not all   492 00:50:58,160 --> 00:51:04,880 dispossession. It's accumulation for sure but it's accumulation through forms  493 00:51:04,880 --> 00:51:11,360 of compensation. It's not classic capitalism where you're kicking people off the land 494 00:51:11,360 --> 00:51:15,520 and making them landless overnight and then they are the vast unemployed 495 00:51:15,520 --> 00:51:21,840 ranks of the proletariat. Shanghai and Mumbai as post-industrial cities, 496 00:51:22,560 --> 00:51:29,600 urban citizenship is extremely difficult to gain but we have a complex process, 497 00:51:29,600 --> 00:51:38,880 politics of compensation, rather than outright dispossession by the state of those living 498 00:51:38,880 --> 00:51:39,440 in the city. 499 00:51:40,800 --> 00:51:49,360 Thank you very much and I look forward to your questions.